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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 05 December 2008
The manuscript Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Clm 14274 (now also ‘Tresorhandschrift l’) is a large collection of mensural polyphonic music, mostly composed in the first half of the fifteenth century, although a few pieces date back to the late fourteenth. Apart from its importance as a musical source (more than half the compositions it contains are unknown from other sources), Clm 14274 is the geographically northernmost representative of the small group of manuscripts from northern Italy and southern Germany which contain the core of the surviving repertory of early-fifteenth-century polyphony, and, as such, provides potentially vital documentary material for the study of this repertory.
I am most grateful to Dr Roger Bowers, Dr Iain Fenlon and Dr Reinhard Strohm for their assistance in the preparation of this article; to the Department of Education and Science, the Deutscher Akademischer Austauschdienst, the Österreichisches Kulturinstitut, Jesus College, Cambridge, and the Cambridge Historical Society for grants which enabled me to undertake research abroad in the summers of 1979–81 in connection with this article and my forthcoming doctoral dissertation; and to the following five institutions for their help and co-operation: Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek (here abbreviated to MBSb); Vienna, Diözesanarchiv (VDa); Vienna, Österreichisches Staatsarchiv, Abteilung Haus-, Hof-, und Staatsarchiv (VHHSa); Vienna, Magistrat der Stadt Wien, Abteilung 8: Wiener Stadt- und Landesarchiv (VSLa); Vienna, Universitätsarchiv (VUa).
Excerpts from archival documents etc. are from my own transcriptions, except where otherwise stated. I have expanded abbreviations without notice and added punctuation.
1 Description and inventory in Dèzes, K., ‘Der Mensuralcodex des Benediktinerklosters Sancti Emmerami zu Regensburg’, Zeitsckrift für Musikwissenschaft, 10 (1927/1928), pp. 65–105Google Scholar.
2 The most important of these manuscripts are the seven Trent codices (Trent, Museo Provinciale d'Arte, MSS 87–92, and Biblioteca Capitolare, MS 93), two sources at Bologna (Civico Museo Bibliografico Musicale, MS Q15 (olim MS 37), and Biblioteca Universitaria, MS 2216), one at Aosta (Biblioteca del Seminario Maggiore, MS a1d19), and one at Modena (Biblioteca Estense, MS a.x.1.11).
3 See Ward, T. R., ‘A Central European Repertory in Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Clm 14274’, Early Music History, 1 (1981), pp. 325–43CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
4 Halm, C. and others, Catalogus codicum manu scriptorum Bibliothecae Regiae Monacensis, iv/2: Catalogus codicum latinorum Bibliothecae Regiae Monacensis, ii/2 (Munich, 1876), pp. 115, 153Google Scholar; cited in Dèzes, ‘Der Mensuralcodex’, p. 65.
5 Biblioteca principalis ecclesiae et monasterii ord. S. Benedicti ad S. Emmeramum epis. et martyr. Ratisbonae, 4 vols. on 2 ([Regensburg], 1748), ii, p. 111Google Scholar; cited in Ward, ‘A Central European Repertory’, pp. 342–3, n. 49.
6 MBSb, Codex bavaricus monacensis Catalogus (= CbmCat) 13 (‘Catalogus manuscriptorum bibliothecae monasterii S. Emmerami, conscriptus a P. Romanus Zirngibl, Bibliothecario, Anno Domini 1769’), fol. 59v.
7 MBSb, CbmCat 14 (‘Catalogus veterum codicum manuscriptorum ad S. Emmeramum Ratisbonae, cura, labore, ac studio Colomanni Sanftl, ibidem monachi, anno 1809’), 4 vols., i, p. 640. ‘Boniours’ is, of course, the incipit of a French chanson, not the name of a composer.
8 MBSb, Clm 14675, fols. 133–141; ed. in Ineichen-Eder, C. E., Mittelalterliche Bibliothekskataloge Deutschlands und der Schweiz, iv/1: Bistümer Passau und Regemburg (Munich, 1977), pp. 164–75, 184–5Google Scholar, see also pp. 117–18.
9 MBSb, CbmCat 3, fols. 55–59 (‘Annotatio manuscriptorum librorum bibliothecae raonasterii S. Emmerammi Ratisponae’), and CbmCat 1 (= Clm 1330), fols. 158–174; see Ineichen-Eder, , Mittelalterliche Bibliothekskataloge, iv/1, pp. 132–3Google Scholar.
10 MBSb, Clm 14675, fols. 1–132 (‘Registrum sive inventarium librorum bibliothece monastery Sancti Emmerammi episcopi et martyris’); ed. in Ineichen-Eder, , Mittelalterliche Bibliothekskataloge, iv/1, pp. 185–385Google Scholar, see also pp. 124–5.
11 Dèzes, ‘Der Mensuralcodex’, p. 66, n. 2.
12 Ed. in Guglielmi Dufay opera omnia, ed. Besseler, H., Corpus Mensurabilis Musicae 1, 6 vols. (Rome, 1951–1966), i: Motetti (1966), pp. xviii–xx, 59–63Google Scholar. The work is believed to have been composed in celebration of the peace treaty of 18 April 1433 between Pope Eugenius iv and Sigismund, King of the Romans. For ‘Sit noster hie pontifex eternus Eugenius et rex Sigismundus’ in all three parts at bars 101–9 (p. 63) of Besseler's edition, Clm 14274 has ‘Sit noster hie pontifex eternus Eugenius et dux beatus’ in the triplum, and ‘Sit beata hec sancta Eugenia et ducissa beatrix’ in the motetus. The tenor has only: ‘Sit noster’. Johann and Beatrix were married on 8 September 1428, some four and a half years before the probable date of composition of the motet, so that a terminus a quo for the Clm 14274 version cannot be established in this way.
13 Dèzes, ‘Der Mensuralcodex’, p. 66, n. 2.
14 R. Strohm, ‘Zur Datierung des Codex St Emmeram (Clm 14274): ein Zwischenbericht’, paper given at Wolfenbüttel in May 1980, to be published.
15 Schmid, H., ‘Bayerische Musikhandschriften des Mittelalters’, Musik in Bayern, ed. Münster, R. and Schmid, H., 2 vols. (Tutzing, 1972), ii, pp. 67–78 (p. 75)Google Scholar.
16 See, for example, Besseler, H., Bourdon und Fauxbourdon: Studien zum Ursprung der niederländischen Musik, rev. 2nd edn by P. Gülke (Leipzig, 1974), p. 10 (‘abseitige Quellen wie die bayerische Handschrift’)Google Scholar.
17 The alternative possibility of some more complex form of transmission has, however, always to be considered.
18 Aosta a1d19.
19 de Van, G., ‘A Recently-discovered Source of Early-fifteenth-century Polyphonic Music’, Musica Disciplina, 2 (1948), pp. 5–74 (p. 19)Google Scholar.
20 Mixter, K. E., ‘Johannes Brassart: a Biographical and Bibliographical Study’, Musica Disciplina, 18 (1964), pp. 37–62Google Scholar; 19 (1965), pp. 99–108 (18, pp. 47–60). For a fuller investigation of the problem of the origin of this source, however, see Cobin, M., ‘The Compilation of the Aosta Manuscript: a Working Hypothesis’, Papers Read at the Dufay Quincentenary Conference, Brooklyn College, December 6–7, 1974, ed. Atlas, A. W. (New York, 1976), pp. 76–101Google Scholar.
21 Adler, G. and Koller, O., eds., Sechs Trienter Codices: Geistliche und weltliche Compositionen des xv. Jahrhunderts, Erste Auswahl, Denkmäler der Tonkunst in Österreich, Jg. vii, 14–15 (Vienna, 1900), p. xiiiGoogle Scholar.
22 Hoppin, R. H., Medieval Music (New York, 1978), p. 490Google Scholar.
23 For a summary of the literature on Matteo and his connection with this manuscript, see Günther, U., ‘Das Manuskript Modena, Biblioteca Estense, a.M.5.24’, Muska Disciplina, 24 (1970), pp. 17–67 (pp. 23–5)Google Scholar.
24 See de Van, G., ‘Inventory of Manuscript Bologna, Liceo Musicale, q15 (olim 37)’, Musica Disciplina, 2 (1948), pp. 231–57Google Scholar.
25 See van den Borren, C., ‘Le manuscrit musical M. 222c.22 de la Bibliothèque de Strasbourg (xve siècle), brûlé en 1870, et reconstitué d'après une copie partielle d'Edmond de Coussemaker’, Annales de l'Académie d'Archéologie de Belgique, 71 (1923/1924), pp. 343–74Google Scholar; 72 (1924), pp. 272–303; 73 (1925/6), pp. 128–96; 74 (1927), pp. 71–150; separately pubd (Anvers, 1924). Facs. of Coussemaker's partial copy in Linden, A. Vander, Le manuscrit musical M 222 c 22 de la Bibliotheque de Strasbourg, Thesaurus Musicus 2 (Brussels, 1979)Google Scholar.
26 See Giazotto, R., La musica a Genova nella vita pubblica eprivata dal xiii al xviii secolo (Genoa, 1951), pp. 93–5Google Scholar; and Kanazawa, M., ‘Antonius Janue and Revisions of his Music’, Quadrivium, 12/1 (1971), pp. 177–94 (pp. 177, 190)Google Scholar.
27 Rex gloriose (no. 163, fol. 85r); Hardament/Cristus natus est (no. 193, fol. 93r; no. 204, fol. 98v); Kyrie (no. 196, fol. 95v); Wo ich in aller werld (no. 201, fol. 97r); Umb im pad/Ecce panis angelorum (no. 237, fol. 120r); Amours helas/Vexillum victoris (no. 265, fols. 142v–143r); Joye et confort/Post biduum victor (no. 266, fol. 143r); a n d Sanctus with trope Sanctire Christi populo/Crux columpna (no. 267, fols. 143v–145r).
28 Rex gloriose (no. 11, fol. 16r); Laus tibi Christe (no. 43, fols. 67v–69v); Sacerdotem Christi (no. 44, fols. 70r–71v); Omnes sancti seraphin (no. 45, fols. 71v–72r); O beata beatorum (no. 46, fol. 72v); and Benedicamus domino (no. 64, fol. 92r).
29 Et in terra (no. 5, fols. 80v–81r). A note at the end of this work shows that it was originally paired with a Patrem, presumably also by Roullet, which is now lost. See von Fischer, K., ‘Neue Quellen zur Musik des 13., 14. and 15. Jahrhunderts’, Acta Musicologica, 36 (1964), pp. 79–97 (pp. 94–7)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
30 The grant of a coat-of-arms to one Hanns Roll (the name is given in the dative case: ‘Hannsen Rollen’) by Emperor Friedrich in in 1454 is perhaps worthy of mention, but there is no proof of identity with the composer. VHHSa, Reichsregistraturbuch P, fol. 175r.
31 Sanctus (no. 252, fols. 130v–131r); Kyrie Magne deus (no. 255, fol. 133r); and Urbs beata Ierusalem (no. 256, fol. 133v).
32 Alle dei filius … alleluia (no. 249, fol. 128v).
33 Audi nos nate filius (no. 10, fols. 9v–10r), a setting of the last part of the sequence Ave preclara maris stella (see Dreves, G. M., Blume, C. and Bannister, H. M., eds., Analecta Hymnica Medii Aevi, 55 vols. (Leipzig, 1886–1922), 50 (1907), no. 241, pp. 313–15Google Scholar). For two suggestions about the identity of this composer see Fallows, D., ‘Blasius’, The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians, ed. Sadie, S., 20 vols. (London, 1980), ii, p. 785Google Scholar.
34 Sanctus (no. 100, fols. 53v–54r), anonymous in the main part of the manuscript, but described in the original index (now fol. 159r) as ‘Sanctus rudolffi’.
35 Sanctus (no. 135, fols. 70v–71r), described in the index as ‘Sanctus sweitzl’. The reading of the name is uncertain.
36 Et in terra (no. 2, fols. lv–3r); O Maria stella maris (no. 3, fols. 3v–4r); Jor la vie/Cristus rex pacificus (no. 86, fols. 46v–47r — inscription in tenor part), and Kyrie (no. 229, fol. 114v) respectively.
37 Vernum bonum (no. 11, fols. 10v–11r); Beata viscera (no. 200. fol. 97r ); a textless secular song (no. 215, fol. 103r); Patrem (no. 216, fols. 103v–105r); Kyrie (no. 227, fol. 114r); Que corda nostra (no. 260, fols. 135r – 136r); and Lauda syon (no. 276, fols. 155v – 158r). Que corda nostra is a setting of the even-numbered verses of the sequence Sancti spiritus (see Analecta Hymnica 50, no. 385, pp. 584–5). Lauda syon is one of the few works in Trent 93 (no. 1760, fols. 226v–230r) not also found in Trent 90.
38 Pietzsch, G., ‘Zur Pflege der Musik an den deutschen Universitäten im Osten bis zur Mine des 16. Jahrhunderts’, Archiv für Musikforschung, 1 (1936), pp. 257–92, 424–51Google Scholar; 3 (1938), pp. 302–30; 5 (1940), pp. 65–83; 6 (1941), pp. 23–56; 7 (1942), pp. 90–110, 154–69; separately pubd (Darmstadt, 1971) (1 (1936), p. 285; rep. p. 29). Moser, H. J. (Kleine deutsche Musikgeschichte (Stuttgart, 1938), p. 75Google Scholar, and ‘Hermann Edlerauer 1440/43/44, Wiens friihester Polyphonist’, Die Musikerziehung, 8 (1954/1955), pp. 35–7 (p. 35))Google Scholar cites as his source of information about Edlerawer the statutes of the cantoria at St Stephen's, printed in von Hormayr, J., Wien's Geschichte und seine Denkwürdigkeiten, 9 vols. (Vienna, 1823–1825), v (1824), Urkunde no. clxxi, pp. clxxxv–clxxxixGoogle Scholar; and in Geschichte der Stadt Wien, ed. Starzer, A., 6 vols. (Vienna, 1897–1918), iii/1Google Scholar: Mantuani, J., Geschichte der Musik in Wien von den Römerzeiten bis zum Tode des Kaisers Max i (1907). pp. 285–7. n. 2; separately pubd (Vienna, 1904)Google Scholar, repr. as Die Musik in Wien … (Hildesheim, 1979). These statutes are, however, dated 1460. and contain no reference to Edlerawer. Moser's actual sources for the years 1440 and 1443 may have been the documents cited by Pietzsch (see below, n. 39 and n. 42), but the statement that Edlerawer was still cantor in 1444 is of dubious authority.
39 VDa, Urkunde 11563. See Mayer, A. and others, eds., Quellen zur Geschichte der Stadt Wien, 10 vols. (Vienna, 1895–1937). 1/iv (1901), no. 4049. p. 130Google Scholar. Cited in Pietzsch, , ‘Zur Pflege der Musik’, 1 (1936), p. 285 (repr. p. 29)Google Scholar.
40 VSLa, Oberkammeramtsrechnungen 1441, fols. 109r–111r.
41 VSLa, Urkunde 2896. See Mayer, and others, eds., Quellen zur Geschichte der Stadt Wien, 2/ii (1900), p. 220Google Scholar.
42 VDa, Urkunde 1813; copy in VDa, Liber copiarumn, fols. 40v–41v. See Mayer, and others, eds., Quellen zur Geschichte der Stadt Wien, 1/iv, no. 3801, p. 69Google Scholar. Cited in Pietzsch, , ‘Zur Pflege der Musik’, 1 (1936), p. 285 (repr. p. 29)Google Scholar; but nowhere in this document is Edlerawer referred to as cantor at St Stephen's, as Pietzsch implies.
43 It was not possible to trace the relevant saczbuch in VDa.
44 There is little doubt that all of the documents discussed here refer to the same person. They present a single, coherent biographical picture, and the surname Edlerawer is by no means common; I have encountered no other appearance of it in the material I have consulted.
45 VUa, Matricula Universitatis Viennensis i, fols. 65v–66r. Quoted from Santifaller, L., ed., Die Matrikel der Universität IVien, I: 1377–1450, Publikationen des Instituts fur Osterreichische Geschichtsforschung, ser. vi, l/i (Graz, 1956), pp. 98–9Google Scholar. Cited in Fallows, D., ‘Edlerawer, Herman’, The New Grove Dictionary, v. pp. 869–70Google Scholar; and in Ward, ‘A Central European Repertory’, p. 339, n. 43. The fact that Edlerawer paid a large matriculation fee (the usual fee at this time was only 2 groschen) is an early indication of a high social standing to which later documents also bear witness. There is no record of Edlerawer's graduation in VUa, Acta facultatis artium I (ed. Uiblein, P.. Acta facultatis artium universitatis vindobonensis 1385–1416, Publikationen des Instituts für Österreichische Geschichtsforschung, ser. vi, 2 (Graz, 1968)) or ii (unpublished)Google Scholar, and in none of the later documents is his name associated with an academic qualification. It may be wrong to assume that he was a student; it was the custom that all those closely associated with the University, including servants, beadles, lawyers, messengers, booksellers and scribes, should matriculate (see Santifaller, , ed., Die Matrikel, pp. xviii–xix)Google Scholar.
46 VHHSa, Urkunde 1805. fol. 19r. See Mayer, and others, eds., Quellen zur Geschichte der Stadt Wien, 1/ii (1896), pp. 178–9Google Scholar.
47 VHHSa, Reichsregistraturbuch J, fol. 137r. See Altmann, W., Die Urkunden Kaiser Sigismunds (1410–1437). Böhmers Regesta Imperii 11. 2 vols. (Innsbruck, 1896–1900), i. no. 6991, p. 67Google Scholar.
48 See Aschbach, J., Geschichte Kaiser Sigismund's. 4 vols. (Hamburg, 1838–1845), iii (1841), p. 273Google Scholar.
49 VHHSa, Reichsregistraturbuch J, fol. 153. See Altmann, , Die Urkunden Kaiser Sigismunds, i, no. 8620, p. 178Google Scholar.
50 See Aschbach, , Geschichte Kaiser Sigismund's, iii, pp. 350–85Google Scholar.
51 VSLa, Urkunden 2604, 2788 and 2902 respectively. See Mayer, and others, eds., Quellen zur Geschichte der Stadt Wien. 2/ii, pp. 149. 193. 221–2Google Scholar.
52 For some details about the pilgrimage, see Langer, E., Mittelalterliche Hausgeschichte der edlen Familie Thun, 7 vols. (Vienna, 1904–1910), 2/iv (1910), pp. 34–5Google Scholar.
53 Both Foscari's letter to Albrecht and the copy of the letter from Cairo are preserved in VHHSa and transcribed in Mayer, and others, eds., Quellen zur Geschichte der Stadt Wien, 1/vii (1923), Appendixes 86–7, pp. 438–41Google Scholar.
54 VHHSa, Reichsregistraturbuch N, fol. 201r. The entry reads simply: ‘Item littera familiaritatis pro Hermanno Edlerawer’.
55 The authorship of the address was wrongly attributed to Edlerawer by Pietzsch, (‘Zur Pflege der Musik’, 1 (1936), p. 285; repr. p. 29)Google Scholar and Moser (‘Hermann Edlerauer’, p. 35); see Fallows, ‘Edlerawer, Herman’. The text is found in MBSb, Clm 5311, fols. 157v–165r; Clm 14134, fols. 83r–86r; and Clm 18802, fols. 138r–142v; and ed. in Aeneae Sylvii Piccolominei Senensis … opera quae extant omnia (Basle, 1551; rev. ed. 1571), pp. 594–9Google Scholar, and in Lhotsky, A., Die Wiener Artistenfakultät 1365–1497, Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften, Sitzungsberichte der philosophisch-historische Klasse, 247/ii (Vienna, 1965), pp. 263–73Google Scholar. The copy in Clm 5311 concludes: ‘Hanc prescriptam responsionem pronunciavit Hermanus Edlerawer, presente domino Enea ac legente in lacerna.’
56 VSLa, Oberkammeramtsrechnungen 1445, fols. 49r–50v.
57 Ibid., fol. 51r.
58 Ibid., fol. 47v.
59 VSLa. Oberkammeramtsrechnungen 1449, fols. 31r–32r.
60 Ibid., fols. 52r–54r.
61 VSLa, Urkunde 3358. See Mayer, and others, eds., Quellen zur Geschichte der Stadt Wien, 2/ii, pp. 315–16Google Scholar.
62 The copies are on a single sheet of paper and are shelved with Ulrich's letter (see above, n. 61). See Mayer, and others, eds., Quellen zur Geschichte der Stadt Wien. 2/ii, nos. 3280a, 3282a, pp. 300–1Google Scholar.
63 ‘Des wolgeborn meins gnedigen lieben herren hern Reinprecht von Walse etc. schafler ze Wienn’. The letters are listed under the year 1448 in Mayer and others, eds., Quellen zur Geschichte der Stadt Wien, but the only dates on the copies themselves are ‘freitag vor sand Kathrein tag’ (Kathrei's letter) and ‘mittichen sancte Barbare’ Hermann's).
64 VSLa, Oberkammeramtsrechnungen 1456, fols. 136r-137r, 1457, fols. 5r–6r.
65 Quoted from Zeibig, H. J., Copey-Buch der gemainen Stal Wienn, 1454–1464, Fontes Rerum Austriacarum, 2/vii (Vienna, 1853), p. 55Google Scholar. The original copybook has been lost, but a later copy survives in the Stiftsarchiv at Klosterneuburg.
66 Mantuani, , Geschichte der Musik in Wien, pp. 287–8, n. 3Google Scholar.
67 Ed. in Hornmayr, , Wien's Geschichte, v, Urkunde no. CLXX, pp. clxxvi–clxxxivGoogle Scholar, and Mantuani, , Geschichte der Musik in Wien, p. 85, n. 1Google Scholar.
68 See above, n. 38.
69 ‘Aber cantum figurativum soil er die knaben lernen in der Cantorey. die darczu geschikt sein, und das zu rechter gewöndlicher zeit. damit die knaben in anderr lernung nicht versawmbt werden.’ Quoted from Hormayr, , Wien's Geschkhte, v. Urkunde no. CLXX. p. clxxxviiGoogle Scholar, and Mantuani, . Geschichte der Musik in Wien. p. 285. n. 1Google Scholar.
70 Fallows, D.. ‘Picard’. 2: ‘Biquardus’. The New Grove Dictionary, xiv. p. 721Google Scholar. The works in question are Ave stella matutina (no. 251. fols. 129v–130r); and In excelsis te laudant/Laudate Marie filium (no. 258. fol. 134v).
71 Resurexit victor mortis (no. 5. fols. 4v–5r). Fallows points out that this work is closely based on the anonymous English song Love woll I in Oxford. Bodleian Library. MS Ashmole 1393. fol. 68v.
72 Cited in Pietzsch, G., Fürsten und fürstliche Musiker im mittelalterlichen Köln: Quellen und Studien, Beiträge zur Rheinischen Musikgeschichte 66 (Cologne, 1966), p. 61Google Scholar. The manuscript is described in von Böhm, C., Die Handschrijten des kaiserlichen und königlichen Ham-, Hof- und Staalsarchivs (Vienna, 1873). p. 141Google Scholar, as the ‘Innerösterreichisches Kanzleibuch Kaiser Friedrichs iii. 1467–1470’. It also gives details of payments to Friedrich's trumpeters and his ‘pusawnern und pheiffern’.
73 VHHSa, Reichsregistraturbuch O, fol. 2O5r. Cited in Pietzsch, , Fiirsten und furstlkhe Musiker, p. 61Google Scholar. The preceding entry is dated ‘Ascensionis 1444’, the following entry ‘indiesancti Dionisii anno 44’.
74 Quoted from Pietzsch, , Fürsten und fürstiche Musiker, p. 61Google Scholar, where the document is transcribed in full. I was unable to trace this letter at the VHHSa, which is described by Pietzsch as a copy on a loose, unnumbered sheet in the collection Maximiliana i.
75 Inventory in Černý, J., ‘Petrus Wilhelmi de Grudencz, neznámý skladatel doby Dufayovy v CeskÝchpramenech’, Hudební Věda, 12 (1975), pp. 195–238 (pp. 223–35)Google Scholar. English version (without inventory) in ‘Petrus Wilhelmi of Grudziadz: an Unknown Composer of the “Age of Dufay”’, Musica antiqua Europae orientalis, iv (Bydgoszcz, 1975), pp. 91–103Google Scholar.
76 Černý, ‘Petrus Wilhelmi de Grudencz’, p. 233.
77 Trent 90, no. 856, fols. 65v–66r; Trent 93, no. 1668, fols. 94v–95r, and no. 1824, fols. 358r–359r.
78 Quoted from Pauli, Ź., Ulanowski, B. and Chmiel, A., eds., Album studiosorum universitatis cracoviensis, 2 vols. (Cracow, 1887–1892), i, pp. 41–2Google Scholar. Cited in Cerny, ‘Petrus Wilhelmi de Grudencz’, p. 196.
79 Quoted from .Muczkowski, J, ed., Statuta nec non liber promotionum philosophorum ordinis in universitate studiorum jagellonica ab anno 1402 ad annum 1849 (Cracow, 1849), p. 17Google Scholar. Cited in J. Černý, ‘Petrus Wilhelmi de Grudencz’, p. 196.
80 Quoted from Muczkowski, , ed., Statuta nee non liber promotionum, p. 23Google Scholar. Cited in Cerny, ‘Petrus Wilhelmi de Grudencz’, p. 196.
81 VHHSa, Reichsregistraturbuch O, fol. 145v. See Chmel, J., Regesta chronologico-diplomatica Friderici III. Romanorum lmperatoris (Regis IV) (Vienna, 1859), no. 556, p. 66Google Scholar.
82 This paragraph is closely based on material in Černý, ‘Petrus Wilhelmi de Grudencz’, pp. 195–223.
83 Kyrie de apostolis (no. 155, fol. 80r); Patrem (no. 161, fols. 83v–84r; incomplete); Christi nutu sublimato (no. 231/2, fols. 116v–117v); and Crist ist erstanden(no. 268, fol. 145r).
84 Ward, ‘A Central European Repertory’.
85 Ibid., Table 1, p. 327. The signs in question are │⋮ and ⁒:, signifying major and minor prolation respectively.
86 Ibid., pp. 338–9.
87 Ibid., pp. 327–32. The principal evidence is that the texts were cited in the treatise in Breslau, Staats- und Universitätsbibliothek, MS iv Qu 16, fols. 144v–153r, which is probably of central-European origin.
88 ‘Deo gracias. Johannes Greis, 1495, rector scolarium in Benediktenpeuren.’ MBSb, Clm 5023, fol. 366v.
89 Dèzes, ‘Der Mensuralcodex’, p. 66, n. 4.
90 Brassart, Patrem (no. 161, fols. 83v–84r); Roullet, Hardament/Cristus natus est (no. 204, fol. 98v); Brassart, Christi nutu sublimato (no. 231/2, fols. 116v–117v); and anon., Salve sancta parens (no. 243, fol. 123v).
91 The index was originally pasted onto the recto of the rear flyleaf. It was removed when the manuscript was restored in January 1966 and pasted to a new sheet of card, which was inserted before the flyleaf. It bears the modern folio number 159. Karl Dèzes's belief (‘Der Mensuralcodex’, pp. 66–7, n. 4) that it is a later copy of a lost index covering the contents of fols. 13–81 only (that is, the first layer), and that it was subsequently expanded to cover gatherings 8–11 also (that is, the second layer) is incorrect; it is an original compilation (see below, p. 187).
92 Moser, , Kleine deutsche Musikgeschichte, p. 75Google Scholar, and ‘HermannEdlerauer’, p. 36.
93 This question has also been dealt with in Strohm, ‘Zur Datierung des Codex St Emmeram’.
94 Fol. 13r–21r, 22r in the second gathering, and the music on the upper staves of fols. 25r–26r and on fols. 26v–27r in the third.
95 The transition from the use of pure red coloration to the use of reddened void notes in this manuscript was gradual, not sudden, and both types were used interchangeably by the same scribe (Af) for a time. Both are found in Per monies foys/Ad honorem (no. 46, fols. 27v–28r) and in Dufay's Et in terra Resurrexit Dominus (no. 76, fols. 40v–41v). The anonymous Quant loing/O Maria (no. 36), a late addition on the lower staves of fol. 25r, uses reddened void coloration and is immediately followed on the same folio by Tesse dame/Omnium gubernatorum (no. 37), which must have been copied later, but in which pure red coloration is used. Pure red notes did, however, fall out of use, and are found only once outside gatherings 2–4, for some of the monophonic chorus passages in Dufay's Et in terra Spiritus et alme (no. 109, fols. 57V–58V).
96 Again, there is no sudden change from the use of black flagged semiminims to the use of reddened or unreddened void semiminims. The flagged type was used throughout the first layer, but no void semiminims are to be found in the second and third gatherings.
97 There are nine Kyrie settings (nos. 52, 55–6, 59, 60–2, 65–6) followed by one Et in terra (no. 69) in the second part of the third gathering, and three Et in terra settings (nos. 72, 75, 76) followed by two Patrem settings (nos. 78, 81) in the first part of the fourth.
98 Ward, ‘A Central European Repertory’, p. 335.
99 Ibid., p. 342.
100 Göllner, T., ‘Notationsfragmente aus einer Organistenwerkstatt des 15. Jahrhunderts’, Archiv für Musikwissenschaft, 24 (1967), pp. 170–7 (pp. 171–2)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
101 von Fischer, K., ed., Handschriften mit mehrstimmiger Musik des 14., 15. und 16. Jahrhunderts, Répertoire International des Sources Musicales, B/iv/3–4, 2 vols. (Munich and Duisburg, 1972), i, p. 108Google Scholar.
102 See Rosenthal, K. A., ‘Einige unbekannte Motetten alteren Stils aus Handschriften der Nationalbibliothek, Wien’, Ada Musicologica, 6 (1934), pp. 8–14 (pp. 9–12)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
103 See above, p. 163.
104 Clm 14675, fols. 48r–74v. Ineichen-Eder, Ed., Mittelalterliche Bibliothekskataloge, iv/1 pp. 277–325Google Scholar.
105 Clm 14675, fol. 48V. Ed. Ineichen-Eder, , Mittelalterliche Bibliothekskataloge, iv/1, p. 278Google Scholar.
106 The catalogue is edited (with an erroneous date in the postscript) in Ineichen-Eder, , Mittelalterliche Bibliothekskataloge, iv/1, pp. 179–84Google Scholar. The shelf-marks in this catalogue do not correspond with those in the two fragments of an earlier catalogue of Potzlinger's library, which were discovered in the binding of Clm 14464. (The fragments are now bound into the front of this manuscript, and are edited in Mittelalterliche Bibliothekskataloge, iv/1, pp. 177–9Google Scholar.) Some of the manuscripts themselves, however, bear the shelf-marks given by Menger on their front covers; Clm 14123, 14128, 14254 and 14656 have the numbers BII, FII, oim and CIIII respectively.
107 Menger himself insists in several places on the distinctiveness of Pötzlinger's handwriting. Thus, for example, Clm 14818 is said to be ‘propria manu prenominati magistri [Hermanni] scripta, ut patet omni legenti illud’ (Clm 14675, fols. 49r–49v; Ineichen-Eder, , Mittelalterliche Bibliothekskataloge, iv/1, p. 280Google Scholar, shelf-mark A15). And Clm 14175 was given to the monastery by ‘magister Hermannus … ut patet nprimosexternoinquibusdamnotabilibus ibidem signatis’ (Clm 14675, fol. 53v; :Mittelalterliche Bibliothekskataloge, iv/1, p. 287Google Scholar, shelf-mark c5).
108 See above, n. 107.
109 The others are: MBSb, Clm 13418, 14012, 14021, 14054, 14087, 14092, 14097, 14098,14103, 14108, 14109, 14111, 14119, 14123, 14127, 14128, 14129, 14133, 14134, 14138, 14139, 14141, 14149, 14150, 14153, 14154, 14155, 14158, 14169, 14175, 14178, 14180, 14182, 14196, 14207, 14212, 14213, 14218, 14224, 14229, 14232, 14234, 14235, 14236, 14242, 14251, 14254, 14255, 14265, 14266, 14268, 14269, 14280, 14298, 14301, 14302, 14304, 14305, 14306, 14309, 14318, 14319, 14320,14332, 14424, 14549, 14607,14612, 14621, 14627, 14656, 14670, 14672, 14682, 14740, 14776, 14786, 14796, 14810, 14811, 14815, 14818, 14821, 14822, 14825, 14831, 14837, 14874, 14919, 14923, 14955, and 14958. Those in italics were written, glossed, and/or rubricated by Pötzlinger, or contain additions (indexes, corrections, etc.) by him.
110 See above, n. 91.
111 No separate shelf-mark. The flyleaves and binding strips of Clm 14274 contain, between them, Chapter 8, lines 51–232 and Chapter 9, lines 21–206 of the text, which is edited in Eberhardi Bethuniensis Graecismus, ed. Wrobel, I., Corpus Grammaticorum Medii Aevi 1 (Bratislava, 1887)Google Scholar.
112 Ed. in Reichling, D., Das Doctrinale des Alexander de Villa-Dei: kritisch-exegetische Ausgabe mit Einleitung, Verzeichniss der Handschriften und Drucke, nebst Registern, Monumenta Germaniae Paedagogica 12 (Berlin, 1893)Google Scholar. Since the flyleaf, like those of Clm 14301, 14309, 14318 and 14319, is pasted to the cover, only one side is visible; it contains lines 462–489 and 588–613 of the text.
113 In dealing with the watermarks I have followed the methods of Dr-Ing. Theo Gerardy of Hannover, which are outlined in his Datieren mit Hilfe von Wasserzeichen, Schaumburger Studien 4 (Bückeburg, 1964) and other publications, and in his unpublished ‘Anleitung zur Papierbeschreibung’. The definition of a paper-type rests not only on the shape of the pair of watermarks in the paper (which is recorded by tracings and photographs), but also on the characteristics of the entire moulds on which it was produced and on the position of the watermarks on the moulds. This involves measuring the distances between the chain-lines, the density of the laid-lines, and the distances of the watermarks from the edges of the mould, and identifying the mould side of the paper, and Dr Gerardy has proposed a set of standard techniques by which such data can be compiled as accurately as reproduced here, but they have greatly assisted in confirming that he nine manuscripts listed above contain paper-types which are probably actually identical with, not merely very similar to, those of Clm 14274.
114 See also Weiss, S., Chronik der Pfarrei Gebenbach (Melten, [1958]). p. 114Google Scholar, where ‘Conrad Hermann Pötzlinger’ is recorded as a priest at Gebenbach in 1461. The original source of this information is unfortunately not given. Gebenbach (see Figure 1) is in the diocese of Regensburg, and the parish was in the gift of the Benedictine monastery of Prüfening(see von Henle, A., ed., Matrikel der Diözese Regensburg (Regensburg, 1916), pp. 282–83Google Scholar; and Weiss, , Chronik, pp. 111–12Google Scholar).
115 See also Mettenleiter, D., Musikgeschichte der Oberpfalz (Amberg, 1867), p. 137Google Scholar, where a property arrangement of 1453 between Potzlinger and the monastery is mentioned, again without a reference to the original source.
116 See above, pp. 191–2.
117 Quoted from Schratz, W., ‘Auszug aus einem Sterbe-Register der St Wolfgangsbruderschaften aus dem 15. Jahrhundert für die Jahre 1201–1488’, Verhandlungen des Historischen Vereines von Oberpfalz und Regensburg, 39 (1885), pp. 235–56 (p. 247)Google Scholar. The word ‘obit’ was added to the entry in a different hand.
118 Quoted from Erler, G., ed., Die Matrikel der Universität Leipzig, i: Die Immatrikulationen von 1409–1559, Codex Diplomatics Saxoniae Regiae ser. ii, 16 (Leipzig, 1895), pp. 202–3Google Scholar. Cited in Bischoff, B., ‘Studien zur Geschichte des Klosters St Emmeram im Spätmittelalter (1324–1525)’, Studien und Mitteilungen zur Geschichte des Benedictiner-Ordens und seiner Zweige, 65 (1953/1954), pp. 152–94; rev.Google Scholar, repr. in Bischoff, Mittelallerliche Studien: ausgewählte Aufsätze zur Schriftkunde und Literaturgeschichte, 2 vols. (Stuttgart, 1967), ii, pp. 115–55 (p. 130. n. 87). See also Ineichen-Eder, , Mittelalterliche Bibliothekskataloge, iv/1, p. 119Google Scholar.
119 Cited in Bischoff, ‘Studien zur Geschichte des Klosters St Emmeram’, n. 87, and in Ineichen-Eder, , Mittelalterliche Bibliothekskataloge, iv/1, p. 119Google Scholar.
120 VUa, Matricula Universitatis Viennensis II, fols. 34v–35r. Quoted from Santifaller, , ed., Die Malrikel der Universität Wien, i: 1377–1450, pp. 192–3Google Scholar. 4 groschen was the normal matriculation fee for students in the Faculty of Arts at this time (see Die Matrikel, p. xxii).
121 VUa, Acta facultatis artium ii, fols. 133v–135r. There is little chance that ‘Hermannus de Parrewt’ could be anyone other than Pötzlinger; the matriculation records do not list anyone else from Bayreuth with that name at that time. He was not among the sixteen students who applied for exemption from the graduation fee on this occasion.
122 Ibid., fol. 135v.
123 Bischoff, ‘Studien zur Geschichte des Klosters St Emmeram’, n. 87. The left half of the document was originally pasted, upright and face down, to the inside of the back cover of the manuscript, the right half, inverted and face up, to the inside front cover. Much of it is not easily legible, and one strip (from the top of the right half) is missing. I have not yet succeeded in interpreting its contents, but the document is of a type found in a number of formularies; see, for example, the ‘relevacio procuratoris secundum formam curie romane’ ed. in Rockinger, L., Briefsteller und Formelbücher des elften bis vierzehnten Jahrhunderts, Quellen und Erörterungen zur Bayerischen und Deutschen Geschichte 9, 2 vols. (Munich, 1863–1864), ii, pp. 611–12Google Scholar.
124 The document is dated in the seventh year of the reign of a pope whose name was unfortunately on the missing strip. One of the parties mentioned in the document, however, was ‘dominum Hartungum, abbatem monastery sancti Emmerami Ratispone’. Hartung Pfersfelder was abbot of the monastery between 1452 and 1458, so the pope in question must be Nicholas v (reg. 1447–55).
125 Clm 14675, fol. 68r: Ineichen-Eder, , Mittelalterliche Bibliothekskataloge, iv/1, p. 314Google Scholar.
126 See Ineichen-Eder, , Mittelalterliche Bibliothekskataloge, iv/1, p. 115, n. 162Google Scholar.
127 Clm 14304, fol. iv and Clm 14675, fol. 58r; Ineichen-Eder, , Mittelalterliche Bibliothekskataloge, iv/1, pp. 182, 295Google Scholar.
128 Tom Ward suggested that the University of Vienna may have been one of the circles in which the central-European repertory found in the first layer was known (‘A Central European Repertory’, p. 335).
129 Wachter, F., General-Personal-Schematismus der Erzdiözese Bamberg, 1007–1907 (Bamberg, 1908), p. 370, no. 7601Google Scholar. Cited in Kist, J., Die Matrikel der Geistlichkeit des Bistums Bamberg, 1400–1556, Veröffentlichungen der Gesellschaft für Fränkische Geschichte, ser. iv, 7 (Würzburg, 1965), p. 49, no. 649Google Scholar. A Gabriel Potzlinger is also recorded in Bamberg in 1453 ( Kist, , Die Matrikel, p. 49, no. 648Google Scholar). The parish was in the gift of the Benedictine monastery at Michelfeld, and it is interesting to note that Hartung Pfersfelder (see above, n. 124) was abbot there before he became abbot of St Emmeram; see Ineichen-Eder, , Mittelalterliche Bibliothekskataloge, iv/1, p. 118)Google Scholar.
130 See above, p. 166.
131 See above, p. 195.
