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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 05 December 2008
The Treaty of Brétigny, concluded in May 1360, inaugurated the longest period of peace between England and France that the century had yet seen. Although the English success in this agreement later turned out to be less than complete, the king and higher nobility in England could now look to the consolidation of their position in the overseas dependencies of Brittany, Gascony and Ponthieu, to the enjoyment of their new-found wealth at home, and to a superficially more amicable relationship with French magnates. External relations were thus transformed, and the period between 1360 and 1369 also saw a fundamental change in the accessibility in England of French musical culture and in the opportunities for contacts with French musicians.
1 For what follows see Harriss, G. L., King, Parliament and Public Finance in Medieval England to 1369 (Oxford, 1975), pp. 466–508Google Scholar; Le Patourel, J., ‘The Treaty of Brétigny, 1360’, Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 5th ser., 10 (1960), pp. 19–39CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Among the numerous political narratives of this period see Tuck, A., Crown and Nobility, 1272–1461: Political Conflict in Late Medieval England (London, 1985), pp. 135–9, 158–65Google Scholar; Allmand, C., The Hundred Years War: England and France at War, c. 1300-c. 1450 (Cambridge, 1988), pp. 17–22CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Tout, T. F., Chapters in the Administrative History of Medieval England: the Wardrobe, the Chamber and the Small Seals, 6 vols. (Manchester, 1920–1933), iii, pp. 231–65Google Scholar; Delachenal, R., Histoire de Charles v, 5 vols. (Paris, 1909–1931), ii, pp. 193–265Google Scholar.
2 Rotuli Parliamentorum, 7 vols. (London, 1783–1832), ii, p. 283Google Scholar.
3 See Delachenal, , Histoire de Charles v, iii, pp. 551–4Google Scholar.
4 For what follows see Wathey, A., ‘Dunstable in France’, Music & Letters, 67 (1986), pp. 3–4CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Wathey, A., Music in the Royal and Noble Households in Late Medieval England: Studies of Sources and Patronage (New York and London, 1989), pp. 53, 56–7Google Scholar.
5 See for the 1338 expedition c 81/1743/65; The Wardrobe Book of William de Norwell, 12 July 1338–27 May 1340, ed. Lyon, B. et al. , Académie Royale de Belgique: Commission Royale d'Histoire (Brussels, 1983), pp. 352–3, 391–2, 303–5Google Scholar; for the Brittany expedition see e 36/204, fol. 108. For chaplains and clerks with the 1346 expedition see e 101/391/9, fols. 4r-v and, for wages paid in arrears after the expedition, e 101/390/12 passim; extracts are printed in Wrottesley, G., Crécy and Calais, from the Original Records in the Public Record Office (London, 1898), pp. 212–14, 215Google Scholar; A protection for Queen Philippa's chaplains for this expedition is c 81/1746/115. For the expedition of 1359–60 see e 101/393/11, fols. 76v, 88–90v.
6 See Handbook of British Chronology, 3rd edn, ed. Fryde, E. B., Greenway, D. E., Porter, S. and Roy, I., Royal Historical Society Guides and Handbooks 2 (London, 1986) [hereafter HBC], p. 39Google Scholar.
7 See Barber, R., Edward Prince of Wales and Aquitaine: A Biography of the Black Prince (London, 1978), pp. 177–81, 184Google Scholar; Cokayne, G. E., The Complete Peerage of England Scotland Ireland Great Britain and the United Kingdom Extant Extinct or Dormant, 12 vols. (London, 1910–1956), iii, pp. 435–7Google Scholar. See also Tout, , Chapters, v, pp. 291–2Google Scholar. For an account of the entry made by the prince into the Abbey of St Seurin, Bordeaux, on 16 September 1355, ‘cum magno exercitu comitum et baronum Anglie’, see Brutails, J.-A., Cartulaire de l'église collégiale Saint-Seurin de Bordeaux (Bordeaux, 1897), pp. 4–5Google Scholar; see also Hewitt, H. J., The Black Prince's Expedition of 1355–1357 (Manchester, 1958), pp. 43–4, 140Google Scholar, Appendix 2 below sub Oxwick, William, and Mullot, H. and Poux, J., ‘Nouvelles recherches sur l'itinéraire du Prince Noir à travers les pays de l'Aude’, Annales du Midi, 21 (1909), pp. 298–311Google Scholar. For later ceremonial see among much else Renouard, Y., Bordeaux sous les rois d'Angleterre, Histoire de Bordeaux 3 (Bordeaux, 1965), pp. 386, 388Google Scholar.
8 For example the remarks, made in the context of the prince's attempts in 1368 to levy the fouage in Aquitaine, in Chroniques de J. Froissart, ed. Luce, S. et al. , Société de l'Histoire de France (Paris, 1869–), vii, p. 66Google Scholar. See also La vie du Prince Noir by Chandos Herald, ed. Tyson, D. B., Beihefte zur Zeitschrift für romanische Philologie 147 (Tübingen, 1976), pp. 91–2Google Scholar.
9 London, British Library, MS Cotton Julius c. iv, fols. 288–91 (Appendix 1, Document 1). See also CPL: Petitions, i, pp. 454–6; Urbain: LC, i, pp. 478–9 (4239–4250Google Scholar). Warrants for protections for clerks joining this expedition are c 81/1713/19 and c 81/1713/76. For other clerics with the prince as administrators in Aquitaine in these years see Chaplais, P., ‘The Chancery of Guyenne, 1289–1453’, Studies Presented to Sir Hilary Jenkinson, ed. Davies, J. Conway (Oxford, 1957), pp. 85–9Google Scholar; Tout, , Chapters, v, pp. 289–400passimGoogle Scholar.
10 On minstrel schools see Greene, G., ‘The Schools of Minstrelsy and the Choir School Tradition’, Studies in Music from the University of Western Ontario, 2 (1977), pp. 31–40Google Scholar; Gushee, L., ‘Minstrel’, The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians, ed. Sadie, S., 20 vols. (London, 1980) [hereafter NG], xii, p. 350Google Scholar; Wright, C., Music at the Court of Burgundy, 1364–1419: A Documentary History, Musicological Studies 28 (Henryville, Ottawa and Binningen, 1979), pp. 32–4Google Scholar. A number of references are collected in Wilkins, N., Music in the Age of Chaucer, Chaucer Studies 1 (Woodbridge, 1979), pp. 134–5Google Scholar. For other details of minstrel schools see c 81/1730/59 (cf. Table 1); Brussels, Archives Générales du Royaume, Chambre des Comptes [hereafter AGR, CC] 2702 (Receiver of the Count of Flanders, 1374), fol. 19; Izarn, H., Le compte des recettes et dépenses du roi de Navarre en France et en Normandie de 1367 à 1370 (Paris, 1885), p. 348, and below n. 52Google Scholar. See also Schofield, B., ‘The Adventures of an English Minstrel and his Varlet’, The Musical Quarterly, 35 (1949), pp. 361–76CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Gómez, M. C., ‘La musique à la maison royale de Navarre à la fin du Moyen-Age et le chantre Johan Robert’, Musica Disciplina, 41 (1987), pp. 113–15Google Scholar.
11 For the 1385 gathering see c 81/1355/35, a protection of 23 February 1385 for two minstrels of Anne of Bohemia ‘daler a lescole en diverses parties de nostre roialme’. For that of 1390 see Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale [hereafter BN], MS fonds fr. 26954 (p.o. 470), dossier ‘Bourgeois’ (10443), no. 1, a warrant of Louis Duke of Touraine of 5 October 1390 for the expenses of his minstrels ‘et pour les aider a abiller et mettre en bon estat pour aler en Engleterre a la feste’; see also MS fonds fr. 28636 (p.o. 2152), dossier ‘Orléans’ (48873), no. 66.
12 See Table 1. For Massyet le Harper, bringing news to Queen Philippa from the Black Prince in Spain, see e 403/433, m. 16 (2 December 1367); see also e 404/7/44/8. For the fees of royal minstrels in this period see e 403/401–E 403/438 passim.
13 See Table 1, and Carte, T., Catalogue des rolles gascons, normans et françois conservés dans les archives de la Tour de Londres, 2 vols. (Paris, 1743), ii, pp. 81ffGoogle Scholar.
14 See generally c 81/380–416, c 81/908–27, c 81/1334–6 and Carte, , Catalogue des rolles, ii, pp. 81–100Google Scholar. For monastic representatives see c 81/1335/52, 54, 57; c 81/1336/4, 13, 15.
15 See Palmer, J.J.N. and Wells, A. P., ‘Ecclesiastical Reform and the Politics of the Hundred Years War during the Pontificate of Urban v (1362–70)’, War, Literature and Politics in the Late Middle Ages, ed. Allmand, C. T. (Liverpool, 1976), pp. 179ffGoogle Scholar.
16 For parts of what follows see Wathey, , Music in the Royal and Noble Households, pp. 2, 65–6Google Scholar; see also the cautionary remarks in Fallows, D., ‘The Contenance angloise: English Influence on Continental Composers of the Fifteenth Century’, Renaissance Studies, 1 (1987), pp. 189–208CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
17 Rotuli Parliamentorum, ii, p. 285, ‘Et en presence de lui estoit pleinement monstre son estat …et a quele somme les revenuz de sa terre se extendent; les fees et annuitees desqueux il estoit chargez; les grantz sommes de payementz q'il avoit fait pur l'establissement de Gascoigne, de Caleis, de diverses chastelx et villes devers le north; et pur les guerres de Irlande, et aillours; et les custages et dons faites as pluseurs estranges venantz devers lui pur divers causes’. For what follows see Harriss, , King, Parliament and Public Finance, pp. 468–70, 478–9Google Scholar.
18 Harriss, , King, Parliament and Public Finance, pp. 471ffGoogle Scholar; for what follows.
19 See for example Prestwich, M., The Three Edwards: War and State in England 1272–1377 (London, 1980), pp. 276ffGoogle Scholar, see also Tout, , Chapters, iii, pp. 231ffGoogle Scholar.
20 See for what follows Jones, M., Ducal Brittany, 1364–1399: Relations with England and France during the Reign of Duke John iv (Oxford, 1970), pp. 15–16Google Scholar; Tucoo-Chala, P., Gaston Fébus et la Vicomté de Béarn (1343–1391) (Bordeaux, 1959), pp. 93–9Google Scholar; Chaplais, P., English Medieval Diplomatic Practice, Part 1: Documents and Interpretation, 2 vols. (London, 1982), ii, pp.511–14Google Scholar. See also Rymer, T., Foedera, Conventiones, Litterae etc …, 4 vols. in 7, Record Commission (London, 1816–1869), iii/2, pp. 606, 637, 656, 671, 686Google Scholar.
21 See Palmer, J. J. N., ‘England, France, the Papacy and the Flemish Succession, 1361–9’, Journal of Medieval History, 2 (1976), pp. 339–64CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Ormrod, M., ‘Edward iii and his Family’, Journal of British Studies, 26 (1987), pp. 412–14CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Trautz, F., Die Könige von England und das Reich, 1272–1377 (Heidelberg, 1961), pp. 394–7Google Scholar; Delachenal, , Histoire de Charles v, i, pp. 499–510Google Scholar; Quicke, F., Les Pays-Bas à la veille de la période bourguignonne, 1356–1384 (Brussels, 1947), pp. 76–83, 140–5Google Scholar. For other documents relating to the marriage see Chaplais, , English Medieval Diplomatic Practice, ii, pp. 514–15, 731–3Google Scholar.
22 See Palmer and Wells, ‘Ecclesiastical Reform and the Politics of the Hundred Years War’, pp. 169–89.
23 See Trautz, , Die Könige von England und das Reich, pp. 396–9Google Scholar; Palmer, ‘England, France, the Papacy and the Flemish Succession’, pp. 357–9. For the marriage treaty see Foedera, iii/2, p. 827. The duke travelled to Milan via Paris, where he received an extended welcome from Charles v, the dukes of Berry and Burgundy and from Margaret, dowager Countess of Flanders; see Lehoux, F., Jean de France, duc de Berri: sa vie, son action politique (1340–1416), 3 vols. (Paris, 1966–1968), i, pp. 205–6Google Scholar. For protections and other documents connected with the journey see Foedera, iii/2, p. 845; c 76/51, mm. 3, 5–9. The duke's chapel furnishings, including ‘cynk peire de vestimentz pur la chapelle ove tout lapparaill … livres, croices, reliqs, ioialx et autres mesnues necessaires’, were taken to Milan via Sluys by staff of the duke's wardrobe, who left London in March 1368; see c 81/915/22.
24 Ormrod, ‘Edward iii and his Family’, pp. 414–15.
25 See Delachenal, , Histoire de Charles v, ii, pp. 54–9, 339–45Google Scholar; Cazelles, R., Société politique, noblesse et couronne sous Jehan le Bon et Charles v, Société de l'École des Chartes: Mémoires et Documents 28 (Geneva, 1982), pp. 428–32Google Scholar; Ormrod, , op. cit., p. 412Google Scholar. See also Lehoux, , Jean de France, i, pp. 170–2Google Scholar.
26 See Chaplais, P., ‘Some Documents Regarding the Fulfilment and Interpretation of the Treaty of Brétigny (1361–1369)’, Camden Miscellany xix, Camden Third Series 80 (London, 1952), pp. 7–8Google Scholar; Delachenal, , op. cit., ii, pp. 344–50Google Scholar. See also Chaplais, , English Medieval Diplomatic Practice, ii, pp. 704–5Google Scholar; Cazelles, , Société politique, pp. 447–9Google Scholar.
27 See Lehoux, , Jean de France, i, p. 194, n. 4Google Scholar; a letter of John ii written on his release in July 1360 was also made to echo this sentiment: ‘notre frere le roy d'Angleterre et notre soeur la Reine nous ont grandement honorez’ (BN, MS nouv. acq. fr. 7376, fols. 434r–v). For the statement see Harriss, , King, Parliament and Public Finance, p. 530Google Scholar. The spending of John ii and the princes was also heavy during these years. See Douët-d'Arcq, L., Comptes de l'argenterie des rois de France au xive siècle, Société de l'Histoire de France (Paris, 1851), pp. 203–78Google Scholar; Chantilly, Musée Condé, Archives, ser. i, i/1, fols. 18–51 (printed with errors in Due d'Aumale, H., Notes et documents relatifs à Jean, roi de France et à sa captivité en Angleterre, Miscellanies of the Philobiblon Society 2 (London, 1855–1856), pp. 82–160Google Scholar); Moranvillé, H., ‘Extraits de journaux du trésor (1345–1419)’, Bibliothèque de l'École des Chartes, 49 (1888), p. 371Google Scholar. See also British Library, Add. Charter 3332 (a bond for goods supplied to the Duke of Anjou, 11 April 1361); Paris, Archives Nationales [hereafter AN], kk 13c (Journal du Trésor, 1358–9); BN, MS fonds fr. 26003, no. 1036.
28 See for example Lehoux, , Jean de France, i, pp. 165–6; p. 163, n. 4Google Scholar. See also Douët-d'Arcq, , Comptes, pp. 249, 270Google Scholar.
29 See Barber, R., ‘Jean Froissart and Edward the Black Prince’, Froissart: Historian, ed. Palmer, J. J. N. (Woodbridge, 1981), pp. 25–35Google Scholar. For Philippa's household see Tout, , Chapters, v, pp. 250–9Google Scholar, and Given-Wilson, C., The Royal Household and the King's Affinity: Service, Politics and Finance in England 1360–1413 (New Haven and London, 1986), pp. 92–3Google Scholar; Given-Wilson, , ‘The Merger of Edward iii's and Queen Philippa's Households, 1360–1369’, Bulletin of the Institute of Historical Research, 51 (1978), pp. 183–7CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Contemporary concern about the expenditure of Philippa's household was echoed by the eighteenth-century annotator of Manchester, John Rylands University Library, MS Latin 237 (an account of household debts), e.g. ‘mirandum est quam vasta piscium consumpta fuit’ (fol. 19), and ‘excesiva provisionem quantitas pro pulletria Reginae Phillippae’ (fol. 27).
30 For what follows see Harriss, , King, Parliament and Public Finance, pp. 476–7Google Scholar; Tuck, , Crown and Nobility, pp. 143–4Google Scholar. See also Walker, S. K., ‘John of Gaunt and his Retainers, 1361–1399’ (D.Phil. dissertation, University of Oxford, 1986), pp. 65ff, 75–8Google Scholar.
31 For example Goodman, A., ‘John of Gaunt: Paradigm of the Late Fourteenth-Century Crisis’, Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 5th ser., 37 (1987), pp. 138–9CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Hewitt, , The Black Prince's Expedition, pp. 215–16Google Scholar. For Edward's henchmen see e 361/4, m. 4d.
32 See Wathey, , Music in the Royal and Noble Households, pp. 176–7Google Scholar; Walker, ‘John of Gaunt and his Retainers’, p. 25; Tout, , Chapters, v, pp. 289–400Google Scholar.
33 A similar practice in the indentures of John of Gaunt is described by Walker, ‘John of Gaunt and his Retainers’, p. 35.
34 For household numbers at Christmas 1368, see e 101/395/10, e 101/395/2 passim, and in particular e 101/395/2 (214): ‘Nous vous envoions close desouz nostre prive seal un roule … fesant mension de les persones de nous et de nostre treschere compaigne la roine et de sys centz et noef persones esceantz de la tenaill de nostre dit houstel’. The assessments of the size of the royal household in Given-Wilson, , The Royal Household, pp. 39–41, 278Google Scholar, based solely on the account books of the Keeper and Controller of the Household Wardrobe, are misleading for this period.
35 See for example Jones, , Ducal Brittany, pp. 22–59Google Scholar.
36 c 81/916/21; see Appendix 1, Document 2. It is, however, clear that letters of this type were themselves occasionally used as safe-conducts; see, for example, Paris, AN, p 13581, no.498, a warrant to issue a safe-conduct for the return to France of two servants of the Duke of Bourbon. For protections and safe-conducts see, generally, Chaplais, , English Medieval Diplomatic Practice, i, pp. 308–27Google Scholar; Crow, M. M. and Olson, C. C., eds., Chaucer Life Records (Oxford, 1966), pp. 28–9, 64–6Google Scholar.
37 Lists of the clerks of Philippa's chapel survive for 1330–1 (Manchester, John Rylands University Library, MS Latin 234, fols. 14v–15, 23–4) and 1344–5 (E 101/390/8, fols. 3,7). See also London, Society of Antiquaries, MS 208, fol. 2v (1351–2); Rylands, MS Latin 235, fols. 7, 17–18v (1331–2); MS Latin 236, fol. 3v (1357–8). For Terrico de Hanonia, a clerk of the chapel, see sc 6/1091/4 (1340–1); see also Ellis, R., Catalogue of Seals in the Public Record Office: Personal Seals, 2 vols. (London, 1978–1981), ii, p. 22Google Scholar. For Philippa's chapel furnishings in 1330–1, including service books, see e 101/385/5, m. 2d.
38 See Given-Wilson, ‘The Merger of Edward iii's and Queen Philippa's Households’, pp. 183–7.
39 For the building projects undertaken for Philippa at Sheen see Colvin, H. M., The History of the King's Works, 6 vols. (London, 1963–1982), ii, pp. 994–1002Google Scholar; for Eltham see p. 934.
40 For example the grants of lands and annuities made to William de Ireland, variously described as a clerk in both chapels, in CPR 1364–1367, pp. 100, 396; see also BPR, iv, p. 478, for a gift from the Black Prince. For chaplains of the king and Lionel, Earl of Ulster and later Duke of Clarence, presented to benefices by Philippa, see CPR 1367–1370, p. 298; sc 1/40/30. For a gift made to a chaplain of Queen Philippa by the Countess of Ulster, see London, British Library, Add. MS 18632, fol. 101 (12 January 1358). For Aleyn and Nottingham see CPL: Petitions, i, p. 416; see also Urbain: LC, ii, p. 366 (7706–7707)Google Scholar.
41 e 101/396/2, fol. 35.
42 For this and what follows see the sources cited in Table 2 as Lists e–i, and E 101/395/2 (202), (207).
43 See c 81/916/1; for others see c 81/916/9, 23, 34.
44 See HBC, p. 563. For what follows see Rotuli Parliamentorum, ii, pp. 294–5; Harriss, , King, Parliament and Public Finance, pp. 469–70Google Scholar.
45 See Nelis, H., Documents relatifs au Grand Schisme, iii: Suppliques el lettres de Clément vii, Analecta Vaticano-Belgica 13 (Rome, 1934), p. 336, no. 1881Google Scholar.
46 See Günther, U., ‘Matheus de Sancto Johanne’, NG, xi, p. 820Google Scholar, and ‘Zur Biographie einiger Komponisten der Ars Subtilior’, Archiv für Musikwissenschaft, 21 (1964), pp. 180–5Google Scholar; Tomasello, A., Music and Ritual at Papal Avignon, 1309–1403, UMI Studies in Musicology 75 (Ann Arbor, 1983), pp. 252–3Google Scholar. See also Hoppin, R. H. and Clercx, S., ‘Notes biographiques sur quelques musiciens français du xive siècle’, Les colloques de Wégimont ii, l'Ars Nova: recueil d'études sur la musique du xive siècle, Bibliothèque de la Faculté de Philosophic et Lettres de l'Université de Liège 149 (Paris, 1959), p. 76Google Scholar. A number of the other chaplains and clerks mentioned in the supplication (Hanquet, K., Documents relatifs au Grand Schisme, I: Suppliques de Clément vii (1378–1379), Analecta Vaticano-Belgica 8 (Rome, 1924), p. 109, no. 347Google Scholar) were serving in the duke's chapel by May 1377; of these at least one, Jehan Lenfant, also moved to the papal chapel following the duke's death in 1384 (Paris, BN, MS fonds fr. 27509 (p.o. 1025), dossier ‘de Douxmesnil’ (23456), no. 3; Tomasello, p. 244). The ‘Mahiet’ who was a clerk in the chapel of the duchess of Anjou from September 1370 (Paris, BN, MS fonds fr. 11863, fol. 26) cannot be identified with Matheus de Sancto Johanne; see Hanquet, , op. cit., p. 175Google Scholar.
47 See BN, MS fonds fr. 27509 (p.o. 1025), dossier ‘de Douxmesnil’ (23456), nos. 3, 7, 8.
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49 ‘Matheus de Sancto Johanne’, p. 820; both this and Reaney, G., ‘The Manuscript Chantilly, Musée Condé 1047’, Musica Disciplina, 9 (1955), p. 72Google Scholar, follow the confused reading of de Laborde, L., Les ducs de Bourgogne: études sur les lettres, les arts et l'industrie pendant la xve siècle …, 3 vols. (Paris, 1849–1852), iii, pp. 46, 357Google Scholar, in Pagès, A., La poésie française en Catalogne du xiiie siècle à la fin du xve, Bibliothèque Méridionale 23 (Paris and Toulouse, 1936), p. 30, n. 3Google Scholar. Mathieu appears in the account of the argentier of Charles Duke of Orléans for 1455 (Paris, AN, kk 271, fol. 23v); the chapel expenses for 1389 are printed in Laborde (p. 46) from BN, MS fonds fr. 28636 (p.o. 2152), dossier ‘Orleans’, no. 45. Louis de France was Duke of Touraine in 1389.
50 See Hanquet, , Documents relatifs au Grand Schisme, i, p. 109, no. 347Google Scholar.
51 See Storey-Challenger, S. B., L'administration anglaise du Ponthieu après le traité de Brétigny, 1361–1369, Études Picardes 4 (Abbeville, 1975), pp. 101–67Google Scholar; Carte, , Catalogue des rolles, ii, pp. 88, 95–9Google Scholar.
52 See c 81/915/19 (Jehan de Pountoyse; cf. Table 1); Paris, BN, Collection Clairambault 215, no. 83, a warrant (Nîmes, 28 October 1374) to pay Jehan de Pontoize and two others for good service ‘et aussi pour aler aux escolles et eulx sen retourner devers nous’. See also Prost, B., Inventaires mobiliers et extraits des comptes des ducs de Bourgogne de la maison de Valois (1363–1477), 2 vols. (Paris, 1902–1904), i, p. 241Google Scholar.
53 Hughes, A. and Bent, M., eds., The Old Hall Manuscript, 3 vols., Corpus Mensurabilis Musicae 46 (n.p., 1969–1973), i/2, pp. 419–23; iii, pp. 43–4Google Scholar.
54 See Bent, M., ‘The Progeny of Old Hall: More Leaves from a Royal English Choirbook’, Gordon Athol Anderson (1929–1981): In memoriam, von seinen Studenten, Freunden und Kollegen, 2 vols., ed. Dittmer, L., Musicological Studies 39 (Henryville, Ottawa and Binningen, 1984), pp. 1–54, and for what follows pp. 7ffGoogle Scholar. See also Bowers, R., ‘Some Observations on the Life and Career of Lionel Power’, Proceedings of the Royal Musical Association, 102 (1975–1976), pp. 109–10CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Wathey, A., ‘The Production of Books of Liturgical Polyphony’, Book Production and Publishing in Britain, 1375–1475, ed. Pearsall, D. and Griffiths, J. (Cambridge, 1989), pp. 151–5Google Scholar.
55 NG, xi, p. 820; Bent, ‘The Progeny’, p. 6.
56 See Hughes and Bent, iii, p. 44, ‘Practicus insignis gallicus sub gallicis hemus hunc discantavit cantum, sed post reformavit latini lingua anglis sepius fit amena, reddendo deo gracias’.
57 Les harmonistes du xive siècle (Lille, 1869), pp. 12ffGoogle Scholar.
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59 ‘A Fourteenth-Century Ceremonial Motet’, pp. 67–8.
60 For example by Bent, ‘The Transmission of English Music’, pp. 70–1.
61 Fixed Points in the Chronology of English Fourteenth-Century Polyphony’, Music & Letters, 71 (1990)Google Scholar, forthcoming; this study includes the best available edition (incorporating the readings of the Yoxford source) of the texts of the motet.
62 For details of what follows see Appendix 1, Documents 3–6, and Appendix 2, passim.
63 See Hockey, S. F., ed., The Register of William Edington, Bishop of Winchester, 1346–1366, 2 vols., Hampshire Record Series 7–8 (Southampton, 1986–1987), ii, pp. 105–209Google Scholar.
64 See Trowell, ‘A Fourteenth-Century Ceremonial Motet’, pp. 69–71, and Bowers, ‘Fixed Points’.
65 See CPL: Petitions, i, p. 509. Hungerford had suffered at the hands of John Dodeford, canon of Carlisle, with whom he had attempted to exchange his position for ‘a Certain vicarage’. It seems, however, that he retained possession of the priory; conclusive evidence of a vacancy emerges only after Hungerford's death, when Dodeford renewed his attempts to secure presentation. News of the vacancy appears in a brief notice in the register of John Buckingham, Bishop of Lincoln (Lincolnshire Archives Office, Episcopal Register xii, fol. 88), and in the royal licence of 23 January 1370 granted to the priory to elect a successor (CPR 1367–1370, p. 337). See also Page, W. et al. , eds., The Victoria County History of the Counties of England: Oxfordshire (Oxford, 1907–)Google Scholar[hereafter VCH, Oxon.], ii, pp. 98–9Google Scholar.
66 Vatican City, Archivio Segreto Vaticano, Reg. Aven. 171, fol. 302 (Appendix 1, Document 7); see Urbain: LC, ix, p. 517, no. 27776.
67 In November 1367 Hungerford nominated attorneys in England for two years while he remained overseas (CPR 1367–1370, p. 30); his dealings abroad incurred considerable expenses, for which he attempted to use the assets of the Priory of St Frideswide as security until prevented in May 1368 (CPR 1367–1370, p. 120, printed in full in The Cartulary of the Monastery of St Frideswide at Oxford, 2 vols., Oxford Historical Society 28, 31 (Oxford, 1895–1896), ii, pp. 373–4Google Scholar). For Langham see Emden, A. B., A Biographical Register of the University of Oxford to A.D. 1500, 3 vols. (Oxford, 1957–1959), ii, pp. 1095–7Google Scholar; Harvey, B., Westminster Abbey and its Estates in the Middle Ages (Oxford, 1977), pp. 42, 95ffGoogle Scholar.
68 See Urbain: LC, viii, p. 21 (no. 23121).
69 Thomas de Aston, Richard Bannebury, Robert Coueley, Thomas Forester, John Gilleti, Richard Melford, John Morite, Thomas de Southam, Robert de Suardeby and John Walkelyn are described as Langham's chaplains (Urbain: LC, viii, pp. 75, 89, 104, 465; ix, pp. 74, 468; CPL, iv, p. 194; Tihon, C., ed., Lettres de Grégoire xi (1371–1378), 4 vols., Analecta Vaticano-Belgica 11, 20, 25, 28 (Rome, 1958–1975), i, p. 89; ii, p. 640Google Scholar). John Aspullis, Richard de Croxton, Thomas Blakelake and William de Humberston appear as Langham's clerks (Urbain: LC, ix, pp. 32, 71, 89, 92).
70 See Lettres de Grégoire XI, i pp. 84, 89 (nos. 144, 157). For Capel, styled here ‘familiario suo ac magistro capelle sue’, see also Tomasello, , Music and Ritual, p. 237Google Scholar.
71 See for example the remarks in The Motets of the Manuscripts Chantilly, Musée Condé, 564 (olim 1047) and Modena, Biblioteca Estense, α M. 5, 24 (olim lat. 568), Günther, d., p. liiGoogle Scholar; see also Motets of French Provenance, ed. Harrison, , p. xvGoogle Scholar.
72 For what follows see Tucoo-Chala, , Gaston Fébus, pp. 302–16Google Scholar. See also Valois, N., ‘Louis d'Anjou et le Grand Schisme d'Occident’, Revue des Questions Historiques, 51 (1892), pp. 115–58Google Scholar; Contamine, P., Guerre, état et société à la fin du moyen âge: Études sur les armées des rois de France, 1337–1494, École Pratique des Hautes Études: Sorbonne vie Section, Civilisations et Sociétés 24 (Paris, 1972), pp. 151–78CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Delachenal, , Histoire de Charles v, iv, pp. 245–66Google Scholar.
73 See Tucoo-Chala, , Gaston Fébus, pp. 323–8Google Scholar; Lehoux, , Jean de France, ii, pp. 16–109Google Scholar.
74 For the court of Fébus see Tucoo-Chala, pp. 277–81. For Chantilly, see Reaney, G., Manuscripts of Polyphonic Music (c. 1320–1400), Répertoire International des Sources Musicales B iv2 (Munich and Duisburg, 1969), pp. 128–60Google Scholar; ‘Sources, MS’, NG, xvii, p. 663.
75 See Apel, W., ed., French Secular Compositions of the Fourteenth Century, 3 vols., Corpus Mensurabilis Musicae 53 (n.p., 1970–1972), i, pp. 194–6, no. 100; ii, pp. 74–5, no. 162Google Scholar. See also Günther, U., ‘Eine Ballade auf Mathieu de Foix’, Musica Disciplina, 19 (1965), pp. 69–81, especially pp. 71ffGoogle Scholar; Brown, H. M., ‘A Ballade for Mathieu de Foix: Style and Structure in a Composition by Trebor’, Musica Disciplina, 41 (1987), pp. 75–107Google Scholar. I am grateful to Christopher Page for the suggestion that the text of the ballade Le mont Aön, recently attributed to Solage (by Lefferts, P. M., ‘Subtilitas in the Tonal Language of Fumeux fume’, Early Music, 16 (1988), p. 179)Google Scholar, refers to the Château Moncade. See also the remarks linking Ivrea, Biblioteca Capitolare, MS 115, to Fébus's court in Günther, U., ‘Problems of Dating in Ars Nova and Ars Subtilior’, L'Ars nova italiana del trecento iv, ed. Ziino, A. (Certaldo, 1978), pp. 291–3Google Scholar.
76 See MS fonds fr. 27509 (p.o. 1025), dossier ‘de Douxmesnil’ (23456), no. 4.
77 See for example Delachenal, , Histoire de Charles v, iv, pp. 246ffGoogle Scholar. See also Paris, BN, MS fonds fr. 26931 (p.o. 447), dossier ‘Boulet’ (10115), no. 3, a bill for the payment of chapel wages for January 1371 (Toulouse, 23 February 1371). Sizable groups of chaplains also accompanied the duke's expeditions to La Réole in 1374, to Avignon in 1375 and 1380, and to Rodez in 1377 (MS fonds fr. 28858 (p.o. 2374), dossier ‘de Prechac’ (53267), no. 2; MS fonds fr. 27509 (p.o. 1025), dossier ‘de Douxmesnil’, nos. 2, 3, 7, 8). Two payments to François de Furnes, styled ‘maistre des orgues de nostre chapelle’, were made in August 1370 and February 1371 at Cahors and Montauban (MS fonds fr. 27743 (p.o. 1259), dossier ‘de Furnes’ (28197), no. 5). For the duchess's household, see Paris, AN, kk 242, fols. 72r-v, 93v-96, 103v-104v. For the chaplains and clerks of the household chapel of Louis Duke of Anjou, see also Wright, , Music at the Court of Burgundy, p. 55Google Scholar; BN, MS fonds fr. 26852 (p.o. 368), dossier ‘Blez’ (8037), no. 3; MS fonds fr. 29325 (p.o. 2841), dossier ‘Thury’ (63032), no. 2; MS fonds fr. 11863, fols. 25–9; MS fonds fr. 26014, no. 2075.
78 See Tucoo-Chala, , Gaston Fébus, pp. 305–6, 311, 336, 353Google Scholar. See also Armitage-Smith, S., ed., John of Gaunt's Register, 2 vols., Camden Third Series 20–1 (London, 1911), ii, pp. 264–5, 307Google Scholar; for gifts to made by Gaunt to Fébus see ii, p. 278.
79 See Wright, , Music at the Court of Burgundy, pp. 12–17Google Scholar; Foedera, iii/1, p. 436; Douët-d'Arcq, , Comptes, pp. 222, 259–60, 265Google Scholar. See also Cazelles, , Société politique, pp. 366–9, 447–9Google Scholar.
80 See e 403/401, m. 16 (sub 3 July 1360), ‘Clerici et ministralli Regis Francie. Tribus ministrallis Regis Francie, in denariis eis liberatis per manus Johannis Says, militis, de dono regis per breve de privato sigillo inter mandata de hoc termino, xx li. Potage et sociis suis clericis de capella Regis Francie et cuidam Regi haraldorum de Francia, in denariis eis liberatis de dono regis per breve de privato sigillo inter mandata de hoc termino, x li’. For the later gift see e 403/403, m. 38 (sub 8 March 1361), ‘Ministralli Regis Francie. In denariis solutis apud Cales’ diversis armigeris valletis et ministrallis Johannis Regis Francie de dono Regis, videlicet … diversis ministrallis Regis Francie, xl li…. Potage clerico capelle, lxvi s. viii d…. iiiior ministrallis Ducis de Berry et Dauvergen' in precio xl regalis,… vi li. xiii s. iiii d…. tribus ministrallis in precio x regalis,… xxxiij s. iiii d’; see also the warrant, e 404/7/ 43/18 (Calais, 29 October 1360) ‘… A Potage clerc de la chapelle meisme nostre frere, vint escuz’. Potage returned to England in the spring of 1360 (Douët-d'Arcq, , Comptes, pp. 240, 245, 248Google Scholar). An Henri Potage was the senior clerk of the chapel of Louis de Mâle, Count of Flanders, by 1374, and a clerk of the Duke of Burgundy, 1384–91 (Brussels, AGR, CC 2702, fol. 18; Wright, , op. cit., pp. 21, 56–7, 66, 72, 212–18Google Scholar). For further gifts made at Calais see Chaplais, , English Medieval Diplomatic Practice, ii, p. 825Google Scholar.
81 Douët-d'Arcq, , Comptes, p. 273 (sub 4 07 1360)Google Scholar.
82 See Foedera, iii/1, p. 358.
83 For the treaty see Foedera, iii/2, pp. 750–1.
84 See for the gifts e 403/422, m. 22 (sub 21 June 1365); e 403/421, m. 6 (sub 31 October 1364) ‘In denariis solutis apud Dovorr' officiaribus Comitis Flandrie de dono Regis videlicet sex clericis de capella ipsius Comitis, xx li…. ministrallis domini Lodevici, v marcarum; iiijor regibus haraldorum, xx marcarum’. The count's clerici and cantores, together with an unnamed papal chaplain, also received substantial gifts of plate from the Duke of Brabant at Brussels early in 1364 (AGR, CC 2350, p. 136).
85 See AGR, CC 2351, fol. 71, ‘Item domino Egidio de Teruwane cantori comitis Flandrie venienti Brux’ pro curialitate xxm In' Junii, vi mot.'; see also Pinchart, A., ‘La cour de Jeanne et Wenceslas et les arts en Brabant pendant la seconde moitié du xive siècle’, Revue Trimestrielle, 6 (1855), p. 27Google Scholar.
86 Motets of French Provenance, ed. Harrison, , pp. 50–61, 181–4 (nos. 9, 9a, 33)Google Scholar. See also Gómez, ‘Une version’, pp. 14–29; a further, English, source of Apollinis, not noted by Gómez, is Public Record Office, e 163/22/1/24, fol. 2.
1 For the date of this expedition, usually given as February 1363, see Barber, R., ‘Jean Froissart and Edward the Black Prince’, Froissart: Historian, ed. Palmer, J. J. N. (Wood-bridge, 1981), pp. 29–30Google Scholar.
2 For whom see Emden, A. B., A Biographical Register of the University of Cambridge to 1500 (Cambridge, 1963), pp. 650–1Google Scholar.
3 Keeper of the Wardrobe, 3 November 1359–26 May 1360 (HBC, p. 80).
4 Easter Term 1362.
5 Keeper of the Wardrobe, 16 December 1358–3 November 1359 (HBC, p. 80).
6 Easter Term 1360.
7 Christmas 1364; see also e 361/4, m. 13.
8 See Urbain: LC, ix, p. 517.
