¹ ‘Dia de Sancto Mathia por su nascimento offrece Su Magestad tantos ducados quantos annos cumple, y más el anno en que entra; esto mismo haze El Rey Nuestro Señor a viente y vno del Mayo’; La Orden que se tiene en los Officios en la Capilla de Su Magestad (PLa 51-VI-37), fol. 68^v. A full transcription of the document is included as Appendix 3.

² Studies on Charles V's court chapel include chapters in Straeten, E. Vander, La Musique aux Pays-Bas avant le XIX^esiècle, 8 vols. (Brussels, 1867–1888Google Scholar; repr. New York, 1969, ed. E. Lowinsky); Anglés, H., La música en la Corte de Carlos V, i (Barcelona, 1944, repr. 1984)Google Scholar; Schmidt-Görg, J., Nicolas Gombert, Kapellmeister Karls V: Leben und Werk (Bonn, 1938)Google Scholar; and Bouckaert, B., ‘The Capilla Flamenca: The Composition and Duties of the Music Ensemble at the Court of Charles V, 1515–1558’, in The Empire Resounds: Music in the Days of Charles V, ed. Maes, F. (Leuven, 1999), pp. 37–45Google Scholar.

³ For a synopsis of the historical circumstances leading to Philip II's inheritance, and the impact these influences had on the court, see Estaire, L. Robledo, ‘La música en la corte Madrileña de los Austrias. Antecedentes: las Casas Reales hasta 1556’, Revista de musicología, 10 (1987), pp. 753–96CrossRefGoogle Scholar. A graph demonstrating ‘la evolución de las Casas Reales’ from the time of Ferdinand and Isabella to that of Philip II is included on pp. 794–5 (Table V). See also Robledo, L., ‘La música en la corte de Felipe II’, in Felipe II y su Epoca, Actas del Simposium, San Lorenzo del Escorial, 1/5–IX–1998 (El Escorial, 1999), pp. 141–67Google Scholar. Concerning the Castilian royal chapel during the time of Ferdinand and Isabella, see Knighton, T., ‘Ritual and Regulations: The Organization of the Castilian Royal Chapel during the Reign of the Catholic Monarchs’, in Casares, E. and Villanueva, C. (eds), De Musica Hispana et aliis: miscelánea en honor al Prof. Dr José López-Calo (Santiago de Compostela, 1990), pp. 291–320Google Scholar. Several documents of the royal chapel were transcribed by the historian and archivist Francisco Asenjo Barbieri. These papers, now preserved in the Biblioteca Nacional in Madrid (E-Mn), have recently been edited (though not without error) as a two-volume collection by Casares, Emilio: Francisco Asenjo Barbieri: Documentos sobre música española y epistolario (Madrid, 1986–1988)Google Scholar. The documents of the royal court are included in vol. 2. In the present study, this collection will henceforth be referred to as ‘Barbieri papers 2’, followed by the number of the document (‘doc.’) cited. See also below, ‘Statutes of the royal chapel’. I would like to thank Michael Noone for making available to me the latter and numerous other books and articles for the preparation of this study.

⁴ Among the amendments are clauses indicating Philip's status as monarch, as well as a reference to observances on each anniversary of the death of his father, the Emperor Charles V, which occurred on 21 September 1558.

⁵ La Orden, fol. 77.

⁶ This reference to the French Order of St Michael, which was founded by King Louis XI in 1469, is unusual within Burgundian-Habsburg court documents. Although the Order was only established at that time, a chapel dedicated to St Michael had been founded in the Sainte-Chapelle in Dijon in 1452, the court of the Burgundian dukes and of the Order of the Golden Fleece from 1432. There was a close association between these two Orders and the statutes of that of St Michael were in fact modelled on those of the Golden Fleece. See Haggh, B., ‘The Archives of the Order of the Golden Fleece’, Journal of the Royal Musical Association, 120 (1995), pp. 1–43, at pp. 36–7CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁷ I am most grateful to Luis Robledo for providing me with this important information about Aguirre's activities in Charles V's chapel. These dates correpond with a series of pay documents in Aguirre's name preserved in the Archivio de Simancas (Casas y Situos Reales, leg. 92). One made out to his heirs in 1561 indicates that Aguirre had died on 24 August the previous year.

⁸ ‘Esta rellacion me dió Aguirre, Capellan de Su Magestad y Receptor de su Capilla’, La Orden, fol. 77.

⁹ Esto se acostumbra al prezente, y se guarda en la Capilla de Su Magestad, pero ha se variado en alguna manera con los tiempos, y lugares por dó Su Magestad anda, vemos que en España con la Capilla Real hay algunas ceremonias diversas’; La Orden, fols. 76^v–77.

¹⁰ See Knighton, ‘Ritual and Regulations’, p. 300.

¹¹ Constituciones de la Real Capilla de Don Henrique IV, ed. Barbieri papers 2, doc. 124.

¹² This evidently refers to the custom of offering the Missal and the plaquette (the pax) to be kissed after the reading of the Gospel and after the Agnus Dei respectively. (See La Orden, fol. 63^v.)

¹³ In the section immediately following, which concerns the responsibilities of the chaplains, it is written: ‘Unless there is a legitimate reason, no chaplains can excuse themselves from serving [at the Offices] of their week of duty and which were recommended to them by the receptoŕ’; La Orden, fol. 74^v. This particular responsibility of the receptor was also stipulated in the Constituciones of Henry IV (c. 1436) and that of the Catholic Monarchs. See Barbieri papers 2, docs. 124 (item 9) and 126 (item 8). For further information on these specific duties, see below, p. 131.

¹⁴ La Orden, fols. 73^v–74.

¹⁵ A similar amount was also stipulated in the earlier Constitutiones de la Capilla Real (item 20). See Barbieri papers 2, doc. 126. A number of these stipulations, including the payment of an entrance fee, are also familiar in such institutions as the sixteenth-century papal chapel. See Sherr, R., ‘A Curious Incident in the Institutional History of the Papal Choir’, in Sherr, R. (ed.), Papal Music and Musicians in Late Medieval and Renaissance Rome (Oxford, 1998), p. 192Google Scholar, where he refers to this occurrence in the 1545 Constitution of Pope Paul III. See also Ibid., p. 188, n. 5, for sources for modern transcriptions of this papal document.

¹⁶ ‘Entradas de Capellanes. Todos los Capellanes de Su Magestad primero que tomen sobrepellis ó le admitan en la Capilla, quando entran de nuevo han de hazer la solemnidad del Juramento ante el Capellan Mayor, y el Receptor, y pagan al Receptor tres mil reis de entrada para toda la Capilla… Todos los Cantores y officiales de la Capilla, se quisieren ganar destribuciones han de pagar la entrada como vn Capellan excepto el Capellan Mayor, y los mozos y los niños'; La Orden, fols. 76 and 76^v.

¹⁷ For an outline of events during this period, see Kamen, H., Philip of Spain (New Haven and London, 1998), pp. 79–81 and 179–82Google Scholar. For an account of the history of El Escorial, see Noone, M. J., Music and Musicians in the Escorial Liturgy under the Habsburgs, 1563–1700 (Rochester, NY, 1998)Google Scholar.

¹⁸ The names of the receptors during this period have not been traced, though one is mentioned in a document dating from 1562 (see Barbieri papers 2, doc. 156).

¹⁹ La Orden, fol. 77. The office of the ‘contralor’ (‘controller’ or ‘inspector’) was as general mediator in the section of the royal court administered by the ‘House of Burgundy’. See Robledo, ‘La música en la corte de Felipe II’, p. 142.

²⁰ ‘Ver Capitulo zerca de los sermones que ha de haver en la Capilla de Su Magestad, si se guarda lo que en la de su padre’; La Orden, fol. 77. The clause listing the sermons was copied directly from Charles V's Estatutos de la Capilla del Emperador Carlos quinto al vzo de la Caza de Borgoña (clause [10]), a copy of which immediately succeeds La Orden que se tiene in P-La 51–VI–37, fols. 79^v–83^v. The text is edited below in Appendix 4. I am most grateful to Kirstin Kennedy for deciphering this phrase, which has thrown very important light on the circumstances of the transmission of La Orden in c. 1560.

²¹ La Orden, fol. 78^r–v.

²² Ibid., fol. 79.

²³ See Kamen, , Philip of Spain, pp. 89 and 134 ffGoogle Scholar.

²⁴ The copies of royal chapel documents made by Barbieri, for instance, and which now form the basis of the so-called Barbieri papers (see above, n. 3), are in most cases all that we have of this important series. When taking these documents into consideration, one cannot always be certain as to which passages constituted part of an original document, which passages or phrases may have been lifted from others, and which may have been edited and transformed or even miscopied. This of course poses problems for their dating and chronology.

²⁵ P-La 51–VI–37. The volume as a whole includes copies of a number of official court documents, including notices, letters, regulations, and also copies of Wills of members of the Spanish royal family. It was probably copied in Portugal (a number of orthographical details indicate that the copyist was Portuguese), and is one of several such volumes now preserved in the Biblioteca da Ajuda.

²⁶ Ordem e firma que o Emperador Carlos 5^o teve em o servico da sua Camara, P-La 51–VI–37, fols. 85–93.

²⁷ See Robledo, ‘La música en la corte Madrileña’, pp. 771 ff., where he discusses the implications for Philip's court of the Etiquetas de Palacio de 1545 of Charles V and the new set of instructions drawn up in August 1548 regarding the change of etiquette. From that time, Philip's royal household increased greatly in size and was divided into five parts, of which one was the chapel, each headed by its own administration. For details of the chapel ordinances of 1545, see Appendix 2. See also Kamen, , Philip of Spain, pp. 34–5 and 194–5Google Scholar.

²⁸ See Noone, M. J., ‘Philip II and Music: A Fourth Centenary Reassessment’, Revista de musicología, 21 (1988), pp. 431–51, at p. 446CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For further indications of the influence of Charles V on his son, see idem, Music and Musicians in the Escorial Liturgy, pp. 26–31.

²⁹ The document is included in Barbieri papers 2, doc. 136.

³⁰ For more details, and an interpretation of this passage, see below, pp. 140–41, where it is also posited that this clause predated Charles V's arrival in Spain and originated in practices in the chapel of the Catholic Monarchs.

³¹ Observations about the connections between the various court chapel statutes have also been made by Robledo in ‘La música en la corte de Felipe II’, p. 148. For transcriptions of these documents, see Fallows, D., ‘Specific Information on the Ensembles for Composed Polyphony, 1400–1474’, in Boorman, S. (ed.), Studies in the Performance of Late Mediaeval Music (Cambridge, 1983), pp. 109–59, at pp. 146–59Google Scholar, van Doorslaer, G., ‘La Chapelle musicale de Philippe le Beau’, Revue belge d'archéologie et d'histoire d'art, 4 (1934), pp. 21–57, at pp. 45–6Google Scholar, Straeten, Vander, La Musique aux Pays-Bus, vii, pp. 278–81Google Scholar, and Schmidt-Görg, Nicolas Gombert, pp. 340–2.

³² Whether or not this took effect immediately in Charles V's reign is at present difficult to gauge. In the Castilian court chapel of Ferdinand and Isabella both the Roman and the Toledan Rites had been followed. See Knighton, T. W., ‘Music and Musicians at the Court of Fernando of Aragon, 1474–1516’ (Ph.D. diss., University of Cambridge, 1983), p. 129Google Scholar. It is therefore of some interest that a document issued by Philip II in 1584, the Advertencias de como se ha de ganar y repartir las distributions, specifies that chant of Toledan Usage should be used in the royal chapel: ‘El canto llano de la capilla sea conforme al toledano … que asi lo disponen las bulas de la Real Capilla’ (Barbieri papers 2, doc. 161). See, ‘La música en la corte de Felipe II’, pp. 151–2.

³³ St Remigius was Bishop of Reims in the early sixth century. There was a special chapel dedicated to this local saint in Notre-Dame; see Wright, C., Music and Ceremony at Notre Dame of Pans, 500–1550 (Cambridge, 1989), pp. 133–4Google Scholar.

³⁴ During the course of the sixteenth century, the saint's name began to be dropped in Spanish documents in favour of just the date. By the late sixteenth century, some royal chapel documents merely refer to these two seasons as ‘winter’ (‘invierno’) and ‘summer’ (‘verano’). This was only loosely related, therefore, with the Temporale. In the Advertencias dating from 1584, however, while specifying 1 10 for a change of mass time, it is stated that the next season was to begin on the first day of Lent (‘el primero día de cuaresma’). See Barbieri papers 2, doc. 161, item 3.

³⁵ For sources and transcriptions of these and other royal chapel documents see Appendix 2.

³⁶ In the later, and slightly abbreviated, copy of the Estatutos, the word is translated as Bureo. See Barbieri papers 2, doc. 135 [b].

³⁷ The document is included in Barbieri papers 2, doc. 157.

³⁸ This text was first edited by Straeten, Vander in La Musique aux Pays-Bas, vii, pp. 183–6Google Scholar, and has subsequently been discussed in Schmidt-Görg, Nicolas Gombert; Rudolf, H., ‘The Life and Works of Cornelius Canis’ (Ph.D. diss., University of Illinois, 1977)Google Scholar; L. Robledo, ‘La música en la corte de Felipe II’, pp. 146–8; and Bouckaert, , ‘The Capilla Flamenca’, pp. 39–40Google Scholar. The full title of the document preserved in the Palacio Real in Madrid (EMpa, Administrativa, leg. 1133) reads: Leges et constitutiones capellae Catholicae Maiestatis, à maioribus institutae, à Car. Quinto studiosè custoditae, hodierno die, mandato Regis Catholicae, singulis sanctissimè servandae.

³⁹ Bouckaert, , ‘The Capilla Flamenca’, p. 39Google Scholar, and, ‘La música en la corte de Felipe II’, p. 146.

⁴⁰ See below, ‘Royal anniversaries and commemorations’.

⁴¹ ‘XXVII. In supplicationibus, pueri medium, tenores sinistrum, contratenores dextrum, gravi toni novissimum locum occupando’, and ‘XLII. Unusquisque suum locum occupet, nimirum contratenores lateris dextri, tenores sinistri, bassi vero (ut vocuntur) postremi’; Leges et constitutiones, clauses 37 and 42.

⁴² See Fallows, ‘Specific Information’, pp. 110–14, 117, 125 and 143–4, and Brown, H. M., ‘Music and Ritual at Charles the Bold's Court: The Function of Liturgical Music by Busnoys and his Contemporaries’, in Higgins, P. (ed.), Antoine Busnoys: Method, Meaning and Context in Late Medieval Music (Oxford, 1999), pp. 53–70, at pp. 54–2Google Scholar. I would like to thank Bonnie Blackburn for drawing the latter reference to my attention.

⁴³ Robledo's work on the history and formation of the Castilian royal court and chapel (particularly that of Philip II) is of extreme importance, enabling me to evaluate the significance of La Orden among other royal constitutional documents. References to his studies are cited throughout this article.

⁴⁴ This corrects the previously held notion that the two chapels existed independently, despite the fact that only one maestro de capilla is recorded in the documents. For further details and a clarification of the organisation of the royal institution, see Robledo, ‘La música en la corte Madrileña’, p. 790, and idem, ‘Sobre la capilla real de Felipe II’, Nassarre, 4 (1988), pp. 245–8. See also Robledo, ‘La música en la corte de Felipe II’, pp. 143–4.

⁴⁵ This situation persisted until 1637 when a Spaniard, Carlos Patiño, was appointed maestro de capilla.

⁴⁶ See Robledo, ‘La música en la corte de Felipe II’, p. 143.

⁴⁷ The absence of the capellan mayor was evidently quite common, particularly during the early years of Philip II's reign. For instance, neither of the two capellanes officially forming part of Philip's Spanish chapel in c. 1556–9 – Pedro de Castro, bishop of Cuenca, and Gaspar de Zúñiga y Avellaneda, archbishop of Santiago, who was appointed on 1 May 1558 – formed part of his train on the voyage to Flanders and England. Avellaneda was, however, present at court from 1561. See Anglés, H., La música en la Corte de Carlos V, i, p. 137Google Scholar, and Barbieri papers 2, doc. 156[a]. See also Appendix 5.

⁴⁸ The list of chapel officers and their duties forms the last section of the document originally compiled by Aguirre (La Orden, fols. 71^v–76^v). For a summary of the duties and responsibilities of the various officers of the royal chapel as described in La Orden and the 1545 Estriquete y Relascion, see Appendix 1.

⁴⁹ The information presented in this table has been collated from the documents transcribed in Anglés, La música en la Corte; Straeten, Vander, La Musique aux Pay-Bas, viii (Brussels, 1888)Google Scholar; Blanquet, M. A. Virgili, ‘La capilla musical de Felipe II en 1562’, Nassarre, 4 (1988), pp. 271-80Google Scholar; and Robledo, ‘La música en la corte Madrileña’. Unfortunately, there are a few discrepancies in the available documents, and the extent of, for example, a chapel member's period of leave is not always clear. However, the juxtaposition of the available information about membership in the Flemish and Spanish chapels during this period (the end of Charles V's sovereignty and the first six of Philip II's) does give some indication of the membership, and the extent of fluctuation during the final years of Nicolas Payen's tenur as chapel master, and the first three of Manchicourt's. According to Vander Straeten, Manchicourt was responsible for a certain degree of reform (see below, n. 52).

⁵⁰ The choir at his Jeronymite monastery at Yuste was also formed by singers coming from various Jeronymite convents in Spain. For a list of members, see Straeten, Vander, La Musique aux Pays-Bas, vii, pp. 361–3Google Scholar.

⁵¹ The chaplain George Nepotis is recorded as having left Flanders in 1556, with the Emperor, returning in 1559 to serve Philip; Vander Straeten, ibid., vii, p. 365, and viii, p. 45.

⁵² Michel Boch played a large role in recruiting new officers and choristers in 1561/2, involving considerable time and expense. We also learn of fifteen ‘chantres’ from the Flemish chapel retiring at this time and being replaced by fourteen new ones. See Straeten, Vander, La Musique aux Pays-Bas, viii, pp. 39–43, and Appendix 5Google Scholar.

⁵³ Some musicians went to serve in the chapel of Don Carlos, Philip's son. See Anglés, , La música en la Corte, p. 139Google Scholar. A number of Philip's court musicians, including his maestro de capilla Pedro de Pastrana, remained in Spain during this period and went to serve his sister María, who was married to Maximilian of Austria. Anglés, Ibid., p. 106.

⁵⁴ A few choirboys (whose voices had presumably broken at that stage), such as Bernaldo Monje, Agustín de Cabezón and Francisco de Torres, were given leave of absence for longer periods in order to study (with scholarships from the King) at the University of Alcal´ de Henares. See Anglés, , La música en la Corte, pp. 137–8Google Scholar. The choirboys were normally sent off for a three-year training with the aim of returning as singers when they had regained their voices. See Estriquete y Relascion, ed. Schmidt-Görg, , in Nicolas Gombert, p. 339Google Scholar.

⁵⁵ For the names of the group of instrumentalists see Anglés, , La música en la Corte, pp. 139–40Google Scholar.

⁵⁶ Following Queen Isabella's death in 1539, Cabezón spent much of his time in the household of Prince Philip, as well as that of his sisters, but after 1548 he was officially employed in Philip's chapel. After returning to the Netherlands from leave, he accompanied Philip to England on the occasion of the prince's marriage to Mary Tudor in July 1557.

⁵⁷ ‘Los niños suelen ser ordinariamente doze’; La Orden, fol. 76^v.

⁵⁸ Philip and his court left Spain in November 1548, travelling first to Italy, then through Germany, arriving in the Low Countries in late March 1549. He met his father for the first time in six years, in Brussels, on 1 April. See Kamen, , Philip of Spain, pp. 35–40Google Scholar. It was at about this time that Charles V's Spanish chaplain Miguel Pérez de Aguirre originally compiled his account of customs and rituals in the Emperor's chapel, and therefore a period when Philip and his court may well have been initiated into ceremonies and procedures peculiar to the Imperial chapel.

⁵⁹ These times are specified both in Charles V's Estatutos (clause 3) and in La Orden (fol. 63). The two seasons of the Temporale began at Easter and 1 October (the feast of St Remigius) respectively (see above). According to La Orden mass could start an hour later on Sundays and major feasts when the King was not present.

⁶⁰ La Orden, fol. 64. In this section of La Orden, Aguirre also provides a few details concerning the positioning of the semanero officiating and of his robing.

⁶¹ Ibid., fol. 65.

⁶² Ibid., fol. 67.

⁶³ ‘Las vísperas se digan a las tres horas de la tarde’. See Barbieri papers 2, doc. 136, clause 3.

⁶⁴ These details from clauses 3 and 4 in the revised set of Estatutos slightly expand on the information provided in clause 3 of the earlier set.

⁶⁵ These invariably comprise the Introit, the Kyrie and Gloria, the Gospel, Credo, Sanctus, Pater Noster and the Agnus Dei of the mass, and the opening items and canticles (Magnificat and Nunc dimittis) of Vespers and Compline. See Estatutos, clause 7, and related passages in the statutes summarised in Table 1. A similar directive is divided between clauses 6, 10 and 38 in the Leges et constitutiones.

⁶⁶ See above, p. 115, and below, pp. 140–41.

⁶⁷ See La Orden, fols. 64^v–65.

⁶⁸ ‘En la iglesia mayor estaba adreçado el oratorio del Rey con cortinas de oro…’. For a description of this event, see Cock, H., Relación del viaje hecho por Felipe II en 1585, a Zaragoza, Barcelona y Valencia, ed. Fatio, A. Morel and Villa, A. Rodríguez (Madrid, 1876), p. 80Google Scholar.

⁶⁹ See Straeten, Vander, La Musique aux Pays-Bas, vii, pp. 401–2Google Scholar, and Barbieri papers 2, doc. 135[c].

⁷⁰ See La Orden, fol. 61^r–v. In the Burgundian court chapel the celebrant of the week was called the sepmainier. See Fallows, ‘Specific Information’, p. 148 (item 7); see also Knighton, ‘Ritual and Organization’, p. 302.

⁷¹ ‘Los capellanes han de tener cuenta con no faltar en sus semanas en los Officios que les toca’; La Orden, fol. 74^v.

⁷² Ibid., fol. 61^r–v.

⁷³ Information about the use of torches at High Mass (‘Missas cantatas’) is found in various parts of La Orden: principally fols. 61^v–62, 66 and 71^v (La orden de servir las hachas en la Capilla).

⁷⁴ La Orden, fols. 62−3.

⁷⁵ Aguirre adds that if there is no priest, the deacon performs this task (alone) and then returns to his place at the foot of the altar.

⁷⁶ In La Orden references are made to the offering of candles embedded with un escudo during masses for the dead: in particular, mass on the feast of All Souls and the Requiem on the day after St Andrew's day (on the occasion of meetings of the Order of the Golden Fleece). An escudo was a term used both for arms and a gold coin bearing the royal coat of arms. It is possible also that the custom of emblazoning a candle with insignia such as is referred to in various chronicles and, indeed, in the fifteenth-century statutes of the Order of the Golden Fleece in connection with the Requiem mass on the day after St Andrew's Day was followed on these occasions: ‘a l'offerture de la quelle Messe le Souverain & chacun des dits Chevaliers presents & procureurs des absens offriront chacun ung chierge de cire armoyé des armes d'icelluy pour qui offert sera’ (Leibnitz, G. G., Mantissa: Codicis duris Genitium Diplomatici [part ii] (Hanover, 1700), p. 25Google Scholar). See also below, n. 87.

⁷⁷ La Orden, fols. 68^v–69.

⁷⁸ The dress of the knights of these Orders on their respective feast days were different: that of St Michael consisted of long white robes and ermine fur capes, and that of the Golden Fleece of scarlet robes. A copy of the statutes of the Order of St Michael is preserved in the Bodleian Library, Oxford, MS Ashmole 775 (the dress is described on fols. 18^v–22). For a description of the dress of the knights of the Order of the Golden Fleece, see Prizer, W., ‘Music and Ceremonial in the Low Countries: Philip the Fair and the Order of the Golden Fleece’, Early Music History, 5 (1985), pp. 113–53, at p. 119CrossRefGoogle Scholar, where he refers to an original source for the statutes of this order. See also Leibnitz, , Mantissa [part ii], ‘III. Ordenances & statuts de l'Ordre de la Thoison d'Or’, p. 25Google Scholar.

⁷⁹ For more details, see below, ‘Royle anniversaties and Offices for the dead’.

⁸⁰ It is clearly stated in the statutes both of the Order of St Michael and of the Golden Fleece that all knights (whether present or absent) should make an offering of a gold coin; see GB-Ob MS Ashmole 775, fol. 20^v and Leibnitz, , Mantissa, [part ii], p. 25Google Scholar. It is, however, curious that while Olivier de la Marche's eyewitness account of ceremonies at the Burgundian court in the mid-fifteenth century includes a detailed description of the ritual of the candle ceremony which took place at the Offertory at mass at chapter meetings of the Order of the Golden Fleece, no reference is made to the offering of gold coins. See Olivier de la Marche: Mémoires [1474], ed. Beaune, H. and D'Arbaumont, J., ii (Paris, 1884), pp. 90–2, and ii (Paris, 1888), pp. 179–80Google Scholar.

⁸¹ This ritual is described both in La Orden and in Charles V's 1545 El Etiqueta, but with a few discrepancies in detail between them. In the 1545 document, it is written that on each day of the Holy Kings, the King offers three cups made of gold (with the total value of about 100 ducados). In the first he offers a gold coin, in the second, incense, and in the third, wax (cera). In La Orden, as an offering on the day of Epiphany (no other occasions are mentioned), the three cups (valued at thirty ducados each) are again filled with a gold coin, incense and myrrh (mira). It is only in the 1545 document that we are told that these offerings are then appropriately distributed. See Straeten, Vander, La Musique aux Pays-Bas, vii, pp. 402–3Google Scholar and Barbieri papers 2, doc. 135[c].

⁸² La Orden, fol. 68^v. (See also above, n. 1.)

⁸³ This is in Ugo Boncompagni's letter describing the coronation dated 18 March 1530 which reads: ‘e anco quando il prefato Cardinale volse fare l'offertorio S.M. andò all'altare, ed offerse una bolsa con trenta doppioni da dieci ducati l'uno; e poi tornò alia sua sedia …’. See Lettera inedita del bolognese Ugo Boncompagni, poscia con nome immortale Gregorio XIII sommo Pontifice Romano, nella quale si descrive La Incoronazione di Carlo V Imperatore, seguita il 24 Febbraio 1530 in Bologna (Bologna, 1841), p. 8Google Scholar. A full description of both coronation days in February 1530 (the date of the Emperor's coronation on 24 February was in fact the second of the two) is given in de Sandoval, P., Historia de la vida y hechos del Emperador Carlos V, ii, ed. Serrano, C. Seco (Biblioteca de Autores Españoles; Madrid, 1956), pp. 367-73Google Scholar. The Emperor offered a bag of coins at mass on both these days. I should like to thank Bonnie Blackburn and Leofranc Holford-Strevens for providing me with a lead for the interpretation of this clause in La Orden.

⁸⁴ At El Escorial, special commemoration services for Charles V took place on 24 February, and a Requiem mass was sung in his honour on the following day. See Noone, , Music and Musicians, p. 41 (Table 2.1)Google Scholar.

⁸⁵ Cock, Relación, pp. 32–5.

⁸⁶ Numerous references to such processions are in the historical accounts of Sandoval and Cock. See, for example, the description in Cock's Relación (p. 250) of a procession for mass during Philip II's visit to Valencia in January 1586.

⁸⁷ This was of course a characteristic feature of processions in many other European courts and religious communities, and was a particular feature of funeral services. An eyewitness account of the exequies for Charles V in Brussels, for instance, refers to citizens carrying white candles bearing the Emperor 's coat of arms: ‘docientos pobres con lobas y capirotes con hachas de cera blanca con las armas del Emperador …’. See Cabrera de Córdoba, L., Filipe Segundo, Rey de España (Madrid, 1876), p. 246Google Scholar.

⁸⁸ La Orden, fol. 68. See also below.

⁸⁹ This is presumably the verse and response, ‘Dominus vobiscum: et cum spiritu tuo’. See La Orden, fols. 77^v–78.

⁹⁰ The inventories were compiled in 1597 as part of a larger project entitled Cargo del Officio de Guardajoyas de S.M. For further information and transcriptions of the inventories, see Andrés, A., ‘Libros de canto de la Capilla de Felipe II’, Música Sacro-Hispana, 10 (1917), pp. 92–5, 109–11, 123–6, 154–7 and 189–90Google Scholar; Straeten, Vander, La Musique aux Pays-Bas, viii, pp. 352–83Google Scholar; and Barbieri papers 2, doc. 178.

⁹¹ La Rue entered the chapel of Philip the Fair in 1493; after Philip's death (in Spain) in 1506, he remained there in the chapel of Juana the Mad, Philip's widow, only returning to the Netherlands in c. 1508 (Staehelin, M., ‘La Rue, Pierre de’, The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians, ed. Sadie, S. (London, 1980), x, pp. 473–4)Google Scholar. Agricola joined Philip the Fair's chapel in 1500, remaining there until his death in 1506 (E. R. Lerner, ‘Agricola, Alexander’, Ibid., i, p. 162). Gombert became a singer in Charles V's chapel in 1526, and maître des enfants in 1529, and was succeeded in 1547 by Canis. He was a contemporary of Adrian Picart (= Thibault) who was maestro de capilla from 1526 to 1540. In the 1540s the royal chapel included Canis, Crecquillon and Nicolas Payen. Canis left shortly after Charles V's abdication (see G. Nugent, ‘Gombert, Nicolas’, ibid., vii, p. 512; L. F.Bernstein, ‘Canis, Cornelius’, Ibid., iii, p. 684; and H. M. Brown, ‘Crecquillon, Thomas’, Ibid.., v, p. 26).

⁹² Ghersem valued the entire collection for the paltry sum of just one thousand ducados. See Straeten, Vander, La Musique aux Pays-Bas, viii, p. 353Google Scholar.

⁹³ For details, see entries for MontsM 765, 766, 768, 772, 773 and 776 in Census-Catalogue of Manuscript Sources of Polyphonic Music, 1400–1550 (Renaissance Manuscript Studies, 1; Neuhausen-Stuttgart, 1982), iii. This collection of manuscripts also includes a book of twenty-five Magnificats by Benedictus Appenzeller, Clemens non Papa, La Rue and others (MontsM 769).

⁹⁴ The volume is inscribed ‘Liber quatuor missarum musicalium nec non aliquot carminum ecclesiaticorum; A Pedro de Manchicourt regie cappelle magistro conscriptus et compositus’.

⁹⁵ See below. The three masses by Manchicourt are Missa Veni Sancte Spiritus, Missa de domina virgine Maria, and Missa de requiem. The fourth mass is his Missa Reges terre. See also below, n. 97.

⁹⁶ Previous to his term at the royal chapel, Manchicourt had spent time at the cathedrals of Tours, Tournai and Arras. See Wicks, J. D., ‘Manchicourt, Pierre de’ in The New Grove Dictionary, x, p. 598Google Scholar.

⁹⁷ It is therefore probable that this background would have influenced his choice of music for at least three important events which occurred during his first months in this post while the court was still stationed in the Netherlands: the proxy wedding of Philip to Elizabeth de Valois in the cathedral of Notre-Dame in Paris on 15 June; the funeral rites (in Ghent) for Henry II of France on 24 July, and the chapter meeting of the Order of the Golden Fleece in Ghent beginning on 29 July. See Kamen, , Philip of Spain, pp. 74–5Google Scholar.

⁹⁸ ‘In die nativitatis Regis, Reginae, Principis aut prolis regiae, in primis vesperis, completis, missa in omnibus versiculis et responsoriis fabordon canunto’; Leges et constitutiones, clause 16.

⁹⁹ See Straeten, Vander, La Musique aux Pays-Bas, viii, p. 382Google Scholar. As these responses were usually improvised in performance, very few examples are to be found in surviving polyphonic manuscripts.

¹⁰⁰ The inventory entry indicates that the royal coat of arms is included on the first folio of these two books: ‘Dos libros de un tamaño, enquadernados em papelon y cuero negro, y las armas reales en la primera hoja, de fabordón, de Manchicourt’: ibid..

¹⁰¹ The version of the Estatutos issued during Philip II's reign most cleary expresses this: ‘Cuando el Maestro de Capilla … mandare cantar algún dúoo trío a los dichos, que les fuere mandado, sean obligados de ponerse delante el libro y hacer lo que les fuere mandado, so pena de castigo y ser mutados’; ‘Que el verso y Alleluya se digan de aqui adelante cada día como se ha acostumbrada los días solemnes … y que ninguno… rehúse de cantar el dicho dúo o trío’. See Barbieri papers 2, doc. 136, items 13−14.

This contrapuntal idiom complements the type published in the Lyons Contrapunctus (1528), a cycle of polyphonic settings of chant mass propers. Sec The Lyons Contrapunctus (1528), ed. Sutherland, D. A. (Recent Researches in the Music of the Renaissance, 21Google Scholar; Madison, 1976).

¹⁰² Barcelona, Biblioteca Central, MS 454; Tarazona, Archivo Capitular de la Catedral, MS 2/3; Segovia, Cathedral, Archivo Musical, MS s.s.; and Coimbra, Biblioteca Geral da Universidade, MS 12. See, ‘Music and Musicians’, pp. 175–7. Several Alleluia settings are also included in Porto, Biblioteca Pública Municipal. MS 40. I would like to thank Owen Rees and Michael Ryan for providing me with transcriptions of selected Alleluia settings found in Portuguese manuscripts.

¹⁰³ See Stevenson, R., ‘Escobar, Pedro de’ and ‘Peñalosa, Francisco de’, in The New Grove Dictionary, vi, p. 243 and xiv, p. 347Google Scholar. Tarazona 2/3 also includes six Alleluia settings attributed to an Alonso de Alva. For the possible identity of Alva, who was either sacristan at the Castilian royal chapel in the early sixteenth century or maestro de capilla at Seville Cathedral (d. 1504), see Knighton, ‘Music and Musicians’, pp. 249–50.

¹⁰⁴ La Orden, fol. 67^r–v. According to La Orden, all the divine Offices were celebrated during the Octave of Corpus Christi, beginning at dawn each day, with the psalms sung alternatim.

¹⁰⁵ It seems likely that Josquin's Missa Pange lingua would frequently have been performed on the feast of Corpus Christi, as also Hotinet Barra's Missa Ecce panis angelorum. Both masses were included in a choirbook in the royal chapel collections, and Barra's mass headed yet another choirbook. See Straeten, Vander, La Musique aux Pays-Bas, viii, p. 357Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁶ ‘y acavadas las Visperas le buelven con la misma solemnidad, hasta otro dia a la mañana, que le sacan a los Maytines …’; La Orden, fol. 67^v. There is the implication here that Matins took place in the morning.

¹⁰⁷ For a full account of Corpus Christi processions in Spain from as early as 1280 (in Toledo), and their very elaborate nature in Barcelona in particular, see Kreitner, K., ‘Music in the Corpus Christi Procession of Fifteenth-Century Barcelona’, Early Music History, 14 (1995), pp. 153–204CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹⁰⁸ See Tanner, M., The Last Descendant of Aeneas: The Hapsburgs and the Mythic Image of the Emperor (New Haven and London, 1993)Google Scholar, chapter 11, ‘The Hapsburg cult of the eucharist’, pp. 207–22, for an overview of the history of the Habsburgs' strong devotion to the eucharist which had largely been adopted through the Burgundian–Habsburg dynasticties.

¹⁰⁹ The Sainte-Chapelle in Dijon was both the chapel of the Burgundian dukes since its foundation, and of the Order of the Golden Fleece from 1432. See Haggh, B., ‘The Archives of the Order of the Golden Fleece’, Journal of the Royal Musical Association, 120 (1985), pp. 1–43, at pp. 24–5CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹¹⁰ Haggh, Ibid., p. 25 and n. 112. She also says that in 1436 a daily Mass was founded for the relic by King René of Anjou.

¹¹¹ See Haggh, ‘The Archives’, p. 25, n. 113, where she also makes reference to Wright, C., Music at the Court of Burgundy (1979), pp. 141, 144–5 and 147Google Scholar. Haggh suggests that a precedent for this may have existed in the Sainte-Chapelle in Paris and its founder King Louis IX (St Louis);Ibid., p. 26.

¹¹² Tanner, , The Last Descendant, p. 214Google Scholar.

¹¹³ Ibid., p. 215. For a vivid description of the 1530 ceremony and procession which took place in Augsburg, including indications of the participation of musicians, see Sandoval, , Historia, ii, pp. 396–8Google Scholar.

¹¹⁴ See La Orden, fol. 68.

¹¹⁵ For an account of the origin of the special ceremony created for the sacred relic of a bleeding host (‘sagrada forma’) at El Escorial in the late seventeenth century, a relic which had been in the possession of Philip II since 1594, see Sullivan, E. J., ‘Politics and Propaganda in the Sagrada Forma by Claudio Coello’, Art Bulletin, 68 (1985), pp. 243–59, at pp. 251-4CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and Noone, , Music and Musicians, pp. 160 ffGoogle Scholar, where several other bibliographical references are given.

¹¹⁶ Aquinas was a friend of St Louis, founder of the Sainte-Chapelle in Paris (see above).

¹¹⁷ The whole passage reads: ‘In supplicationibus Venerabilis Sacramenti, hymnum Pa(n)gelingua musicae, et statio ante altare motetum in honorem Venerabilis Corporis Christi, et si non sit statio, illud motetum in ecclesia in quam defertur Venerabile Sacramentum et responsoria et versiculos, cantores in fabordon canunto’ (Leges et constitutiones, clause 29).

¹¹⁸ See Noone, , Music and Musicians, pp. 171–7Google Scholar.

¹¹⁹ See Sullivan, , ‘Politics and Propaganda’, p. 245, and Noone, Music and Musicians, p. 171Google Scholar.

¹²⁰ Evidence for the the organ's role in providing renderings of the Corpus Christi hymn Pange lingua is widespread in Iberian sources, and the version of the hymn tune used at the Castilian court would certainly have been the one commonly identified as ‘more his pano’; it is a matter of some interest whether this tune was familiar in the Imperial chapel and whether indeed the famous setting by Juan de Ureda (Johannes Wreede) was regularly sung there.

¹²¹ See Kamen, , Philip of Spain, pp. 89 and 102Google Scholar.

¹²² In the mid-sixteenth century, these orders were chosen for the foundation of the royal monasteries at Yuste and El Escorial, and a decade or so earlier in Valencia following the obit request made by Queen Germana, consort of the Duke of Calabria, and formerly of King Ferdinand. See Nelson, B., ‘A Choirbook for Don Fernando de Aragón, Duke of Calabria: The Sacred Repertory in Barcelona M.1166/1967’, in Actas del Coloquio internacional: fuentes musicales en la Península Ibérica, ca. 1250 – ca. 1550 (Lleida, 1999) (forthcoming)Google Scholar.

¹²³ See Noone, , Music and Musicians, pp. 91–2Google Scholar.

¹²⁴ For the section concerned with Holy Week practices beginning with Tenebrae on the Wednesday, see La Orden, fol. 70^r–v. It begins by stating that Tenebrae only began at the moment the king made his appearance.

¹²⁵ Information about which sets of Lamentations formed part of the royal chapel repertories is wanting; these may have included those composed by Pierre de La Rue in 1509, for instance, and later those by Morales (see also below).

¹²⁶ La Orden, fol. 70^v. The practice of reciting the lessons in chant was common practice in important foundations; similar indications of performance in the lessons of Matins are also described in the documents in connection with Matins on vigils for the dead; see below, pp. 155–8.

¹²⁷ See Robledo, L., ‘Vihuelas de arco y violones en la corte de Filipe III’, Actas del Congreso International celebrado en Salamanca, 29 de octubre–5 de noviembre de 1985 (Madrid, 1987), pp. 63–76Google Scholar.

¹²⁸ Ibid., p. 64.

¹²⁹ Ibid., p. 65. Robledo omits a further reference to the use of violunes in sixteenth-century Spain: in her Memoirs, Marguerite de Valois refers to a mass she attended while she was in Madrid in 1577, even calling it ‘une messe à la façon d'Espagne avec musique, violons et cornets’. Stevenson, R., Spanish Cathedral Music in the Golden Age (Los Angeles, 1961), p. 341, n. 152Google Scholar.

¹³⁰ See Straeten, Vander, La Musique aux Pays-Bas, vii, p. 360Google Scholar, and Robledo, ‘La música en la corte Madrileña’, p. 787.

¹³¹ These documents are edited in Barbieri papers 2 (doc. 135[c]) and in Straeten, Vander, La Musique aux Pays-Bas, vii, pp. 401–3Google Scholar, where they are headed ‘Oficios del culto divino’. For details ol these documents, see Appendix 2.

¹³² ‘Lavatorio de Jueves Santo. Cuando S.M. tenía salud y se hallaba en España, daba de comer el Jueves Santo a 13 pobres, y les lavaba los pies y servía él mismo a cada uno trece platos de vianda, sin la fruta de principio y postre, y echaba vino en sus copas; el treceno pobre se ponía en una mesa aparte, representando el lugar de Judas y los otros doce probres se ponían juntos al mismo lado en otra mesa, y después que habían acabado de comer, Su Majestad les daba a cada uno paño y lienzo para vestirse y un escudo en un bolsillo, pero el Rey nuestro señr D. Felipe Segundo, (Dios lo guarde), Sienta todos trece a una mesa. Barbieri papers 2, doc. 135 [c].

¹³³ This is described in the passage outlining the duties of the mozo de limosna (almoner's assistant) in the 1545 El Etiqueta. See Straeten, Vander, La Musique aux Pays-Bas, vii, pp. 400–1Google Scholar.

¹³⁴ See Noone, , Music and Musicians, p. 92Google Scholar.

¹³⁵ See Tanner, , The Last Descendant, ch. 10, ‘Fidecrucem: The Hapsburg Veneration of the Cross’, pp. 183–206Google Scholar.

¹³⁶ ‘Siempre que hay palo de la vera Cruz en Palacio le ponen este dia para la adoracion. En la fiesta de la Cruz que se celebra a tres de Mayo sacan al altar la Cruz con el vero palo’; La Orden, fol. 69^v.

¹³⁷ ‘La Passion el viernes a las siete, y acavada se comienza el Officio’; La Orden, fol. 70^v. This instruction occurs outside the description of the ceremonies on Good Friday.

¹³⁸ ‘Adoracion de la Cruz en el Viernes Sancto’, La Orden, fol. 69^r–v.

¹³⁹ For inventories and descriptions of these manuscripts, see Noone, , Music and Musicians, pp. 191–245Google Scholar. The seven choirbooks are EscSL 1, EscSL 4, EscSL 5, MontsM 750, MontsM 751, XYorkH 278 and NYorkH 288.

¹⁴⁰ None of the Holy Week items listed on the royal chapel inventories provides any indication that these were polyphonic repertories; rather, the ‘Libros passionarios’ and other Holy Week ‘offices’ would appear to be books of chant, many of which were printed. Among the manuscript items were included an unspecified number of ‘Libros passionarios de canto’ copied by the royal scribe Pompeyo de Russi, who had earlier been employed as scribe at the court and royal Jeronymite monastery (San Miguel de los Reyes) of Fernando de Aragón, Duke of Calabria, in Valencia. See Nelson, ‘A Choirbook for the Chapel of Don Fernando de Aragón’. See also Appendix 5.

¹⁴¹ The Passion is copied anonymously into the Escorial manuscripts (e.g. NYorkH 288), but was identified by Greta Olson in her paper ‘Some Clues to the Transmission of an Unusual Passion Setting’ given at the Sixth Biennial Conference on Baroque Music, University of Edinburgh, 9 July 1994. It was previously known and performed at the court of the duke of Calabria in Valencia before 1550. See Nelson, ‘A Choirbook for the Chapel of Fernando de Aragón’.

¹⁴² See Noone, , Music and Musicians, p. 41 (Table 2.1)Google Scholar. At El Escorial, Empress Isabella was also commemorated on 24−5 October.

¹⁴³ ‘Item mando que el dia de my falecimiento, y los nueve dias sequientes diga Missa por mi alma …’; Testamento de Philippe 2°, P-La 51-VI-35, fol. 3. Enrique IV's funeral in 1474 was characterised by a nine-day period, and Juan II's funeral in 1479 by one of eleven days; see Wagstaff, G., ‘Music for the Dead: Polyphonic Settings of the Officium and Missa pro defunctis by Spanish and Latin American Composers before 1630’ (Ph.D., University of Texas, 1995), p. 112Google Scholar.

¹⁴⁴ La Orden, fol. 63^v. According to the Constituciones para el Real Colegio de Cantores de la Real Capilla (Barbieri papers 2, doc. 157), these would have taken place shortly before High Mass.

¹⁴⁵ An example is the weekly series of masses instituted by Philip the Good at the Sainte- Chapelle in Dijon. In this case, the masses on the last three days of the week were of the Holy Ghost, the Holy Cross and Our Lady. See Prizer, ‘Music and Ceremonial’. p. 116. For her obit, Queen Germana, consort of the Duke of Calabria, specifically requested masses for the Virgin, the Holy Name of Jesus and the Passion. See, ‘A Choirbook for the Chapel of Fernando de Aragón’.

¹⁴⁶ Noone, , Music and Musicians, p. 41 (Table 2.1)Google Scholar.

¹⁴⁷ For example, see Anderson, J., ‘“Le roi ne meurt jamais”: Charles V's Obsequies in Italy’, in El Cardenal Alburnoz y el Colegio de España (Studia Albornotiana, 36; Bologna, 1979), pp. 379–99Google Scholar.

¹⁴⁸ See Nelson, B., ‘A Plan of the Capella Real, Lisbon, in 1649’, Revista Portuguesa de musicologia, 8 (1998) (in press)Google Scholar.

¹⁴⁹ See Eire, C. M. N., From Madrid to Purgatory (Cambridge, 1995), p. 287Google Scholar.

¹⁵⁰ For an account of the exequies for Charles V on 29 December 1559 which took place in Sainte-Gudule, Brussels, see Anderson, ‘“Le roi ne meurt jamais”’, pp. 383–4.

¹⁵¹ For an account of the ceremony for Philip II which took place in Madrid in October 1598, see Eire, , From Madrid to Purgatory, p. 291Google Scholar, and Robledo, L., ‘Questions of Performance Practice in Philip III's Chapel’, Early Music, 20 (1994), pp. 199–218, at pp. 204 and 209–12Google Scholar. For that which took place in Zaragoza, see Martínez, Juan, Relación de las exequias (Zaragoza, 1599)Google Scholar; a study of this document is currently in preparation by the present author.

¹⁵² It would seem that the scribe of the Ajuda Library document La Orden inadvertently omitted the words un escudo in this clause, such as characterises the entries describing the offerings made at mass on the feast of All Souls and at the Requiem mass during meetings of the Order of the Golden Fleece (see also above, ‘The Offertory’).

¹⁵³ The original passage in La Orden referred only to the vigils and mass to be celebrated on the anniversary of Queen Isabella: ‘Cabo de Anno por la Emperatriz Nuestra Señora’ (La Orden, fol. 71).

¹⁵⁴ ‘Al tiempo de ofrecer, aviendose sentado, en medio del Altar, en su silla, el Arçobispo, se levantaron veynte y quatro ciudadanos, y llevando cada vno vna hacha negra encendida, y en cada vna, vna pieça de a quatro de oro, ofrecieron, como es costumbre en semejantes actos…’; Martínez, , Relación de las exequias, p. 176Google Scholar.

¹⁵⁵ La Orden, fols. 66^v–67. This indication of the king's appearance only at the Requiem mass tallies with Wagstaff's findings of procedures in other sixteenth-century exequies: ‘the dignitaries arrived only for the last of the three; it was then that the candles were lighted, and the lavish ceremony began’. See Wagstaff, ‘Music for the Dead’, p. 92, n.32.

¹⁵⁶ See Haggh, ‘The Archives’, p. 10. Haggh also lists such observances for the funeral rites of King Francis I in 1547 and Charles V in 1558 (Ibid., n. 47). For Philip II's funeral rites see Robledo, ‘Questions of Performance Practice’, p. 211.

¹⁵⁷ ‘Quando Rex aut Regina, aut quisquam ex familia Austriaca vita fungitur, vigilias mortuorum ix lectionibus quarum, primam puer alius, reliquas capellani, cum laudibus solemniter canunto. Quando Rex aut Regina, aul quisquam ex familia Austriaca vita fungitur, tres missae, prima S. Spiritus, secunda Divae Virginis, solemnitur tercia defunctorum canunto’; Leges et constitutiones, clauses 35–6.

¹⁵⁸ La Orden, fol. 71.

¹⁵⁹ This direction clearly evinces a widespread tradition for performing the second lesson of the first Nocturn on vigils for the dead. In Victoria's Officium defunctorum written for the funeral rites of the Dowager Empress Maria in 1603, the second lesson only is set polyphonically and in fabordón style. A much earlier fabordón setting of this responsory survives in Coimbra, Biblioteca Geral da Universidade, MS 12. See Rees, O. L., Polyphony in Portugal, c.1530–c.1620: Sources from the Monastery of Santa Cruz, Coimbra (New York and London, 1995), p. 190Google Scholar.

¹⁶⁰ ‘In exequiis Imperatoris, Imperatricis, Regis, Reginae, Principis, dominorum nostrorum defunctorum, vesperas cum uno nocturno et laudes, primam lectionem puer unus, secundam in fabordon, tertiam sacerdos, missam solemniter et deinde responsorium musicae canunto’; Leges et constitutiones, clause 32.

¹⁶¹ La Orden, fol. 70^v, and Leges et constitutiones, clause 34.

¹⁶² La Orden, fol. 66.

¹⁶³ ‘In exequiis equitum Aurei Velleris, tres lectiones et laudes canuntur’; Leges et constitutiones, clause 33.

¹⁶⁴ See Wright, , Music and Ceremony, p. 74 and passimGoogle Scholar.

¹⁶⁵ See Robertson, A. W., The Service-Books of the Royal Abbey of Saint-Denis: Images of Ritual and Music in the Middle Ages (Oxford, 1991), esp. pp. 86–9Google Scholar, and Wright, , Music and Ceremony, p. 111Google Scholar. Given that the Burgundian court adhered to the Use of Paris, and in view of the dependency of the legislative structure of the Spanish royal chapel on that of the Burgundian court, it is not surprising that these particular musico-liturgical practices would have been retained.

¹⁶⁶ See Robledo, , ‘Questions of Performance’, p. 209, and Martínez, Relación de las exequias, p. 163Google Scholar.

¹⁶⁷ Robledo, Ibid.

¹⁶⁸ Wagstaff, ‘Music for the Dead’, p. 100, notes that ‘there is no documented use of polyphonic music at French or Burgundian funeral services before 1500’. He also cites the instance of Juan II's funeral in 1479 when ceremonial music was sung in ‘cant dorgue e contrapunct’ (Ibid., p. 84 and passim). Blackburn, Bonnie, in ‘Did Ockeghem Listen to Tinctoris’, in Johannes Ockeghem. Actes du XL' Colloque international d'études humanistes, Tours, 3–8 févner 1998, ed. Vendrix, P. (Paris, 1998), pp. 597–640, pp. 623–4Google Scholar, provides important evidence for requests for polyphonic masses in Bruges being made by Spaniards which may, therefore, account for the origin of Ockeghem's setting: ‘Ockeghem's Requiem may have originated in a private commission, perhaps a Spanish one. The only requests for polyphonic masses that I know of were made by Spanish merchants and their families in Bruges; if such Requiems came into use in the Low Countries, as we know they did from surviving settings, it was perhaps because of Spanish influence.’ I would like to thank the author for bringing this information to my attention.

¹⁶⁹ ‘A veinte é cinco dias del mes de Setiembre deste año se cumplio un año que el Rey don Phelipe muerto habia; é seguiendo la Reina la costumbre Despaña cerca desto, mando decir solemnemente visperas cantadas por el ánima de su marido, y en el seguiente dia con gran solemnidad mandó que se cantase misa y oficios de requiem…’; passage from an anonymous chronicle, Continuación de la Crónica de Pulgar, cited by, ‘Music for the Dead’, pp. 288–9 and n. 64. See also Knighton, ‘Music and Musicians’, pp. 178–9.

¹⁷⁰ See Ros-Fábregas, E., ‘Music and Ceremony during Charles V's 1519 Visit to Barcelona’, Early Music, 23 (1995), pp. 375–91, at pp. 378–82Google Scholar. His report that the ‘official act of the Order of the Golden Fleece stated that funerals as magnificent as that of Maximilian had never been seen in the Spanish kingdom’ is intriguing in view of Wagstaff's hypothesis. See Ibid., p. 388, n. 16, and above, n. 168.

¹⁷¹ Escobar's setting is in Tarazona 2/3, and that by Basurto in Tarazona 5.

¹⁷² The portion of the manuscript beginning with Basurto's mass includes settings of the Tract (Sicut cervus) by Pastrana and Ockeghem, the Communion (Luceat eis) by Brumel, the latter probably having been copied from his 1516 publication, and a further settings of the Offertory (Domine Jesu Christe) by Peñalosa. Ockeghem and Brumel are unidentified in the source. See Wagstaff, ‘Music for the Dead’, pp. 229–50.

¹⁷³ This has been proposed by Russell, Eleanor, in ‘The Missa in Agendis Mortuorum of Juan García de Basurto: Johannes Ockeghem, Antoine Brumel, and an Early Spanish Polyphonic Requiem Mass’, Tijdschrift van de Vereniging voor Nederlandse Mziekgeschiedenis, 29 (1979), pp. 1–37, at p. 13CrossRefGoogle Scholar. See also Wagstaff, ‘Music for the Dead’, pp. 230 and 277.

¹⁷⁴ For an inventory and description of this manuscript see Noone, ,Music and Musicians, pp. 228–31Google Scholar.

¹⁷⁵ Dufay's mass was apparently still performed in the sixteenth century, and was requested in endowments at Cambrai in 1517 and as late as 1550. See Wright, Craig, ‘Dufay at Cambrai: Discoveries and Revisions’, Journal of the American Musicological Society, 28 (1975), pp. 175–229, at pp. 219–20CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and Wagstaff, ‘Music for the Dead’, pp. 260–2.

¹⁷⁶ This is a book of nine masses headed by the Missa surrexit pastor bonus, presumably by Lupus Hellinck (only the title is given). See Andrés, ‘Libros de canto’, p. 156 (item 180), and Straeten, Vander, La Musique aux Pays-Bas, viii, p. 380Google Scholar, where the entry is mistranscribed. This is the second of two books containing this mass by Hellinck, the other now identified as MontsM 776 (see above, n. 93).

¹⁷⁷ ‘Acavada la Missa se dize un Responso Cantado’; La Orden, fol. 71.

¹⁷⁸ See above, n. 160. In fact on another occasion, La Orden specifies that the responsory Ne recorderis should indeed be ‘said’ (i.e., probably sung) after a Requiem mass: ‘Acavando de dizir [sic] la Missa de Requien, dizen un responso Ne recorderis’; La Orden, fol. 63^v.

¹⁷⁹ For a discussion about the Order of the Golden Fleece and its history, see Prizer, ‘Music and Ceremonial’, and Haggh, ‘The Archives of the Order of the Golden Fleece’. Concerning the Golden Fleece and its significance for the Burgundian-Habsburg dynasty, see Tanner, , The Last Descendant, ch. 8, ‘The Order of the Golden Fleece’, pp. 146–61Google Scholar.

¹⁸⁰ It was for the Barcelona session that Charles V's motto Plus ultra was written in Latin for the first time, thus making it more universal; however it was some time before it was adopted globally. See Rosenthal, E., ‘Plus Ultra, Non Plus Ultra, and the Columnar Device of Emperor Charles V’, Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes, 36 (1973), pp. 204–28, at pp. 223–4Google Scholar. For details of this meeting, see Ros-Fábregas, ‘Music and Ceremony’, pp. 375–91.

¹⁸¹ See Sandoval, , Historia, iii, pp. 172–4Google Scholar, which includes a list of all the knights elected by Charles V between 1517 and 1545.

¹⁸² See Kamen, , Philip of Spain, p. 202Google Scholar.

¹⁸³ Saint Andrew was also patron saint of the dukes of Burgundy and of the House of Valois. In the fifteenth century, the feast of St Andrew was frequently celebrated on days earlier in the year when the weather was more clement. See Prizer, ‘Music and Ceremonial’, p. 115.

¹⁸⁴ La Orden, fols. 65^v–66^v. Details of offerings for these ceremonies are included in the section Offrendas (fols. 68^v–69).

¹⁸⁵ Both La Orden and the Leges et constitutiones concur on the format of Matins, with the Leges also indicating that the three lessons should be sung.

¹⁸⁶ It is likely that this was the Ne recorderis, the response traditionally said after Requiem masses as stated earlier by Aguirre (see above).

¹⁸⁷ This instruction follows immediately on from the first reference to a response after the mass as if by association: ‘dize el Responso acabada la Missa, y no se dize De Profundis sinó en el Capitulo del Tuson’; La Orden, fol. 65^v.

¹⁸⁸ See Haggh, ‘The Archives’, p. 12.

¹⁸⁹ La Orden, fol. 69. To date, the only other references to this custom of offering a candle with a coin have been encountered in Iberian documents describing royal exequies. These include an account of ceremonies at the ducal palace of the Braganzas in Vila Viçosa, Portugal, of 1600. See Alegria, J. A., História da capela e colégio dos Santos Reis de Vila Viçosa (Lisbon, 1983), p. 33Google Scholar. I would like to thank Michael Ryan for drawing this reference to my attention.

¹⁹⁰ La Orden, fol. 66^r–v.

¹⁹¹ This information has been compiled from various parts of La Orden: fols. 65^v–66^v, 69 and 70, as well as item 33 in the Leges et constitutiones (see above, n. 163).

¹⁹² Haggh, ‘The Archives’, p. 36.

¹⁹³ See Wright, ‘Music and Ceremonial’, p. 120, and Ros-F´bregas, ‘Music and Ceremony’, p. 384. Wright indicates that these observances continued in Philip II's time, though he provides no references (Ibid., p. 120).

¹⁹⁴ Cock, , Relación del viaje, p. 81Google Scholar.

¹⁹⁵ See Prizer, ‘Music and Ceremonial’, p. 1119.

¹⁹⁶ Kamen, , Philip of Spain, p. 202Google Scholar.

¹⁹⁷ See Prizer, ‘Music and Ceremonial’, pp. 129, 133 and passim.

¹⁹⁸ The presence of Busnoys's L'homme armé mass in Barcelona 454B (copied some time before 1520) has prompted speculation about its use at the 1519 meeting. See Ros-Fábregas, ‘Music and Ceremony’, pp. 385–6. For further discussions about the possible connections between masses in the L'homme armé tradition and meetings of the Order of the Golden Fleece, see Perkins, L., ‘The L'Homme armé Masses of Busnoys and Ockeghem: A Comparison’, Journal of Musicology, 3 (1984), pp. 363–96CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Prizer, ‘Music and Ceremonial’, pp. 128–9, and Taruskin, R., ‘Antoine Busnoys and the L'Homme armé Tradition’, Journal of the American Musicological Society, 39 (1986), pp. 255–93CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹⁹⁹ ‘Otro quaderno…de una missa de música de Cornelio Canis a seis vozes, con dos escudos de las armas reales, el uno con el Tusón y el otro sin él, con un pliego de papel por cuvierta.' See Straeten, Vander, La Musique aux Pays-Bos, viii, p. 371 (item 51)Google Scholar. There are only two masses extant by Canis, and both are written for six voices. The title of one of these, Missa super ‘Salve celeberrima’, is suggestive of Marian devotion. See also n.94 for Manchicourt's masses in MontsM 772.

²⁰⁰ For information on musico-liturgical practices in the Burgundian and Habsburg-Burgundian courts, see Bloxam, M. J., ‘A Survey of Late Medieval Service Books from the Low Countries: Implications for Sacred Polyphony 1460–1520’ (Ph.D. diss., Yale University, 1987), pp. 67–88Google Scholar.

²⁰¹ See Kamen, , Philip of Spain, p. 105Google Scholar.