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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 25 March 2015
In 1936, T. B. L. Webster argued that Sophocles' Trachiniae has strong allusions to Aeschylus' Agamemnon, particularly in the characters of Deianeira and Clytemnestra. Once identified, it is easy see: each kills her husband as he returns from battle, and in each case the death contains an element of entrapment. Heracles' poisoned robe indeed seems deliberately to reflect the famous net used to entrap Agamemnon: Heracles' description of it (οἷον τόδ᾽ ἡ δολῶπις Οἰνέως κόρη / καθῆψεν ὤμοις τοῖς ἐμοῖς Ἐρινύων / ὑϕαντὸν ἀμϕίβληστρον, ‘…this woven garment of the Erinyes which the treacherous daughter of Oineus fastened on my shoulders’; Trachiniae 1050–2) is similar to Aegisthus' words near the end of Agamemnon (ἰδὼν ὑϕαντοῖς ἐν πέπλοις Ἐρινύων / τὸν ἄνδρα τόνδε κείμενον ϕίλως ἐμοί, ‘…seeing this man lying in robes of the Erinyes, to my joy’; 1580–1). Even if the direct verbal allusion fails to resonate with an audience, it seems unlikely, given the high level of audience competence, that audience members would not make the thematic connection. It is almost impossible to deny, therefore, that in Deianeira Sophocles was writing a deliberate response to Clytemnestra and contrasting the accidental murder caused by a loving wife with the carefully planned murder by a bitter wife.
All translations from Sophocles are my own. Translations of Xenophon are taken from E. C. Marchant and O. J. Todd (eds. and trans.), rev. J. Henderson, Xenophon. Memorabilia, Oeconomicus, Symposium, Apology (Cambridge, MA, 2013).
1 Webster, T. B. L., ‘Sophocles' Trachiniae’, in Greek Poetry and Life. Essays Presented to Gilbert Murray (Oxford, 1936), 168–9Google Scholar. He also notes the structural similarities between Trachiniae and Oedipus Rex. Webster is not alone is seeing the allusion; indeed, it is mentioned in most scholarship on this play. Segal, C., ‘Bride or Concubine? Iole and Heracles' Motives in “Trachiniae”’, ICS 19 (1994), 63Google Scholar, for example, also discusses the connection. See also Levett, B., Sophocles. Women of Trachis (London, 2004), 36Google Scholar, 76–7, 85.
2 On audience competence, see Revermann, M., ‘The Competence of Theatre Audiences in Fifth- and Fourth-century Athens’, JHS 126 (2006), 99–124CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
3 Ormand, K., in Exchange and the Maiden. Marriage in Sophoclean Tragedy (Austin, TX, 1999), 55Google Scholar, also sees a ‘deliberate contrast’ between the two women. The question of Deianeira's intent or understanding of her actions is the subject of a great deal of discussion. For many scholars, the reason for her acting in secret must be identified. To me, this is simply an example of Sophocles working within a tragic convention of delay (especially from the chorus) or secrecy until it is too late to intervene or reverse a course of action. Scott argues from a psychoanalytic perspective that Deianeira's unconscious mind knows full well what she is doing in sending the robe to Heracles, and, although she may not have acted deliberately, she is far from innocent. See Scott, M., ‘The Character of Deianeira in Sophocles' Trachiniae’, AClass 38 (1995), 17–27Google Scholar, and Scott, M., ‘The Character of Deianeira in Sophocles' Trachiniae’, AClass 40 (1997), 33–47Google Scholar. I argue throughout based on the opposite presumption: not that Sophocles is using his profound understanding of ‘the functioning of the unconscious mind’ (Scott [1997], 33) but that we should read Deianeira's character as it is presented to us and without subjecting her to the scrutiny of psychoanalysis. For a subtle argument on the issue, see Faraone's proposal that Deianeira knows that there is poison in Nessus' blood, but believes it to have aphrodisiac powers in small quantities: Faraone, C., ‘Deianira's Mistake and the Demise of Heracles: Erotic Magic in Sophocles' Trachiniae’, Helios 21 (1994), 115–35Google Scholar. See also Ryzman, M., ‘Deianeira's Moral Behaviour in the Context of the Natural Laws in Sophocles' “Trachiniae”’, Hermes 119 (1991), 385–98Google Scholar; Gasti, H., ‘Sophocles' Trachiniae: A Social or Externalized Aspect of Deianeira's Morality’, A&A 39 (1993), 20–8Google Scholar; and Carawan, E., ‘Deianeira's Guilt’, TAPhA 130 (2000), 189–237Google Scholar, for a sampling of more discussion on the issue.
4 Two exceptions might be Euripides' Helen and Alcestis. The fragmentary Andromeda shows the falling in love, but not marriage.
5 For example, Medea, Phaedra, and Clytemnestra.
6 Foley, H. P., Female Acts in Greek Tragedy (Princeton, NJ, 2001), 81Google Scholar, notes that Medea, too, has the ‘surprising expectation of a more reciprocal partnership with her spouse’.
7 On this point, see in particular Ormand (n. 3), 36–59.
8 Pozzi, D. C., ‘Deianeira's Robe: Diction in Sophocles' Trachiniae’, Mnemosyne 47 (1994), 583CrossRefGoogle Scholar, presents a fascinating and compelling argument about how the reunion between Deianeira and Heracles, ‘a perverted “marriage”, only occurs in the gruesome manner depicted in the passages describing the torture he suffers at Cenaeum. Deianeira's gift, carrying the murderous power of one monster and the erotic and destructive potency of another, “mingles with” Heracles by piercing his skin, emptying his innards, and erupting from inside. His body is violated.’
9 On marriage in tragedy more broadly, see Seaford, R., ‘Wedding Ritual and Textual Criticism in Sophocles' Women of Trachis’, Hermes 114 (1986), 50–9Google Scholar; idem, ‘The Tragic Wedding’, JHS 107 (1987), 106–30CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Rehm, R., Marriage to Death. The Conflation of Wedding and Funeral Rituals in Greek Tragedy (Princeton, NJ, 1994)Google Scholar; Wohl, V., Intimate Commerce. Exchange, Gender, and Subjectivity in Greek Tragedy (Austin, TX, 1998)Google Scholar; Ormand (n. 3); Foley (n. 6), esp. 59–105.
10 Seaford (n. 9, 1986), 55, describes her unhappiness in these lines as an inversion of the makarismos (the happy wishes to the new bride in her happy, newly married state) that is part of the wedding festivities. Segal, C., Sophocles' Tragic World (Cambridge, MA, 1995), 71Google Scholar, notes further that the time when she should have been receiving the makarismos is when she was instead filled with dread. Deianeira either did not experience or leaves out of her narrative any moments of happiness associated with marriage. Pozzi (n. 8), 579, reminds us that marriage in this play, as often in tragedy, is ‘inherently fraught with crises’. Nevertheless, Deianeira's level of trauma is extraordinary, even for tragedy.
11 As Winnington-Ingram, R. P., Sophocles. An Interpretation (Cambridge, 1980), 75CrossRefGoogle Scholar, puts it: ‘One might say that the rhythm of the first half of the play is the rhythm of Deianira's [sic] fears’.
12 Nooter, S., When Heroes Sing. Sophocles and the Shifting Soundscape of Tragedy (Cambridge, 2012), 69–70CrossRefGoogle Scholar, argues that this speech helps Deianeira to isolate herself even from the chorus, with whom she seems to have a friendly relationship, since she sets it up ‘as one that cannot truly be heard by others’.
13 Nooter nicely describes this as Deianeira understanding that Heracles is ‘larger than her comprehension or her domesticity’ (ibid., 64).
14 Deianeira first divulges the oracular prophecy at 79 ff., saying that Heracles will die or live happily after his ‘contest’ in Euboia. Later (161–8), she gives the chorus some more details, including that the oracle is from Dodona. The chorus then mentions it again at 821, when they realize that it must mean that Heracles is going to die.
15 Segal, C., ‘Sophocles' Trachiniae: Myth, Poetry, and Heroic Values’, YClS 25 (1977), 120Google Scholar, for example, notes that Deianeira's sympathetic nature is in keeping with the ‘modern ethic of compassion’ in the fifth century. Ryzman (n. 3), 389, suggests that her sympathy may come from her own fears.
16 Bowman, L., ‘Prophecy and Authority in the “Trachiniae”’, AJPh 120 (1999), 335–50Google Scholar, argues that Deianeira's act of believing Nessus' words is akin to her believing false prophecy and is, therefore, ‘equivalent to infidelity’ (336, 338 ff.). I consider it to be less dire: to me it is confirmation of her naïveté and how important it is for Heracles to provide the proper guidance as she makes the transition from girlhood to womanhood.
17 The second is her suicide, which is reported at 871 ff. At 543 ff., Deianeira states that she does not know how to be angry with Heracles, afflicted as he is by his ‘sickness’. This does not impede her ability to be angry with the situation in which she finds herself.
18 McCall, M., ‘The Trachiniae: Structure, Focus and Heracles’, AJPh 93 (1972), 142–63Google Scholar, argues that the change in Deianeira at this point is one that demonstrates heroic control. This seems like a slight exaggeration, since what Deianeira lacks most pointedly as the play progresses is control. She only regains control by committing suicide when her lack of control becomes apparent.
19 See Kapparis, K. A., Apollodoros. Against Neaira [D 59] (Berlin, 1999), 212–13CrossRefGoogle Scholar, n. 22.
20 Foley (n. 6) notes the difficulty of distinguishing between pallake and hetaira in the sources from oratory (90). This may be so, but it is clear nevertheless that there is strong feeling against installing another woman in the home, no matter what she may be called.
21 Installing a concubine in the marital home is rather different, however, as I discuss above. Nevertheless, the point here is that Andromache is focused on her husband's happiness, where as Deianeira is focused on her own.
22 Deianeira is not actually aggressive in a physical sense, of course, but, considering her previous passivity, any action is startling and aggressive for her. Moreover, even if the charm has the intended effect of making Heracles fall in love with her again, it is physically invasive and meant to overpower him.
23 This is no surprise, and is neither limited to Heracles' depiction in this play nor his typical approach to things other than women. Fuqua, C., ‘Heroism, Heracles, and the “Trachiniae”’, Traditio 36 (1980), 1–81CrossRefGoogle Scholar, has a good delineation of the multifaceted nature of Heracles' portrayal in literature (29 ff.). Galinsky, H., The Herakles Theme. The Adaptations of the Hero in Literature from Homer to the Twentieth Century (Oxford, 1972)Google Scholar, remains an excellent discussion of Heracles throughout literature; see also most recently Stafford, E., Herakles (London and New York, 2012)Google Scholar.
24 See below for a discussion of the homosocial aspect of Heracles' approach to women and love.
25 See further Winnington-Ingram (n. 11), 88–9. The ‘ambiguous power of eros’ in the anointed robe is noted by Pozzi (n. 8), 581; indeed, it is a strong thematic element throughout the play.
26 Pozzi (n. 8), 585. See also Seaford (n. 9, 1986), 57, and Ormand, K., ‘More Wedding Imagery: Trachiniae 1053 ff.’, Mnemosyne 46 (1993), 226CrossRefGoogle Scholar, both of whom argue that Heracles' act of uncovering himself at the end of the play represents the bride's unveiling (anakalupteria) at a wedding.
27 On women as objects in marriage, see Pomeroy, S., Goddesses, Whores, Wives, and Slaves. Women in Classical Antiquity (New York, 1975)Google Scholar; Wohl (n. 9); Foley (n. 6), 67.
28 Pozzi (n. 8), 584, notes the gender inversion in this play, too, but associates it more explicitly with Heracles' and Deianeira's deaths. She underlines how Heracles's body is invaded by the poison and Deianeira kills herself not by hanging, which is more typical for women in tragedy (as per Loraux, N., Tragic Ways of Killing a Woman, trans. Foster, A. [Cambridge, MA, 1991]Google Scholar) but by the sword.
29 This is an important qualification. I am arguing that the gender roles are reversed insofar as Deianeira acts and Heracles receives the action. I am not, however, suggesting that Deianeira could be called ‘manly’ in the way that, for example, Clytemnestra is. In this, I follow Ormand (n. 3) in highlighting the passivity of Deianeira's actions.
30 Segal (n. 1) convincingly argues that Iole is to become Hyllus' bride rather than his concubine. This may seem to be a trivial point but it helps to confirm Heracles' view of women in this play, both in that they are prizes to be won (so Segal [n. 1], 62) and that their ownership is determined by men, thereby removing from them any sense of autonomy.
31 Foley (n. 6), 95.
32 It is important to remember here that Deianeira does not object to Heracles' extra-marital love interests, but to the establishment of Iole in the home (see 545–6 in particular).
33 The discussion turns to the question of wives at 3.10, and details the wife's education and duty more completely starting at 7.5.
34 See, for example, Carson, A., ‘Putting Her in Her Place: Women, Dirt, and Desire’, in Halperin, D. M., Winkler, J. J., and Zeitlin, F. I. (eds.), Before Sexuality. The Construction of Erotic Experience in the Ancient Greek World (Princeton, NJ, 1990), 135–69Google Scholar; Hall, E., ‘The Sociology of Athenian Tragedy’, in Easterling, P. E. (ed.), The Cambridge Companion to Greek Tragedy (Cambridge, 1997), 93–126CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Foley (n. 6), 84.
35 On this point, see Levett (n. 1), 85 ff.
36 This powerful argument details the ways in which Heracles' interactions with other men are part of the ‘homosocial economy’. See Ormand (n. 3), 37, and also passim.
37 See in particular Wohl (n. 9) and Foley (n. 6).
38 Segal (n. 1), 62, also notes the possessive tone to Heracles' request that Hyllus marry Iole.
39 It is telling that even Lichas tries to cover it up. He may simply be trying to avert an angry confrontation with Deianeira, but, whatever the reason for his subterfuge (he says at lines 479–83 that he lies of his own free will and not under the instruction of Heracles), it suggests that Heracles' behaviour is not fully justifiable.
40 See, for example, Segal (n. 10) and Foley (n. 6).
41 Foley (n. 6), 95, argues that women were not expected to be able to make decisions of such magnitude.
