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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 10 June 2011
Sometime during the second decade of the second century CE, Ignatius, bishop of Antioch, was conveyed under guard to Rome where he expected to leave this world through the mouths of the beasts in the arena. Along his journey he stopped at Philadelphia and Smyrna. At each stop he received visitors from a number of churches in the area. He, in turn, wrote letters to those churches and to the church at Rome. The letters of Ignatius have been the subject of scholarly investigation for over a century. The authenticity of the middle recension of those letters is almost universally acknowledged. These letters have been studied for the light they can shed on church structure in Asia Minor at the beginning of the second century, the theology of Ignatius within its historical context, and the distinctive personality of Ignatius. One aspect of these documents which has implications for all other interests has not been satisfactorily explained, namely, how Ignatius understood his own letter writing activity. What gave Ignatius the audacity to interfere in the life of churches outside of Syria, and what kind of authority did he expect the admonitions contained in his letters to carry?
1 These interests were shown already by Zahn, Theodor, Ignatius von Antiochien (Gotha: Perthes, 1873)Google Scholar, and have dominated subsequent research.
2 These two aspects of Ignatius's thought are closely related since Ignatius understood his impending death in terms of an imitation of Christ that was at the same time an imitation of Paul. Meinhold, Peter, “Episkope-Pneumatiker-Märtyrer: Zur Deutung des Selbstaussagen des Ignatius von Antiochien,” in Studien zu Ignatius von Antiochien (Veröffentlichungen des Instituts für Europäische Geschichte Mainz 97; Wiesbaden: Steiner, 1979) 12, 17.Google Scholar See also Grant, Robert M., Ignatius of Antioch (The Apostolic Fathers 4; Camden, NJ: Nelson, 1966) 2Google Scholar; and Swartley, Willard M., “The Imitatio Christi in the Ignatian Letters,” VC 27 (1973) 103.Google Scholar
3 For a somewhat different view, see Bower, Richard A., “The Meaning of ΕΠΙΤΥΓΧΑΝΩ in the Epistles of St. Ignatius of Antioch,” VC 28 (1974) 1–14Google Scholar, and Schoedel, William R., Ignatius of Antioch: A Commentary on the Letters of Ignatius of Antioch (Hermeneia; Philadelphia: Fortress, 1985) 28–31.Google Scholar
4 Zahn rightly emphasizes (Ignatius, 425) the fact that these are real letters addressed to particular situations and not treatises adopting the literary form of letters.
5 Bruce J. Malina takes this function as primary in “The Social World Implied in the Letters of the Christian Bishop-Martyr (Named Ignatius of Antioch),” in Achtemeier, Paul J., ed., SBL Seminar Papers 1978 (Missoula: Scholars Press, 1978) 2. 74Google Scholar, but he later retreats from that position (111–12). See also Richardson, Cyril C., “The Church in Ignatius of Antioch,” JR 12 (1937) 431.Google Scholar Schoedel (Ignatius, 11–12) has pointed to the extensive arrangements made by others on behalf of Ignatius. Considering the content of the letters, it is best to understand the refreshment received by Ignatius as the occasion for the letters but not as their primary motivation.
6 Schoedel suggests (ibid., 175) that Ignatius referred to the letters already written to Ephesus, Magnesia, and Tralles.
7 Virginia Corwin has collected a good deal of evidence from the letters themselves: St. Ignatius and Christianity in Antioch (Yale Publications in Religion 1; New Haven: Yale University Press, 1960) 25–26.Google Scholar To accept Ignatius as merely a “Christian whom ‘love will not allow to remain silent,’ “as does Zahn (Ignatius, 449), seems inadequate.
8 Cf. l Clement inscr. The letters of Revelation are sent on the authority of Christ rather than John. Barnabas is not addressed to churches.
9 The elevation of the position of bishop in Ignatius is one means to the goal of preserving unity in the churches rather than an end in itself. Goltz, Eduard Freiherr von der, Ignatius von Antiochien als Christ und Theologe: Eine Dogmengeschichtliche Untersuchung (TU 12.3; Leipzig: Hinrichs, 1894) 59–60.Google Scholar
10 Meinhold, “Episkope-Pneumatiker-Märtyrer,” 1–18.
11 Meinhold (ibid.) does not give enough importance to the role of bishop as being the model of the γνώμη of God (cf. Pol. 4.1).
12 Meinhold, “Episkope-Pneumatiker-Märtyrer,” 12.
13 “Syria” is used as the equivalent of Antioch in Rom. 2.2 according to Richardson (“Church,” 438). The church in Antioch should probably be envisioned as a collection of house churches. All of the Christians in the area may have recognized the authority of Ignatius, but it is unlikely that they all assembled together for any but the most solemn occasions. However, the bishop continued to oversee the life of all of these units. The problem is not so much the fact that many eucharists are celebrated nor the fact that the bishop is not personally present at each celebration as the fact that some celebrations of the eucharist are being held without the bishop's authorization and representatives (Eph. 5.1–3; Phld. 4.1; Smyrn. 8.1–2).
14 Schlier, Heinrich, Religionsgeschichtliche Untersuchungen zu den Ignatiusbriefen (BZNW 8; Giessen: Töpelmann, 1929) 135, 140–52.Google Scholar Meinhold, “Episkope-Pneumatiker-Märtyrer,” 8–10.
15 Schlier, Untersuchungen, 144. Dölger, F. J., “ΘEOY ΦΩNH: Die ‘Gottes-Stimme’ bei Ignatius von Antiochien, Kelsos und Origenes,” Antike und Christentum 5 (1936) 218–23.Google Scholar
16 Ignatius may have overestimated the extent to which the Philadelphians shared his assumptions. His activity may have aggravated the tensions there. Bauer, Walter, Die Briefe des Ignatius von Antiochien und der Polykarpbrief (HNTSup; Tübingen: Mohr-Siebeck, 1920) 259.Google Scholar Meinhold, “Schweigende Bischöfe: Die Gegensätze in den kleinasiastischen Gemeinden nach den Ignatianen,” in Studien, 27.
17 Stevan L. Davies' suggestion that Ignatius was merely under indictment is not convincing (“The Predicament of Ignatius of Antioch,” VC 30 [1976] 175–80).Google Scholar
18 Bartsch, Hans-Werner, Gnostisches Gut und Gemeindetradition bei Ignatius von Antiochien (Gütersloh: Bertelsmann, 1940) 92–95Google Scholar, and Schoedel, Ignatius, 72. There is no need to appeal to Gnostic myths concerning imprisonment in matter as did Schlier (Untersuchungen, 153–55).
19 Campenhausen, Hans Freiherr von, Die Idee des Martyriums in der alten Kirche (2d ed.; Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1964) 68, 74Google Scholar; Strathmann, “μάρτυς κτλ.,” TDNT, 488, 504–8.
20 The first possible uses of the term in a technical sense among Christians (l Clem. 5.4, 7; Acts 22:20; Rev 2:13) appeared a few decades before Ignatius wrote. There is no reason to think that Ignatius knew any of these documents. See Brox, N., Zeuge und Märtyrer: Untersuchungen zur frühchristlichen Zeugnis-Terminologie (SANT 5; Munich: Kösel, 1961) 212.Google Scholar
21 Von Campenhausen, Idee, 74; Meinhold, “Episkope-Pneumatiker-Märtyrer,” 13; Baumeister, Theofried, Die Anfänge der Theologie des Martyriums (MBT 45; Münster: Aschendorff, 1980) 277.Google Scholar
22 Perler, Othmar, “Das vierte Makkabäerbuch, Ignatius von Antiochien und die ältesten Märtyrerberichte,” Rivista di Archeologia Cristiana 25 (1949) 47–72.Google Scholar Perler has shown that Ignatius shares a good deal of vocabulary and thought with 4 Maccabeeş, which may have been written in Antioch near the time of Ignatius. Although the parallel uses of ἄθλησις and ⋯ντίψυχον are illuminating (49–52), they are not enought to establish a literary dependence (64–65). Even if Ignatius had read 4 Maccabees, and had found a technical use of μάρτυς at 12:16 in his copy, he did not apply the term to himself in this sense.
23 Schlier, Untersuchungen, 141 n. 1.
24 Baumeister, Anfänge, 260–66.
25 Lightfoot, J. B., ed. and trans., The Apostolic Fathers (New York: Macmillan, 1889–1890Google Scholar; reprinted Grand Rapids: Baker, 1981) 2. 2. 64; Meinhold disagrees (“Episkope-Pneumatiker-M” 17).
26 The phenomenon was widespread, as evidenced by the deutero-Pauline and Petrine epistles written in the style of Paul's letters.
27 Schoedel, Ignatius, 72.
28 Ibid., 132.
29 Apostles are not limited to eyewitnesses of the earthly career of Jesus; Paul is included. Apostles do not seem to be witnesses of the resurrection, nor are they ever explicitly treated as the founders of churches or establishers of bishops (cf. l Clem. 42.4). Von der Goltz, Ignatius, 78–80; Corwin, St. Ignatius, 195–96; Paulsen, Henning, Studien zur Theologie des Ignatius von Antiochien (Forschungen zur Kirchen- und Dogmen-Geschichte 29; Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1978) 106Google Scholar; Schoedel,Ignatius, 112–13.
30 Only when Ignatius states that he is not himself an apostle (Trall. 3.3) does he use the singular noun.
31 Zahn, Ignatius, 439–44; Meinhold, “Die geschichtstheologischen Konzeptionen bei Ignatius von Antiochien,” in Studien, 46; idem, “Die Anschauung des Ignatius von Antiochien von der Kirche,” in Studien, 59–60; idem, “Schweigende Bischöfe,” 22, 31, 33.
32 The possible relationship has been noted by many, among them Meinhold (“Schweigende Bischöfe,” 22–24, 31–33), and Schoedel (Ignatius, 59). The most extensive discussion can be found in Trevett, Christine, “Prophecy and Anti-Episcopal Activity: A Third Error Combatted by Ignatius?” JEH 34 (1983) 1–18, esp. 8–12, 18.Google Scholar
33 Sieben, Hermann Josef, “Die Ignatianen als Briefe: Einige formkritische Bemerkungen,” VC 32 (1978) 9.Google Scholar
34 Ibid., 8–18; Schoedel, Ignatius, 146.
35 On γνώμη see Padberg, Rudolf, “Geordnete Liebe: Amt, Pneuma und kirchliche Einheit bei Ignatius von Antiochien,” in Unio Christianorum, Festschrift für Erzbischof Dr. Lorenz Jaeger (Paderborn: Bonifacius, 1962) 205–6Google Scholar; and Schoedel, Ignatius, 50.
36 Even Paul gives instructions not as apostle but as one possessing the spirit of God (1 Cor 7:40).
37 l Clement 5; Polycarp Phil. 9.1. Ignatius shares some material in common with the Petrine epistles (Von der Goltz, Ignatius, 194–95). It is not clear that he knew these epistles, but he may have known some of the traditions as deriving from Peter.
38 Meinhold, “Episkope-Pneumatiker-Märtyrer,” 6–7; idem, “Geschichtstheologische Konzeptionen,” 37–47. Cf. Schoedel, Ignatius, 20, and Koester, Helmut, Introduction to the New Testament, vol. 2: History and Literature of Early Christianity (Philadelphia: Fortress, 1982) 282.Google Scholar Schlier suggests another interpretation of the name (Untersuchungen, 140).
39 Bauer, Briefe, 191; Grant,Ignatius, 30; Schoedel, Ignatius, 36–37.
40 Cf. Magn. 11.1, 12.1.
41 Ignatius apparently had no information, prophetic or otherwise, of disputes in Rome. It is unlikely that there was a single bishop in Rome at the time of Ignatius. Zahn, Ignatius, 447; Richardson, “Church,” 436; Burke, Patrick, “The Monarchial Episcopate at the End of the First Century,” JES 7 (1970) 504–9.Google Scholar
42 Many have noted the parallel to 1 Cor 7:22. Bauer, Briefe, 248.
43 Rathke, Heinrich (Ignatius von Antiochien und die Paulusbriefe [TU 99; Berlin: Akademie-Verlag, 1967] 28)Google Scholar has argued that this section of Ignatius's Romans is based on 1 Corinthians, and that Rom. 4.3 is dependent on 1 Cor 9:1 in particular.
44 Ignatius may have thought of the apostles as exercising this freedom even in life. Schoedel, Ignatius, 176.
45 Polycarp recommended the letters of Ignatius as containing faith, endurance, and edification (Polycarp Phil. 13.2). He commended Ignatius along with Paul and others as a model of endurance (Phil. 9.1). See also Richardson, Cyril Charles, The Christianity of Ignatius of Antioch (New York: Columbia University Press, 1935) 24.Google Scholar
46 If the trouble in Antioch is to be understood as persecution, it is worth noting that Ignatius rejoices when it ends. Zahn, Ignatius, 409–10.
47 Ignatius gave his own interpretation to the widespread notion that the prophets had suffered violent deaths. Baumeister, Anfänge, 6–13.
48 Schoedel,Ignatius, 111.
49 Zañartu, Sergio, “Les concepts de vie et de mort chez Ignace d'Antioche,” VC 33 (1979) 325, 335.Google Scholar
50 Schlier, Untersuchungen, 136. The joining together of opposites is characteristic of Ignatius's theological style. Koester, Helmut, “History and Cult in the Gospel of John and in Ignatius of Antioch,” Journal of Theology and the Church 1 (1965) 114Google Scholar; Paulsen, Studien, 130–32, 164. Schoedel (Ignatius, 176) traces its application to the issue of death.
51 For a lengthy discussion of this image, see Paulsen, Studien, 170–73.
52 Pliny let deniers go free (Letters 10.96). Cf. Ignatius, who states: “Unless we willingly die in his passion, his life is not in us” (Magn. 5.2), and “I am willingly dying for God's sake” (Rom. 4.1).
53 Schoedel, Ignatius. 46. I see no evidence of the perfectionism noted by Corwin, St. Ignatius, 230, 232.
54 Bartsch, Gnostisches Gut, 94–98; Meinhold, “Episkope-Pneumatiker-Märtyrer,” 14–15.
55 Zahn, Ignatius, 406 n. 2. The concept of “new life” has a similar double application, as something possessed already and as the goal of life. Von der Goltz, Ignatius, 39–41. See also Richardson, “Church,” 433, 442–43, and idem, Christianity, 26–29.
56 Corwin, St. Ignatius, 227–28.
57 Some have found the distinction more clear-cut; those who have not died cannot be true disciples. Corwin, St. Ignatius, 227–35; Grant, Ignatius, 11–12.
58 Corwin, St. Ignatius, 227.
59 When Meinhold attempts to define Ignatius's concept of martyrdom he quite rightly falls back on the notion of discipleship (“Episkope-Pneumatiker-Märtyrer,” 13).
60 It would be contrary to what Ignatius states elsewhere (Eph. 10.1; Magn. 1.2; Smyrn. 9.2; Pol. 2.3, 4.3) to confine attaining to God to martyrdom in the technical sense. Clearly one can be saved by other paths. All of the passages mentioned, except. Eph. 10.1, connect attaining to God with endurance. However, Schlier (Untersuchungen, 165–74) sees the normal path as the cult-centered community. Bower (“ΕΠΙΤΥΓΧΑΝΩ,” 8–13) reaches a similar conclusion, apparently without benefit of Schlier's earlier study. Bartsch identifies martyrdom as a substitute for the eucharist, which he takes as the essential route to God (Gnostisches Gut, 124). Grant (Ignatius, 12) rightly stresses the importance of endurance in the face of suffering. Richardson describes a combination of unity, sacrament, and imitation of Christ's suffering as the normal route to God (“Church,” 434–35, Christianity, 24, 38–39). Karin Bommes makes an interesting argument that the only difference between the martyr and the ordinary Christian is the length of the path that is traveled in attaining to God (Weizen Gottes: Untersuchungen zur Theologie des Martyriums bei Ignatius von Antiochien [Theophaneia 27; Cologne/Bonn: Hanstein, 1976] 227–50).Google Scholar
61 Zahn, Ignatius, 412–13. Bartsch overemphasizes the connection between Ignatius's separation from the eucharist and his expressions of insecurity (Gnostisches Gut, 96–98).
62 Ignatius can witness to the trustworthiness of the Ephesians (Eph. 9.2) and call the Smyrneans already perfect (Smyrn. 11.3).
63 Schoedel, Ignatius, 13; Corwin, St. Ignatius, 27–28.
64 Swartley, “Imitatio,” 93–98.
65 Zahn, Ignatius, 412–13.
66 Von der Goltz (Ignatius, 32) sees the connection between attaining life and attaining recognition of his authority in his dispute with the Docetists. I would see the application as much broader, since the disputes are only one of Ignatius's many concerns. Von der Goltz elsewhere (61) seems to reduce Ignatius's authority to that of a martyr.
67 Meinhold, “Christologie und Jungfraugeburt bei Ignatius von Antiochien,” in Studien, 52.
68 Richardson, Christianity, 18, 38–39. The Docetists fail this test and therefore only seem to be (Trall. 10.1; Smyrn. 2.1).
69 One might describe the issue for Ignatius as one of needing to legitimate his authority as an interpreter of the power of God. For a thorough discussion of the terminological complexities, see Schutz, John Howard, Paul and the Anatomy of Apostolic Authority (SNTSMS 26; Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1975) 9, 15–21.Google Scholar
70 For an explication of the contrast see Bartsch, Gnostisches Gut, 62–64, and Schoedel, Ignatius, 170–71.
71 Koester, History and Literature, 282, 286. Sections of Paul's letters and the Pastoral Epistles follow the genre more closely by including a biographical overview and apocalyptic warnings along with ethical admonitions (133, 300).
72 Ignatius was free in his use of all established forms (Schoedel, Ignatius, 7–8).
73 It is important to remember that Ignatius did not treat the letters of Paul, or even written gospels if he had them, as scripture (Schoedel, Ignatius, 201). On the other hand, he was aware that the continuing influence of the apostles in the churches was based in part on the written documents they left behind in the world. Zahn, Ignatius, 432, 436. See also Grant, Robert M., “Hermeneutics and Tradition in Ignatius of Antioch: A Methodological Investigation,” in Castelli, E., ed., Ermeneutica e tradizione (Rome: Istituto di studi filosofici, 1963; Paris: Vrin, 1963) 194.Google Scholar
74 It cannot be demonstrated that Ignatius knew the Pastoral Epistles. The authors of the deutero-Pauline letters may have known the collection of Ignatian epistles. The chain of influence would have come full circle if the Pauline corpus were filled out on the model of Ignatius's letters.
75 Schoedel, Ignatius, 12 and passim.
