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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 10 June 2011
Although it is widely agreed that the phylacteries mentioned in Matt 23:5 are tĕfîllîn, this equation has not gone entirely unquestioned. L. Blau stated that only the words těfîllâ (singular) and tĕfîllîn (plural) are used in Talmudic literature, and that conclusions based on the word phylacteries are without foundation, “since this name was not used in truly Jewish circles.” G. G. Fox argued that since Greek phylaktēria refers to charms or amulets, and since for the Pharisee the tĕfîllîn were truly spiritual symbols rather than magical amulets, Matthew's use of the term must be a misrepresentation, probably intentional, expressing his contempt for tĕfîllîn.
1 “Phylacteries: Historical View,” Jewish Encyclopedia 10 (New York/London: Funk and Wagnalls, 1905) 26Google Scholar.
2 “The Matthean Misrepresentation of Tephillîn” JNES 1 (1942) 373–77Google Scholar.
3 “Phylacteries,” TU 73 (1959) 523–24Google Scholar.
4 Studies in Pharisaism and the Gospels (2d Series: Cambridge: Cambridge University, 1924) 203–5Google Scholar.
5 As actually read in some Syriac MSS: ʿrqʾ dtplyhwn; see Lewis, A. S., The Old Syriac Gospels (London: Williams and Norgate, 1910) 62Google Scholar.
6 Jewish Symbols in the Greco-Roman Period (New York: Pantheon, 1953–68), 2. 210Google Scholar; 9. 171–72. This interpretation was taken over from Epiphanius by the twelfth-century Syrian Orthodox writer Dionysios bar Ṣalibi in his treatise Against the Jews; see Brock, S. P., “Some Syriac Accounts of the Jewish Sects,” in A Tribute to Arthur Vööbus (ed. Fischer, R. H.; Chicago: Lutheran School of Theology at Chicago) 272Google Scholar; reference courtesy of M. E. Stone.
7 Cf. his commentary on Ezek 24:15, in PL 25. 230; similarly, John Chrysostom, Homily 72.2 on Matt 23:5: “which they called phylacteries (ha phylaktēria ekaloun)” (PG 58.669). That at least some tĕfîllîn contained the Decalogue (cf. also Theodore bar Qoni, cited by Brock [above, n. 6] and the sources cited in the Syriac dictionaries of Brockelmann and Payne-Smith s.v. tpl) is also reflected in Talmudic-Midrashic sources and has been confirmed by tĕfîllîn discovered in the Judean Desert; see A. M. Habermann, ʿal hattĕfîllîn bîmê qeḏem, in Eretz-Israel 3 (1954) 175Google Scholar; Megilloth Midbar Yehuda (Israel: Machbaroth Lesifruth, 1959) 16Google Scholar; Yadin, Y., Tefillin from Qumran (Jerusalem: Israel Exploration Society, 1969) 24Google Scholar (Hebrew section), 34 (English section); Milik, J. T. in Qumrân Grotte 4. 2 (DJD 6; Oxford: Clarendon, 1977) Part 2Google Scholar.
8 The translation in Montefiore, C. G. and Loewe, H. (A Rabbinic Anthology [Cleveland/New York: World; Philadelphia: Jewish Publication Society of America, 1963] 404–5Google Scholar, no. 1110) adds interpretively after the phrase “on their heads”: “and they oppress the poor.” This fits the context in Ecclesiastes (cf. the commentaries of R. D. Luria [Radal] and Z. W. Einhorn [Maharzu] on this passage in Ecclesiastes Rabbah, and the similar homily in Pesiqta Rabbati, cited immediately). However, the text contains no such addition, and pretension to scholarship is in itself a form of hypocrisy.
Another abuse of tĕfîllîn condemned in rabbinic sources is that by the foolish pious man (ḥāsîḏ šôṭeh): he sees a child drowning in the river and says: “As soon as I remove my tĕfîllîn I'll save him”; while he is removing his tĕfîllîn, the child dies (b. Soṭa 21b; y. Soṭa 3:4, 19a).
9 Ed. M. Friedmann (Wien: Kaiser, 1880) 111b; English translation based on Braude, W. G., Pesikta Rabbati (Yale Judaica Series 18; New York/London: Yale University, 1968), I. 458–59Google Scholar. In the quotation or paraphrase of this passage by R. Menahem Hamiri, the last two words are replaced with: “and deceive people” (Bêṯ̲ habbêḥîrâ ʿal Masseket Sôṭâ, ed. A. Liss; Māḵôn hattalmûḏ hayyisrāʾēlî haššālēm, 1963) 47. In Miḏ̲rāš ʾAggaādâ (ed. Buber, S. [Vienna: Panta, 1894] 152Google Scholar) to Exod 20:7 the wording is: “you are not to behave as if you are pious when you are not.”
10 Thus the passage is interpreted by Ginzberg, L., A Commentary on the Palestinian Talmud (Texts and Studies of the Jewish Theological Seminary of America, 10; New York: Jewish Theological Seminary, 1941), 1. 257–63Google Scholar. Contrast Tosafot at b. Šabb. 49a s. kʾlyšʿ, and Marʾeh Happānîm of Moses Margalith at y. Ber. 2:3, 4c.
11 The Pěnê Mošeh of Moses Margalith on y. Ber. 2:3, 4c s.v.mpny hrmʾyn describes these as people “who would don tĕfîllîn to create the presumption that they were honest, and deceive people.” Similarly Tosafot on b. Šabb. 49a s.v. kʾlyšʿ.
12 Pesiq. R. 22. 5.111b, and Midrash Haggadol on Exodus (ed. Margulies, M.; Jerusalem: Mosad Haraw Kook, 1967) 410Google Scholar. The ultimate source of the account is y. Ber. 2:3, 4c.
13 E.g., J. Müller, Kurzegeonäische Entscheidungen (Hālāḵôṯpěsûqôt min haggěʾônîm) (Krakow: Fischer, 1893) 38, no. 63; S. Assaf, Responsa Geonica (Těšûḇôṯ, haggěʾônîm) (Jerusalem: Mekize Nirdamim, 1942) 6.
14 See, e.g., Šûlḥān ʿĀrûḵ, ʾŌraḥ Ḥayyîm 34:3 and Bēʾēr Hêṭēḇ ad loc.
15 As noted by Str-B 4/1. 276; cf. Moore, G. F., Judaism (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University, 1958–59), 2. 191–92Google Scholar.
16 For other examples see Ep. Arist. 158–59; t. Ber. 6(7):25; Mek., Šîrtâʾ, chap. 3, to Exod 15:2; b. Pesaḥ. 113b; Ḥul. 88b–89a.
17 Nine of the best-preserved capsules from 4Q are shown in the photograph (by Tsila Sagiv, published by courtesy of the Israel Department of Antiquities and Museums) against a background of millimeter paper to highlight the size (scale 1:1). Nos. 1–8 are head-tĕfîllîn capsules, no. 9 a hand-tĕfîllîn capsule. The small size of these capsules as compared to those of present-day tĕfîllîn is perhaps for the sake of comfort, since the tĕfîllîn were to be worn all day (e.g., b. Menaḥ. 36a-b; Tg. Yer. I Exod 13:10; Maimonides, Hilḵôṯ tĕfîllîn 4:25–26).
18 Asher b. Yeḥiel, Hălāḵôṯ qěṭānôṯ, hilḵôṯ tĕfîllîn, 123d (Hebrew pagination), printed in back of b. Menaḥot in the Romm-Vilna edition.
19 Těšûḇôṯ haggêʾônîm, ed. Musafia, Y. (Lyck: Mekize Nirdamim, 1864; reprinted, Jerusalem, 1967) 6–7, no. 3Google Scholar. The wording may imply that the initiative for this differentiation in size came from the rabbis. Other versions of this responsum, or other accounts of the practice, seem to imply that it was an act of humility on the part of the students, who actually covered the head těfîllâ so that it would not be noticeable at all (e.g., Mirsky, S. K., Shibolei Haleket Completum [Jerusalem/New York: Sura Institute, 1966] 91)Google Scholar.
20 Cited by Fox, “Matthean Misrepresentation,” JNES 1 (1942) 376Google Scholar.
21 For the vocalization see Torczyner, H. in Yehuda, E. Ben, A Complete Dictionary of Ancient and Modern Hebrew (Jerusalem: Ben-Yehuda Hozaa-La'Or, n.d. [1946]) 5987Google Scholar n. 4.
22 Smith, W. R., “Divination and Magic in Deut. XVIII. 10, 11,” Journal of Philology 13 (1885) 286Google Scholar.
23 E.g., m. Šabb 6:2; Šeqal. 3:2; Miqw. 6:4; 10:2; Kelim 23: 1; Sifrâʾ, Šěmînî, 8:6 (ed. Weiss, 53b).
24 Higger, M., Seven Minor Treatises (New York: Bloch, 1930) 46Google Scholar, 45 (Hebrew section); translation based on English section, 27, 25.
25 §2; ed. Higger, Hebrew section, 42; English section, 24.
26 See the commentaries of Rashi, Maimonides, and R. Obadiah of Bertinoro on the Mishnah, and see Lieberman, S., Tosefta Ki-fshuṭah. Part III, Order Moʿed (New York: Jewish Theological Seminary, 1962) 463Google Scholar. Features shared by at least some qĕmîʿin with tĕfîllîn include their containing scriptural passages (b. Šabb. 61 b, 115b; cf. Lieberman, 67), leather covers (b. Šabb. 62a), and being bound to the wearer (b. Šabb. 61a).
27 Otzar ha-Geonim 10 (ed. Lewin, B. M.; Jerusalem: Mosad Harav Kook, 1941)Google Scholar Responsa section, 12, §26 (reference from Lieberman, Tosefta Ki-fshuṭah. Order Zeraʿim, Part I [New York: Jewish Theological Seminary, 1955] 218 n. 38Google Scholar).
28 GKC, §84.1. For other names of ornaments formed on the same pattern cf. ṣāmîḏ, ṣānîf, šāḇîs, ḥārîṭ, and ʿāgîl.
29 The parallel text in b. ʿAbod. Zar. 39a reads qwšrt, though b. Bek. 30b and a reading of the ʿAboda Zara passage quoted in the ʿArûḵ s.v. qmʿ have qwmʿt (Kohut, A., Aruch Completum [Vienna, 1878–92; reprint, Tel Aviv: Shilo, 1960], 7. 123Google Scholar). The Geonic responsa cited in n. 27 also use qmʿ in the same way.
30 Cf. nqmʿt ktpyly in R. Isaiah of Trani's Sēfer Hammaḵrîaʿ, cited in Ben Yehuda 12. 5990.
31 “Whoever recites the Shema without tĕfîllîn, it is as if he testified falsely against himself [Rashi takes ‘himself as a euphemism in place of ‘God’]. … Whoever wishes to take the Yoke of the Kingship of Heaven upon himself completely should (first) relieve himself and wash his hands, and (then) don tĕfîllîn and recite the Shema and the Tefillah; this is the complete (acceptance of the) Kingship ofheaven”(b. Ber. 14b–15a). “How does one honor Him ‘with your substance’ (Prov 3:9)? … Make a sûkkâ, lûlāḇ, šôfār tĕfîllîn, and ṣîṣîṯ” (y. Qidd. 1:7, 61b). “Is it then possible for flesh and blood to bestow glory on its Creator? Yes indeed! I bestow glory on him by means of the religious acts: I prepare for his sake a handsome lulab, a handsome sukkah, beautiful ṣiṣit, beautiful tefillin” (Mek. Sîrtâʾ, §3; trans, by Judah Goldin, The Song at the Sea [New Haven/London: Yale University, 1971] 113–14).
32 “If someone says: ‘Come and recite this verse over my child, who is frightened, place a scroll or tĕfîllîn on him so that he may sleep'—this is forbidden” (y. Šabb. 6:2, 8b; ʿErub. 10:11, 26c; Masseḵeṯ Tĕfîllîn § 5; cf. Maimonides Hilḵôṯ ʿAkûm 11:12. Cf. also Tg. Cant. 8:3; Num. Rab. 12:3. Jerome was aware of both understandings of tĕfîllîn: “Whoever has them, has them as a protection and reminder to himself (quasi ob custodiam et monimentum sui; PL 26. 168); cf. also Letter LII, end of § 13, in A Select Library of Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers (2d series, 6 [ed. P. Schaff and H. Wace] 95).
Several modern scholars cite Jerome's commentary to Matt 23:6 to the effect that superstitious Christian women used tĕfîllîn as amulets. These scholars refer to various columns in PL 26; they seem to have in mind col. 168, but there Jerome merely compares to tĕfîllîn the practice of superstitious Christian women in carrying miniature Gospels, fragments of the cross, and the like, as correctly understood by Lesétre, H., “Phylactéres,” in Dictionnaire de la Bible (ed. Vigouroux, F.; Paris: Letouzeyet Ané, 1912) 5/1. 353Google Scholar. The same comparison is made by Joh n Chrysostom and Isidore Peleus; see Dobschütz, E. von, “Charms and Amulets (Christian),” in Encyclopedia of Religion and Ethics (henceforth ERE) (ed. Hastings, J.; New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1951), 3Google Scholar. 425c.
33 For the Torah see the reference to a scroll in the passage quoted at the beginning of the previous note; b. Ber. 23b; Blau, L., Das Altjüdische Zauberwesen (Budapest, 1898; reprint, Westmead, England: Gregg International) 150–51Google Scholar, n. 7; Trachtenberg, J., Jewish Magic and Superstition (Cleveland/New York: World; Philadelphia: Jewish Publication Society, 1961) 104–6Google Scholar; Budge, E. A. Wallis, Amulets and Talismans (New Hyde Park, NY: University Books, 1961) 235–36Google Scholar; Lieberman, S., Hellenism in Jewish Palestine (New York: Jewish Theological Seminary, 1962) 108Google Scholar, n. 50. On the Gospels see von Dobschütz in ERE 2. 611; 3. 425; DACL 1. 1788–89; Nestle, E., ZNW 7 (1906) 90Google Scholar. On the Qur'ān see Budge, Amulets and Talismans, 53; Lane, E. W., An Account of the Manners and Customs of the Modern Egyptians (3d edition; London: Charles Knight, 1846), 2. 66–67Google Scholar = 5th edition; London: John Murray, 1871), 1. 312–13; cf. Mirkin, M., Miḏrāš Rabbâ (Tel Aviv: Yavneh, 1973), 8Google Scholar. 62n. For similar understanding of the Mezuzah see Casanowicz, I. M., “Mezuzah,” in Jewish Encyclopedia (New York/London: Funk and Wagnalls, 1905), 8. 532Google Scholar; y. Peah 1:1, 15d; cf. von Dobschütz in ERE 3. 425 for the use of the apocryphal Epistle of Christ to Abgar as an amulet on doors and city gates. The use of the Second Tithe or the coins into which it has been converted as amulets is reflected (and prohibited) in ṯ. Maʿas. Š. 1:3 (Zuck. 86); see Lieberman, S., Tosefta Ki-fshuṭah. Order Zeraʿim, Part II (New York: Jewish Theological Seminary, 1955) 715Google Scholar.
34 Cf. Goldin, J., “The Magic of Magic and Superstition,” in Aspects of Religious Propaganda in Judaism and Early Christianity (ed. Fiorenza, E. S.; Notre Dame, IN: Notre Dame, 1976) 115–47Google Scholar. Compare the persistent use of miniature Gospels (and extracts from them) as amulets (references in nn. 32 and 33 above).
35 See A. Rothkoff, “Minor Tractates,” EJ 12. 49–50; Baron, S. W., A Social and Religious History of the Jews, 6 (New York/London: Columbia University; Philadelphia: Jewish Publication Society, 1958) 63 and 354–55, n. 70Google Scholar; Higger, Seven Minor Treatises, Hebrew section, 5–7; English section, 5.
36 Baron, History, 63; cf. Higger, Seven Minor Treatises, Hebrew section, 7.
37 This by no means indicates that qāmîaʿ is the original term for tĕfîllîn. The singular tplh is attested, apparently with this meaning, in the third century B.C.E., in Cowley, A. E., Aramaic Papyri of the Fifth Century B.C. (Oxford: Clarendon, 1923) 192Google Scholar, no. 81:30: tplh zy ksp (cf. m. Meg. 4:5). For the possibly related Ugaritic tply see Pope, M. H. and Tigay, J. H, “A Description of Baal,” Ugarit-Forschungen 3 (1971) 118, 124–26Google Scholar.
