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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 23 August 2011
The monumental work of Erwin R. Goodenough on Jewish Symbols opens new historical vistas. Our knowledge of Judaism and its religious attitudes in the Roman Empire was derived from written, mainly Talmudic, sources. For the first time Goodenough assembles, presents and interprets an imposing array of figured or otherwise decorated monuments which throw an unexpected light on the mentality of the period known as that of the Talmud. Who could imagine that at Beth She'arim, a famous seat of Talmudic learning, contemporaries of R. Jehudah, the compiler of the Mishna, were buried in a chamber decorated by a carved human figure surmounted by a menorah, or in a relief sarcophagus showing Leda and the swan, the mythological episode which was regarded as extremely indecent by a contemporary Christian writer?
Some unfamiliar abbreviations: AZ = Aboda Zara; CA = Cahiers archéologiques; JACh = Jahrbuch fuer Antike und Christentum; JWI = Journal of Warburg (and Courtauld) Institute; YCS = Yale Classical Studies.
1 Erwin R. Goodenough, Jewish Symbols in the Greco-Roman Period; vols. IX–XI: Symbolism in the Dura Synagogue (Bollingen Series XXXVII), Pantheon Books, New York, 1964).
2 Clem. Alex. Cohort. 4,53. For imagery in Bet She'arim cf., e.g., B. Kanael, Die Kunst der antiken Synagoge (1961), pp. 20–36. On the figure of a man wearing a menorah on his head cf. Smith, M., Bulletin of the John Rylands Library 40(1958), 500.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
3 The Excavations at Dura-Europus. Final Report VIII, 1(1956), the reviews of M. Smith (JBL 76 [1957], 324), and E. R. Goodenough (AJA 62 [1958], 249ff.).
4 Lehmann-Hartleben, K., Olsen, E. C., Dionysiac Sarcophagi in Baltimore (1942), p. 22.Google Scholar
5 Philostr. V. Apoll. 4,28. In palaeo-Christian and Byzantine art, Christ never carries a globe or wears a diadem as angels do. Grabar, A., Dumbarton Oak Papers 6(1958), 38.Google Scholar
6 Lifshitz, B., Aegyptus 42(1962), 240–56.Google Scholar
7 IV Mace. 17:7. On the date of this book see Louis Ginzberg Jubilee Volume (1945), pp. 105–12; Tos. AZ 5(6),2.
8 Eusebius' Letter to Constantia, PG. 20,1545. On the beginnings of pictorial decoration of catacombs cf. Th. Klauser JACh 1(1958), 26–58; Février, P. A., CA 11(1960), 1–15.Google Scholar
9 Baur, P. V. C. in Dura-Europus Preliminary Report 5(1934), 274Google Scholar; cf. ib. 281. Cf. Grabar, A., CA 8(1956), 9.Google Scholar
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11 Cf. Narkiss, M., in Scritti in memoria di Sally Mayer ed. Nahon, U. (1956)Google Scholar, where the photographs of the casket are not very clear.
12 Cf. on the other hand the images of the river Euphrates and of the source of Palmyra: Cumont, F., Fouilles de Doura-Europus (1926), 98.Google Scholar
13 Tos. AZ 3:9.
14 Baron, S., History of the Jews, V (1957), 190.Google Scholar Cf. Ankori, Z., Karaites in Byzantium (1959), 292–353.Google Scholar
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16 Tac. Ann. 15, 37. Chrysostomus (PG.57,43) already warns his audience not to be too curious about that which is to be passed over in silence. F. Suarez (1548–1612) quotes Thomas Aquinas in his discussion of the quaestiones of the Angelic Doctor. Opera (ed. 1860), XIX, 168ff. q. 10, Sect. 2. The learned schoolmen discussed the cooperation of the Holy Virgin with the Holy Ghost at the miraculous conception. The savior was conceived sine.. voluptate and absque ulla commotione membrorum of the Virgin.
17 Th. Sanchez, de sancti matrimonii Sacramento (1607), Lib. II, diss. 21, quaestio 11: adjuisse semen in Virgine … ut ministraret conceptioni Christi materiam. According to Koch, L., Jesuiten Lexicon (1934)Google Scholar, 1588, the last reprint of Sanchez's work is of 1754. I used the Lyon edition of 1739.
18 Cf. Dessenne, A., Le Sphinx (1957)Google Scholar; Instinsky, H. U., Die Siegel des Kaisers Augustus (1962) pp. 23–30Google Scholar; Dio Chrys. Orat. 10,31.
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21 Artemid. Oneir. 2,13; Macrob. Sat. 1,20,3. Hermes was conducting souls to the nether world, but he was also (as Logos) peace-maker. Cf., del Passato, Parola (1961), pp. 15–18.Google Scholar Add: Aeneas Gaz. Epist. 7, p. 6, ed. L. M. Positano (1950).
22 Chrysostomus, adv. Jud. 1,5 and 6,6 (PG 48,851;913), says that the Jews believe that the presence of the scrolls of the Torah makes the synagogue a holy place.
23 C. G. Jung, in Pagan and Christian Mysteries, ed. J. Campbell (Harper Torchbooks reprint), p. 128.
24 Cf., e.g., Sen. de const, sap. 2,1; Servius ad Aen. 6,395: omnes cupiditates et cuncta vitia terrena contempsit et domuit. On Herakles as champion of Justice cf. Staerman, E. M., The Crisis of the Slaveholding System in Western Provinces of the Roman Empire (1957), p. 141Google Scholar (in Russian). But the author commits a “Marxist” blunder by rendering laborantibus as “toilers” in Serv. ad Aen. 8,56: Herculi enim mos fuit ut etiam non rogatus laborantibus subveniret.
25 Grabar, A., Martyrium 2(1946), 133Google Scholar: Tsuji, S., CA 13(1962), 24.Google Scholar On this acclamatory gesture cf. Brilliant, R., Gesture and Rank in Roman Art, Memoirs of the Connecticut Academy 14(1963)Google Scholar, s.v. On the symbolical value of spread fingers cf. Bulard, M., La religion domestique dans la colonie italienne de Délos (1926), pp. 38–40.Google Scholar
26 Orig. Sel. in Josh. 1:3; Macrob. Sat. 1,20,8.
27 Schlumberger, D., Syria 35(1958), 383.Google Scholar The mythological scenes are rare in Dura temples. Cf. Rostovtzeff, M., Dura-Europus (1938), pp. 68–75.Google Scholar In the cult of Mithra on the traditional relief showing the killing of the cosmic bull, other scenes of the god's life were sometimes added. Cf. Cumont, F., Les religions orientales (1929), pl. 12.Google Scholar
28 Lagina: Robert, L., Etudes anatoliennes (1937), p. 554Google Scholar; Baalbek: Seyrig, H., Antiq. Syriennes 5(1958), 115Google Scholar, n.1.
29 HTR 55(1962), 160–82.
30 Cf., e.g., Foucher, L., Navires et Barques (1957), 7Google Scholar, on the figures of ships on mosaics in Africa. Bayet, J., Mélanges (École Fraç. de Rome, 74, 1962), 176ff.Google Scholar
31 Fink, J., Roemische Quartalschrift 54(1962), 110.Google Scholar On the ambo of Salonica cf. deJerphanion, G., Atti (Memorie) della Pontifica Academia Romana di Archeologia, Ser. III, 3(1932), 107.Google Scholar Altar of Isaac: Smith, A. M., AJA 26(1922), 165Google Scholar; van Woerden, J. Speyart, Vigiliae Christianae 15(1961), 214–55.Google Scholar Miracles of Herakles and miracles of Christ: Simon, M., Hercule et le Christianisme (1955), 116.Google Scholar Cf. Tsuji, S., CA 13(1962), 14–22Google Scholar: representations of the Ascension re-use the images of the imperial apotheosis. On Jewish models of Christian iconography cf. Grabar, A., CA 11(1961), 41–71Google Scholar; 12(1962), 115–52.
32 Weitzmann, K., Ancient Book Illumination (1959), p. 133Google Scholar; Id., Roll und Codex (1947), p. 174; Id., Muenchener Jahrbuch der bildenen Kuenste (3 series) 3–4(1953), 118. Cf. Grabar, A., L'iconoclasme byzantin (1957), p. 102.Google Scholar
33 Will, E., Le Relief cultuel gréco-romain (1955), pp. 67Google Scholar,79,87,89,216 (Mithra).
34 Oakeshott, W., Classical Inspiration in Medieval Art (1939), pl. 128.Google Scholar
35 Schapiro, M., JWI 23(1960), 180.Google Scholar The painting of the martyr death of S. Hippolytus imitated the end of mythical Hippolytus, dragged to death by frightened horses. Prudentius, Peristeph. 11.125.
36 Herbig, R., Neue Beobachtungen am Fries der Mysterienvilla in Pompeji (1958), p. 58Google Scholar; Foucher, L., La maison de la procession dionysiaque à El Jem (1963), pp. 96–100.Google Scholar
37 Warren, L. B., AJA 68(1964), 35–42.Google Scholar The Iberian sculptors imitated Greek models, and gave their figures the hair style of the Greek kouros. Dixon, P., The Iberians in Spain (1940), p. 110.Google Scholar
38 Schlumberger, D., Syria 37(1960), 284.Google Scholar
39 With the help of Christian iconography, Goodenough is able to explain the presence of Sarah at the sacrifice of Isaac (IX, 73) and the scene of the beheading as referring to the execution of Ezekiel (X, 185). Stern, H., CA 12(1962), 106Google Scholar, thinks that this painting represents Mattathias killing the apostate Jew.
40 Seyrig, H., JRS 40(1950), 3Google Scholar; Schlumberger, D., Proceedings of the British Academy 47(1961), 92.Google Scholar
41 Wulff, O., Altchristliche Bildwerke, 1(1909), 311Google Scholar, f. 1638. Wessel, K., Staatliche Museen zu Berlin: Rom-Byzanz-Russland (1957), p. 73.Google Scholar
42 Gregorius, Epist. XI, 10.
43 Cf., e.g., the labels in Greek (“Noah,” “arch,” etc.) explaining the frescoes at El Bagawat (Egypt). Cf. Schwartz, J., CA 13(1962), 1–11.Google Scholar Cf. also the explanatory inscription “David and Goliath” in Dura church.
44 Philostr. V. Apoll. 2,22. Cf. Plin.n.h. 35,28. Varro ap. Aug. Civ. Dei 6,5: they who know the secret doctrine can recognize the truly (cosmic) meaning of simulacra deorum et insignia ornatusque.
45 Clem. Alex. Coh. 4,51.
46 Harnack, A. v., Mission und Ausbreitung des Christentums (4th ed., 1924), 429Google Scholar; Clem. Alex. Paedag. 3,11.
47 Nock, A. D., HTR 33(1940), 302–16.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
48 Eus. Pan. Const. 14. Cf. Grabar, A., CA 12(1962), 119.Google Scholar
49 Klauser, Th., JACh 2(1959), 115.Google Scholar
50 Ferrua, A., Le Pitture della Nuova Catacomba di Via Latina (1960).Google Scholar
51 Eus. h.e. 7,18.
52 Tertull. adv. Marc. 2,22. For the Christian attitude cf. de Rossi, G. B., La Roma sotterranea 3(1877), 588Google Scholar, who besides Tertullian and the story of the Coronati quotes Hippolytus, Canon 16, who from a converted sculptor and painter demands only that he give up the making of idols. Cf. Harnack (op. cit.), p. 318, n. 2. On rabbinical views cf. Urbach, E. E., Israel Exploration Journal 9(1959), 151–74.Google Scholar
53 M. AZ 3,4:4,4. Cf. AZ 51b (views of R. Akiba and R. Ishmael; pal. AZ 3,1).
54 Buddhists offer prayer and incense before the statues of the Buddha in the museum of Saigon. Lassus, J., Les dieux de Rome au musée Stephane Gsell (1960), p. 5.Google Scholar
55 M. AZ 3,4. Christians likewise asked whether they may use the bathhouse where sacrifices were offered to idols, or on days of pagan festivals. Augustin. Epp. 46 and 47. Aphrodite in a bath was not a decorative figure, but served to avert the evil eye from naked (and thus defenseless) bathers. Foucher, L., Bulletin archéologique du Comité des travaux historiques et scientifiques 1954(1957), 164.Google Scholar
56 Pal. AZ 2,3. Cf. bab. AZ 50a.
57 In nomine domini nostri Christi sculpebant. …. Fecerunt concas, victorias, cupidines, … et gentium multarum similitudinem. This text should now be read in the edition and with the commentary of Delehaye, H., Acta Sanctorum, Nov. 3(1910), 765.Google Scholar On its composition and date cf. Delehaye, H., Les passions des martyrs (1921), pp. 328–44Google Scholar; Id., Etudes sur le légendrier romain (1936), p. 64. Goodenough refers to the tale (IX, 22) but mistranslates it (the Christian craftsmen did not “cross themselves” as they worked, but invoked Christ's name to do a better job) and misunderstands a term. The text speaks of five philosophi who directed the work in mines. Goodenough makes them masters “of symbols and ceremonies,” who “understood meanings beyond the range of the ordinary craftsmen.” Accordingly, he imagines “such a creative religious thinker” as a designer of the decorations of the Dura synagogue. In fact, “philosopher” in the text means “engineer,” de Rossi, J. B., Bulletino di archeologia cristiana (ser. 3) 4(1877), 57.Google Scholar
58 Cl. Alex. Cohort. 4,33. τὴν ἀκολασίαν εὐσέβειαν νομίζοντες.
59 Achill. Tat. 3,7; 1,1; Terent. Eunuch. 580. Dido's mosaic: JRS 36(1946), pl. 11Google Scholar; pictures in bed-chambers: Clem. Alex. Coh. 4,60,2; Achill. Tat. 4,8.
60 Hiyya, R.: Lieberman, S., Greek in Jewish Palestine (1942), p. 171.Google Scholar
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62 Nilus, Ep. 4,61 (PG. 79,519).
63 Philostr. V. Apoll. 4,28; Achill. Tat. 3,61: τῆς δὲ ῥοίας δ λόγος μυστικός. Zeus and Europa: Ach. Tat. 1,1; Reinach, S., Repertoire de Peintures Grecques et Romaines (1922), 12, no. 3.Google Scholar
64 Nilus Ep. 4,61 (PG. 79,519): πρὸς ἡδονἡν ὀϕθαλμῶν. On decorative use of vegetative ornament peopled with mythological and genre scenes cf. Toynbee, J. M. C., Papers of the British School at Rome 18(1950), 1–25.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
65 Cf. Picard, G. Ch., Religions de l'Afrique antique (1954), pp. 237–43Google Scholar; Foucher, L., Hadrumentum (1964), pp. 301–05.Google Scholar Cf., e.g., a mosaic from Cephallenia (beg. 3rd cent.): a man, labeled “Envy” (phthonos) is attacked by four beasts. This “offer(s) example of hellish destruction of the envious men,” as the inscription says. Daux, G., BCH 87(1963), 637.Google Scholar
66 Regina inscription: Leon, H. J., The Jews of Ancient Rome (1960), p. 334, no. 476.Google Scholar
67 Cf. Grabar (n. 25), p. 18.
68 Grabar, A., CA 5(1951), 9.Google Scholar
69 Longus 4,1. In the palace of the Ethiopian king, paintings glorify the dynasty (Heliodorus 4,8). The bronze reliefs of the war between Alexander and Porus are seen at Taxila (Philostr. V. Apoll. 2,20).
70 Clem. Alex. Coh. 12,119; δείξω σοι τὸν λόγον καὶ τοῦ λόγου τὰ μυστήρια κατὰ τὴν σὴν διηγούμενος εἰκόνα.
71 Syria 18(1937), 220.
72 Cumont, F., Religions orientales (4th ed., 1929), p. 79.Google Scholar
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74 Longus 4,1.
75 Euseb. h.e.7,18.
76 Grabar (n. 25), p. 12.
77 A. Grabar (n. 32), pp. 62,70; Creswell, K. A. C., Early Muslim Architecture (Pelican Books, 1958), p. 18.Google Scholar
78 Tertull. Apol. 28; Rostovtzeff, M., YCS 5(1935), 208–10Google Scholar; Grabar, A., L'empereur dans l'art byzantin (1935), p. 237Google Scholar; Kantorowicz, E., Proceed. Amer. Philosoph. Soc. 105(1961), 308.Google Scholar
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80 Grabar, A., CA 11(1960), 48.Google Scholar
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82 Tos. AZ 5,5.
83 Cf. Grabar (n. 32), p. 78.
84 Grabar (n. 25), pp. 134,256. Caricature: Leclercq (n. 10), pl. 49.
85 It is true that the plan of a temple is religiously fixed and, as Tacitus says (H. 4,53), the gods do not allow to change it. The screen (iconostasis) which separates the sanctuary proper from the nave is essential for the Greek Orthodox service and church. But the changes which do not disturb liturgy are permissible. There are famous churches in the Kremlin in Moscow built around 1500 by Italian, that is, Roman Catholic, masters, or by Russian craftsmen who imitated the Italian style and, for instance, used Italian motifs to decorate the porches and windows of the Cathedral of Annunciation (1490). The cathedral of St. Michael, built in 1503–09, shows shells (a symbol of particular importance in Goodenough's system) in the arches above the entablature. Yet, at the same time, Moscow absolutely opposed the church of Rome.
86 Clem. Alex. Strom. 1,5,28.
87 Richmond, I. A., Archaeology and After-life in Pagan and Christian Imagery (1950), pp. 25–27.Google Scholar
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91 Wulff, O., Die altchristliche und mittelalterliche Bildwerke, III (1923), 4Google Scholar, fig. J6672.
92 Orig. c. Cels. 1,37; Justin. Dial. 67; 70,5. Cf. I Apol. 54,8.
93 Ettlinger, L., Reallexikon zur Deutschen Kunstgeschichte, III (1954)Google Scholar, 1030; F. Zoepfle, ib., 1210, quotes Defensorium inviolatae virginitatis beatae Mariae by Franciscus of Retz, a German Dominican (died 1427).
94 Justinus ap. Hippol. Refut. haeres. 5,26,34. On Leda in Coptic art cf. Wulff, O., Altchristliche Bildwerke, I (1909), 30Google Scholar, no. 64; f. 64; Wessel, K., Koptische Kunst (1963), p. 44.Google Scholar
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96 Orig. c. Cels. 8,41. Saxl, F., JWI 2(1939), 349.Google Scholar
97 August, civ. Dei 18,19.
98 Dante, Purg. 17,26. Rupertus of Deutz, de victoria verbi 8,3 and 8,24 (PL 169,1381; 1595). So far as I could ascertain from current editions, Dante's commentators, ignorant of typology, do not understand the passage. Cf. also Wind, E., JWI 1(1938), 144Google Scholar, who, also ignorant of typology, drags in fantasies of Frazer's “Scapegoat.”
99 August, in Jn. 7:6 (PL. 35,1440); Retract. 1,13.
100 Lucianus, Alex. 8; Charon 15; Demonax 20.
Addendum. On the juxtaposition of symbolic and profane subjects in medieval works of art, cf. Schapiro, M., The Art Bulletin 45(1963), 351–55.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
