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Empire Federalism and Imperial Parliamentary Union, 1820–1870

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  11 February 2009

Ged Martin
Affiliation:
Australian National University

Extract

The movement for imperial federation has traditionally been regarded as a late nineteenth century phenomenon, which grew out of a supposed reaction against earlier ‘anti-imperialism’. J. E. Tyler set out to trace its growth ‘from its first beginnings… in and around 1868’. Historians were aware of the suggestions made before the American War of Independence that the colonies should send M.P.s to Westminster, but tended to dismiss them as of antiquarian rather than historical interest. A few also noted apparently isolated discussions of some Empire federal connexion in the first half of the nineteenth century, but no attempt was made to establish the existence of a continuous sentiment before 1870. C. A. Bodelsen did no more than list a series of examples he had discovered in the supposed age of anti-imperialism. In fact between 1820 and 1870 a debate about the federal nature of the Empire can be traced. Like the movement for imperial federation after 1870, there was only the vaguest unity of aim about the mid-century projects, and before 1870, as after, the idea was never consistently to the fore, but enjoyed short bursts of popularity. It is, however, fair to think of one single movement for a federal Empire throughout the nineteenth century. There is a clear continuity in ideas, in arguments, and in the people involved. Ideas of Empire federalism were influential, not so much for themselves as for their relationship to overall imperial thinking: to ignore the undercurrent of feeling for a united Empire is to distort the attitudes of many leading men. In the mid-nineteenth century general principles of imperial parliamentary union were argued chiefly from the particular case of British North America, the closest colonies to Britain and the most constitutionally advanced. This Canadian emphasis strengthened the analogies with the United States which occurred in any case.

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Articles
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 1973

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21 In the Colonial Gazette, I have noticed eight discussions of Empire federation between 1840 and 1846, and a further five in the Colonial Magazine.

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86 University of Durham, Grey Papers, Russell to Grey, Pembroke Lodge, 19 Aug. 1849.

87 The Colonies of Great Britain must be incorporated, pp. 45–6.Google Scholar Joseph Howe put it at ten days (Letters to Lord John Russell, 1839, in Egerton and Grant, Canadian Constitutional Development, p. 203).

88 [M.N.O.] The Canadian Crisis, p. 43n.

89 Colonial Magazine, XVI (03. 1849), 157–9.Google Scholar A less optimistic view was taken by Edward Stanley (Hughenden Papers, Box III, B/XX/S/538, E. Stanley to Disraeli, Madrid, 13 Nov. 1850).

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103 Elgin to Tremenheere, Quebec, 27 Feb. 1852, in Edmonds, E. L. and Edmonds, O. P., I Was There, pp. 93–5.Google Scholar

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105 Haliburton, T. C., Sam Slice's Wise Saws, pp. 221–2.Google Scholar What is striking about these arguments is the considerable influence which even a token representation was expected to have on the communities represented. Some of the proponents of colonial parliamentary representation were even prepared to include non-European territories and voters. This appears to have been the intention of Joseph Hume, and directly elected Indian M.P.s were called for in an article in the Asiatic and Colonial Journal in 1847. A scornful riposte followed, asserting that East India Company directors already in parliament were ‘far better and more extensively acquainted with the wants and requirements of their people, than any native can possibly be’. Nonetheless, T. C. Meekins ‘with the utmost diffidence’ revived the idea after the mutiny, arguing that half a dozen Indian members - ‘natives, who could speak the English language’ - with a few Indian princes in the House of Lords, might help to anglicize India. Not all agreed- Edward Stanley ruled out Ceylon as ‘exclusively native’ and most proposals for Indian parliamentary representation were for election by Europeans. Even so, eventual Indian electorates were not ruled out, even if not expected in the near future. Certainly it was easier to fit Indian representation more easily into parliament than any other scheme of a federal Empire. The Rev. William Arthur hoped that non-European territories might eventually take an equal part in his ‘Imperial Federation’ ‘though the distance seems all but endless …” This problem was to recur later in the nineteenth century and was never satisfactorily solved. That representation at Westminster was the only remotely workable solution was shown by G. K. Gokhale's request for the creation of six Indian seats in the House of Commons in 1895. (Hansard, 3rd ser., VI (16 08. 1831), cols. 110–24;Google ScholarAsiatic and Colonial Journal, I (18471848), 57, 221–5;Google ScholarMeekins, T. C., op. cit. p. 12;Google Scholar Hughenden Papers, Box III, B/XX/S/538, Edward Stanley to Disraeli, Madrid, 13 Nov. 1850; Morning Star, 10 Sept. 1858; Malcolm, Sir John, The Government of India, p. 269;Google ScholarLondon Quarterly Review, I (12. 1853), 551;Google ScholarMoore, R. J., Liberalism and Indian Politics 1872–1922 (London, 1966), p. 73.)Google Scholar For a discussion of the problem in a later period, Mehrotra, S. R., ‘Imperial Federation and India, 1868–1917’, Journal of Commonwealth Political Studies, I (1961), 2940.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

106 Fletcher, R., op. cit. p. 123.Google Scholar

107 The Times, 31 Oct. 1849.

108 Morning Chronicle, 17 Aug. 1831.

109 Cobbett's Weekly Political Register, LXXIII, no. 8 (20 08. 1831), 483–4.Google Scholar

110 Hansard, 3rd ser., VI (16 08. 1831), col. 125.Google Scholar

111 Labouchere's phrase, ibid. Other suggestions that colonial members would prove a nuisance are found in Colonial Gazette, no. 44 (25 Sept. 1839), pp. 689–90;Google ScholarLewis, G. C., op. cit. pp. 286–9.Google Scholar Other assumptions that colonial members would be open to bribery can be found in Hansard, 3rd ser., CXXVI (28 04. 1853), cols. 694–5,Google Scholar by Cobden, , and Colonial Gazette, no. 345 (12 July 1845), p. 430.Google Scholar

112 Annual Register for 1838, pp. 337–8.

113 Standard, 17 Aug. 1831.

114 Dublin University Magazine, XXXIV (09. 1849), 316.Google Scholar

115 e.g. The Asiatic Journal, N.s. VI (09. 1831), 4–5.Google Scholar

116 Chisholm, , op. cit. I, 630.Google Scholar

117 Disraeli to Derby, Hatfield, 28 Dec. 1851, in Monypenny, and Buckle, , op. cit. III, 333–5.Google Scholar

118 Letter of ‘Mandeville’ in The Times, 28 July 1848.

119 e.g. Colonial Gazette, no. 44 (25 Sept. 1839), pp. 689–90;Google ScholarLewis, G. C., op. cit. pp. 296–9;Google ScholarMerivale, H., Lectures on Colonies, II, 290–1;Google ScholarColonial Church Chronicle, VI (02. 1853), 287;Google ScholarHincks, Francis, Reply to the Speech of the Hon. Joseph Howe, pp. 89;Google ScholarGlobe, 7 Nov. 1849.

120 e.g. Chisholm, , op. cit. I, 628.Google Scholar

121 e.g. Colonial Magazine, XVI (03. 1849), 161.Google Scholar

122 Sanderson, Charles R., ed., The Arthur Papers, I, no. 187, 132–87,Google Scholar Memorandum by Sullivan to Arthur, Crown Lands Office, Toronto, 16 July 1838, esp. pp. 182–3; University of Durham, Grey Papers, Head to Grey, private, Government House, Fredericton, New Brunswick, 28 Feb. 1852.

123 Merivale, H., Lectures on Colonies, II, 290–1;Google ScholarLewis, G. C., op. cit. pp. 296–9.Google Scholar

124 e.g. William Westgarth in Colonial Magazine, XIII (1848), 103;Google ScholarGodley, J. R. in Spectator, no. 1357 (1 July 1854), p. 702;Google ScholarDublin University Magazine, xxv (02. 1850), 167–8.Google Scholar

125 Hansard, 3rd ser., CXXVI (28 04. 1853), cols. 694–5.Google Scholar

126 Ibid. VI (16 Aug. 1831), cols. 130–1.

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128 e.g. Colonial Gazette, no. 161 (22 Dec. 1841), pp. 801–2.Google Scholar

129 Tupper, C., Recollections of Sixty Years, p. 26,Google Scholar quoting a lecture given in 1860.

130 Colonial Magazine, III (09. 1840), p. 47.Google Scholar

131 e.g. Morning Post, 28 May 1849; Shall we keep the Canadas?, p. 19.

132 Hansard, 3rd ser., CXII (5 07 1850), cols. 1040–1.Google Scholar

133 Hughenden Papers, Box 109, B/XX/S/41, Derby to Disraeli, Knowsley, 11 Dec. 1851.

134 It would almost certainly have proved impossible to allocate members to the colonies without leaving them dissatisfied. In 1831 Joseph Hume had asked for 19 seats. By 1852 the Colonial and Asiatic Magazine was dividing up thirty. Hume proposed to give British North America four seats. Joseph Howe thought ‘a moderate degree of moral and intellectual communication between North America and the Imperial Parliament’ would require ten members. Hume assigned one seat to Jamaica; Jamaicans spoke of six or nine. Constituencies would have been impossibly large, and the problem of distance - manageable in the case of the Atlantic colonies - was insurmountable for those in the Antipodes, as Edward Stanley was obliged to admit. Indeed, the very attempt to draw up a scheme of representation seems to have persuaded him of the impossibility of the scheme. In 1884 he privately confessed that he had never seen a plan for imperial federation which would bear argument. (Hansard, 3rd ser., VI (16 08. 1831), cols. 110–24;Google ScholarColonial and Asiatic Review, I, 93107;Google ScholarChisholm, , op. cit. I, 628;Google ScholarCanadian, , British American, and West Indian Magazine, I (11. 1839), 434–48;Google Scholar Hughenden Papers, Box III, B/XX/S/538, Edward Stanley to Disraeli, Madrid, 13 Nov. 1850; Public Archives of Canada, Derby Papers, microfilm A-31, Derby to Lansdowne (copy), private, Colonial Office, 20 Nov. 1884.)

The arrangement of constituencies suggested was: Hume, 1831, British North America and Bermuda - 3, West Indies - 5, British India and Singapore - 4, Ceylon - 1, Australia - 1, Cape - 1, Mauritius - 1, Malta - 1, Gibraltar - 1, Channel Islands - 1; Stanley, 1850, British North America - 6, West Indies - 4, Cape - 1, Mauritius - 1, Malta - 1, Heligoland - 1; Colonial and Asiatic Review (1852), British North America - 6, West Indies - 4, India and China settlements - 10, Ceylon - 1, Australia - 5, New Zealand - 1, Cape - 2, Mauritius - 1. A marked lack of agreement about the territories to be represented illustrates the impracticability of the scheme.

135 Hughenden Papers, Box 109, B/XX/S/41, Derby to Disraeli, Knowsley, 11 Dec. 1851. Most proposals were for indirect election by the local legislature, where the mode of election was made specific at all, e.g. Colonial Magazine, XVI (03. 1849), 166;Google ScholarColonial Gazette, no. 204 (19 10. 1842), p. 659.Google Scholar

136 e.g. Colonial Gazette, no. 204 (19 Oct. 1842), p. 659.Google Scholar

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141 Spectator, no. 164 (20 Aug. 1831), p. 793; Morning Herald, 17 Aug. 1831; Asiatic Journal, N.s., VI (09. 1831), 4.Google Scholar

142 Hansard, 3rd ser., VI (16 08. 1831), cols. 143ft.Google Scholar

143 Hughenden Papers, Box III, B/XX/S/538, Edward Stanley to Disraeli, Madrid, 13 Nov. 1850.

144 Cf. Sir George Staunton's address to the Freeholders of the County of Southampton, 24 Apr. 1831 (newspaper dipping in the Staunton papers, Xerox copy kindly supplied by the Librarian, William R. Perkins Library, Duke University, North Carolina).

145 Hansard, 3rd ser., VI (16 08. 1831), col. 124 (Althorp), cols. 124–6 (Labouchere).Google Scholar

146 Hansard, 3rd ser., CLXXXIII (14 05 1866), cols. 877–88.Google Scholar

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148 Articles giving information about colonial agents were published in the Colonial Magazine, IX (Sept.-Dec. 1846), 303–19, and ibid, XIII (Feb. 1848), 131–7. For Henry Bliss, see The Times, 20 Jan. 1838.

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151 Samuel Hinds to Durham, n.p., 19 Jan. 1838, in the Calendar of Durham Papers, Doughty, A. G., Report of the Public Archives for 1923, p. 165;Google ScholarColonial Gazette, no. 25 (18 May 1839), pp. 392–3; ibid. no. 44 (25 Sept. 1839), pp. 689–90; Morning Herald, 25 May 1849; Manchester Courier, 30 May 1849, p. 342.

152 Hansard, 3rd ser., CIV (16 04. 1849), col. 363;Google ScholarWeekly Chronicle, 26 May 1849; Spectator, no. 1364 (19 Aug. 1854), p. 878. As an ennobled octogenarian, Adderley was still attracted to the idea of a ‘Council of the Indies’ (Norton, Lord, Imperial Fellowship of Self-Governed British Colonies (London, 1903), p. 54)Google Scholar. The book was dedicated to Joseph Chamberlain, a striking example of continuity in Imperial thought.

153 Examiner, no. 2151 (21 Apr. 1849), p. 241.Google Scholar

154 Prescott to Adderley, 4 Nov. 1854, in Extracts from the Letters of John Robert Godley, pp. 229–32.

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159 Ibid. x (Jan.-Apr. 1847), preface, p.v.

160 Wakefield, , op. cit. pp. 309–12.Google Scholar But Wakefield had earlier considered direct representation. See A Letter from Sydney, the principal town of Australasia, ed. Gonger, R. (London, 1829), p. 198.Google Scholar

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