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² Callahan points out that the Second International publicized simple peace demands, purged of complexity, as the best way of mobilizing its large popular base in a ‘demonstration culture’ sufficiently impressive to make the Great Powers think twice about recourse to war. He quotes the 1912 manifesto of the International Socialist Bureau: ‘let the governments know that there will without doubt…be danger for them if they play with fire’. Callahan, Kevin J., ‘The international socialist peace movement on the eve of World War I revisited: the campaign of “War against War!” and the Basle International Socialist Congress in 1912’, Peace and Change, 29 (2004), pp. 147–76, at pp. 153, 154CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Miller states that the French left's exaggerated posture of opposition to war was calculated to ‘maintain influence’ on an increasingly militarist government. Miller, Paul B., From revolutionaries to citizens: antimilitarism in France, 1870–1914 (Durham, NC, 2002)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, p. 198. Milner similarly characterizes the revolutionary pacifism of the French syndicalists, to the left of the Second International, as an ‘elaborate bluff’ designed to ‘shape international events’. Milner, Susan, The dilemmas of internationalism: French syndicalism and the international labour movement, 1900–1914 (New York, NY, Oxford, and Munich, 1990), pp. 205–6Google Scholar. Newton argues that the British advocates of a mass strike to be called on the ‘first rumours of war’ hoped by their propaganda ‘to scare the ruling elites into the paths of peace’. Newton, Douglas J., British labour, European socialism and the struggle for peace, 1889–1914 (Oxford, 1985)Google Scholar, p. 258.

³ Otto Bauer, ‘Austria and imperialism’ (Oct. 1908), in Day, Richard B. and Gaido, Daniel, eds., Discovering imperialism: Social Democracy to World War I (Chicago, IL, 2011), pp. 380–1Google Scholar.

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⁵ Walling, William English, ed., The socialists and the war (New York, NY, 1915)Google Scholar, p. 104.

⁶ Degen, Bernard, Haumann, Heiko, Mäder, Ueli, Mayoraz, Sandrine, Polexe, Laura, and Schenk, Frithjof Benjamin, Krieg dem Kriege: Der Basler Friedenskongress der Sozialistischen Internationale von 1912 (Basel, 2012)Google Scholar, p. 17. The SPD declined to call a general strike, however. Clarke, Christopher, Sleepwalkers: how Europe went to war in 1914 (London, 1912)Google Scholar, p. 228.

⁷ Haupt, Georges, Socialism and the Great War: the collapse of the Second International (Oxford, 1972), pp. 218–25Google Scholar.

⁸ Analysis of the politics of the Second International and its attitude toward the war has atrophied in the years since Haupt's work because, as Jay Winter points out, from the 1960s a social history of ‘the workers’ replaced study centred on the politics of the labour movement, and from the 1980s workers themselves disappeared as a focus of historiographical interest. See his essay ‘Workers’ in Winter, Jay and Prost, Antoine, eds., The Great War in history: debates and controversies, 1914 to the present (Cambridge, 2005), pp. 126–7CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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¹⁰ Becker, Jean-Jacques, ‘La IIe Internationale et la guerre’, in Les Internationales et le problème de la guerre au XXe siècle (Rome, 1987)Google Scholar, p. 16.

¹¹ Meral Ugur Cinar and Kursat Cinar, ‘The Second International: the impact of domestic factors on international organization dysfunction’, Political Studies (2014), pp. 1–17.

¹² The basic story is well covered in the three great activist-participant histories of socialism written in the 1950s. For G. D. H. Cole, the collapse was quite foreseeable for the socialists had no viable strategy for preventing mobilization. A history of socialist thought (5 vols., London, 1956), iii, pp. 102–3Google Scholar. Julius Braunthal rightly pointed out that ‘The problem confronting the Second International throughout its existence was not…the right of national defence, which few thought seriously of denying, but how to prevent nations from getting into the position of having to defend themselves by force.’ History of the International (3 vols., London, 1966–80), i, p. 325. Carl Landauer was rather more sympathetic than either Cole or Braunthal to the plight of the German socialists. He observes that they were less nationalistic than socialists in France, who were infused with the Jacobin tradition. European socialism: a history of ideas and movements from the industrial revolution to Hitler's seizure of power (2 vols., Cambridge, 1959)Google Scholar, i, p. 1096 n. 19.

¹³ Naturally, this was an already well-established moral in the Anglosphere. James Joll's study of the Second International treats the collapse of 1914 as the inevitable consequence of a ‘general all-embracing dogmatic theory of history and the nature of man’. The Second International, 1889–1914 (London, 1955), p. 195. For Merle Fainsod, ‘the Second International contained within itself the seeds of its own destruction’. International socialism and the World War (New York, NY, 1969), p. 16. Sheri Berman sees the 1914 debacle as dealing ‘a crushing blow’ to the central intellectual tenets of Marxism, though how it did much to validate her preferred ‘Social Democracy’ must be questionable. The primacy of politics: Social Democracy and the making of Europe's twentieth century (Cambridge, 2006), p. 96. More sympathetic to the radical Marxist tradition, but also very much a ‘genetic account’, is Nation, R. Craig, War on war: Lenin, the Zimmerwald left, and the origins of Communist internationalism (Chicago, IL, 1989; new edn, 2009), pp. 3–25CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Kissen's, S. F. valuable War and the Marxists: socialist theory and practice in capitalist wars (2 vols., London, 1988)Google Scholar, i, is avowedly non-evaluative but certainly perspicacious.

¹⁴ Sassoon, Donald, One hundred years of socialism: the west European left in the twentieth century (New York, NY, 1996)Google Scholar, p. 28.

¹⁵ Eley, Geoff, Forging democracy: the history of the left in Europe, 1850–2000 (Oxford, 2002), pp. 124–5Google Scholar. A recent survey book by William Smaldone recognizes that national defencism was not alien to the socialist tradition, but nonetheless states that the International abandoned its principles. Smaldone, William, European socialism: a concise history with documents (Lanham, MD, 2014), pp. 145–6Google Scholar

¹⁶ Jean de Bloch's 1898 treatise warning that a general war might easily spark socialist revolution was widely read in elite circles, and probably influenced Czar Nicholas II calling an international peace conference in The Hague in 1899. Dawson, Grant, ‘Preventing “a great moral evil”: Jean de Bloch's The Future of War as anti-revolutionary pacifism’, Journal of Contemporary History, 37 (2002), pp. 5–19CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹⁷ In September 1911, a twenty-four-hour general strike against the country's seizure of Tripolitania was organized in Italy. The moderate leadership of the Italian Socialist party was wary of provoking the government and was only forced into action by the radical rank-and-file. The strike was not considered to be particularly successful. Miller, James Edward, From elite to mass politics: Italian socialism in the Giolittian era, 1900–1914 (Kent, OH, 1990)Google Scholar, p. 145. Degl'Innocenti, Maurizio, ‘La guerra libica, la crisi del riformismo e la vittoria degli intransigenti’, Studi Storici, 13 (1972), pp. 466–516Google Scholar, at pp. 485–7.

¹⁸ ‘Official Record of the ISB Session held at Brussels on 29–30 July 1914’, reprinted in Haupt, Socialism and the Great War, p. 258. My emphasis.

¹⁹ The literature is now voluminous. See Neiberg, Michael S., Dance of the furies: Europe and the outbreak of World War I (Cambridge, MA, 2011), pp. 102–10CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Geary, Dick, ‘Identifying militancy: the assessment of working-class attitudes towards state and society’, in Evans, R. J., ed., The German working class, 1888–1933 (London, 1982)Google Scholar; Gregory, Adrian, A war of peoples, 1914–1919 (Oxford, 2014), pp. 26–8Google Scholar. Scheidemann, Philip, a Majority SPD leader, recalled that ‘the vast majority of the people were opposed to war, without a doubt.’ Memoirs of a Social Democrat, trans. Mitchell, J. E. (2 vols., London, 1929)Google Scholar, i, p. 185.

²⁰ He named Jules Geusde in France, H. M. Hyndman in Great Britain, Georgi Plekhanov in Russia, Louis de Brouckère, and Hendrick de Man in Belgium. To this list may be added Jean Longuet, Marx's grandson. Vandervelde also cited Karl Liebknecht, Rosa Luxemburg, Klara Zetkin, Karl Kautsky, and Eduard Bernstein as German socialists who remained ‘the disciples and defenders of Marx’. Vandervelde's speech, delivered over Marx's grave in London, is quoted in Hendrick de Man, ‘The lesson of the war’ (1919), in Dodge, Peter, ed., A documentary study of Hendrick de Man, socialist critic of Marxism (Princeton, NJ, 1979)Google Scholar, p. 67.

²¹ The German SPD majority consistently stressed that they favoured only a defensive war, as they made clear in the July 1917 Reichstag ‘Peace Resolution’ co-sponsored with the Liberals. Like Allied socialists, they were ambiguous at best about border adjustments that might be required for post-war ‘security’.

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²³ The classic (and still valuable) work in this vein is Lenz, J., The rise and fall of the Second International (New York, NY, 1932)Google Scholar.

²⁴ Kissen notes that ‘a socialist's answer to the question of supporting or opposing the war did not generally depend upon his or her being on the Right, Centre or Left of the movement’. Kissen, War and the Marxists, i, p. 182. Cf. Stargardt, Nicholas, The German idea of militarism: radical and socialist critics, 1866–1914 (Cambridge, 1994), pp. 148–9, 153–7Google Scholar.

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³³ Excluding the very extreme fringes, there was in fact much common ground between the ostensible ‘defeatists’ and the ‘defencisists’. Both hoped that the war would lead to the fall of the Tsarist autocracy. Florinsky, Michael T., The end of the Russian empire (New York, NY, 1931), pp. 163–4Google Scholar.

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