Hostname: page-component-78c5997874-dh8gc Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-11-18T05:54:34.389Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false
  • English
  • Français

Pacifist to Interventionist: David Lloyd George in 1911 and 1914. was Belgium an Issue?

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  11 February 2009

Bentley B. Gilbert
Bentley B. Gilbert
Affiliation:
University of Illinois at Chicago
Get access Rights & Permissions [Opens in a new window]

Extract

David Lloyd George's behaviour in the crucial week between 27 July and 3 August 1914 has commanded much scholarship and more speculation. Nearly every member of Prime Minister Herbert Asquith's Liberal cabinet, including the chancellor of the exchequer himself, has told the story of those agonizing days, by memoir, diary or letter. Yet Lloyd George's part in Britain's decision to declare war upon Germany on 4 August remains unclear; indeed it is less clear now than it seemed to be half a century ago. How could the ‘Pro-Boer’ of the days of the South African war, who had been the object of any number of dangerous personal assaults for his treasonable speeches, the enemy of the dreadnoughts, the slasher of naval estimates, indeed the man who most recently declared at the Mansion House and had asserted again in the House of Commons only six days later – the last coming on the day of the Austrian ultimatum to Serbia – that powerful commercial influences in Germany and Britain were drawing the two nations so close that great arms were unnecessary, how could such a man become the supporter of intervention in a continental war on behalf of France?

Type
Articles
Information
The Historical Journal , Volume 28 , Issue 4 , December 1985 , pp. 863 - 885
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 1985

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

1 The Times, 18 July 1914; House of Commons Debates, Series five, LXV (23 07 1914) cols. 666–70Google Scholar.

2 George, David Lloyd, War memoirs (Boston, 1933), 1, 66Google Scholar.

3 Frances, , George, Countess Lloyd, The years that are past (London, 1967), pp. 73–4Google Scholar.

4 Hazlehurst, Cameron, Politicians at war (London, 1971), p. 65Google Scholar.

5 Ibid. pp. 60–3.

6 Ekstein, Michael and Steiner, Zara, ‘The Sarajevo Crisis’, in Hinsley, F. H., ed., British foreign policy under Sir Edward Grey, (Cambridge, 1977), pp. 408–9Google Scholar; Fry, Michael, Lloyd George and foreign policy (Montreal, 1977), 1, 193, 201CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Woodward, David, Lloyd George and the generals (Newark, Del., 1983), P. 17Google Scholar.

7 Taylor, A. J. P., Politics in wartime (London, 1964), p. 88Google Scholar.

8 Rowland, Peter, Lloyd George (London, 1975), p. 282Google Scholar.

9 Scally, Robert J., The origins of the Lloyd George coalition (Princeton, 1975), p. 251Google Scholar.

10 Cameron Hazlehurst's recent statement that despite the high favour in which Asquith held the two ‘Lloyd George and Churchill did not learn about the controversial Anglo-French military conversations until the whole Cabinet was informed in 1911’ is simply contrary to the evidence. Hazlehurst, Cameron, ‘Asquith’, in Mackintosh, John P., ed., British prime ministers of the twentieth century (London, 1977), 1, 86Google Scholar.

11 Wilson, Trevor, ‘Britain's moral commitment to France in August, 1914’, History, CXIV (1979), 380–90CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

12 Grey, of Fallodon, , Twenty-five years (New York, 1925), 1, 214–15Google Scholar.

13 Gooch, G. P. and Temperley, H., eds., British documents on the origin of the war (London, 1932), VIIGoogle Scholar (hereafter, B.D.O.W.), Grey to Asquith, 19 July 1911.

14 Grey, , Twenty-five years, 1, 116–17Google Scholar.

15 The Times, 22 July 1911.

16 Churchill, Winston, The world crisis (New York, 1924), 1, 42–3Google Scholar. Grey's letter to the prime minister would also seem to dispose of A. J. P. Taylor's assertion that the Mansion House speech was directed at France rather than Germany. See also Boyle, Timothy, ‘New light on Lloyd George's Mansion House speech’, Historical Journal, XXII 2 (1980), 431–3CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Boyle agrees that Lloyd George may have spoken also to Grey earlier.

17 Churchill, , Crisis, 1, 43Google Scholar.

18 Ayerst, David, The Manchester Guardian (Ithaca, 1971), pp. 349, 365–6Google Scholar.

19 Wilson, Trevor, ed., The political diaries of C. P. Scott. 1911–1928 (Ithaca, 1970), pp. 46–8, July 1911Google Scholar.

20 Masterman, Lucy, C. F. G. Masterman (London, 1939), pp. 214–15Google Scholar.

21 See The Times, 22 July 1911; Nation, 6 January 1912; British Weekly, 23 November 1911; Ayerst, , Guardian, pp. 367–8Google Scholar; Havighurst, Alfred, Radical journalist: H. W. Massingham (London, 1974). P. 205Google Scholar.

22 Grey, , Twenty-five years, 1, 220–3Google Scholar.

23 For a recent discussion of German press comment see: Kennedy, Paul, The rise of Anglo-German antagonism, 1860–1914 (London, 1980), pp. 447–50Google Scholar.

24 Grey to Edward Goschen, 25 July 1911, in Grey, , Twenty-five years, 1, 22Google Scholar.

25 Howard, Christopher H. D., ed., The diary of Edward Goschen, 1900–1914 (London, 1980), p. 242, 12 August 1911Google Scholar.

26 See, for example, Goschen to Grey, 26, 29 July 1911, B.D.O.W. VII, 402–4, 407; Brett, Maurice V., ed., Journals and letters of Reginald, Viscount Esher (London, 1934), 111, 58, 6 September 1911Google Scholar.

27 Williamson, Samuel R., The politics of grand strategy (Cambridge, Mass., 1969), pp. 187–8Google Scholar.

28 Marder, Arthur S., From the Dreadnought to Scapa Flow (London, 1961), 1, 244–6Google Scholar.

29 Williamson, , Grand strategy, p. 169Google Scholar and n.; Public Record Office, Cabinet Paper 2/2/9, Committee of Imperial Defence, Minutes of 114th Meeting, 23 09 1911, p. 5Google Scholar.

30 Churchill, , World crisis, 1, 57–62Google Scholar.

31 Ibid.; Callwell, G. E., Field Marshal Sir Henry Wilson, his life and diaries (London, 1927) 1, 99–103Google Scholar.

32 P.R.O., CAB. 2/2/9, C.I.D. Minutes, 23 August 1911, p. 7. Wilson, in fact, had already assured the French military attaché, Major Victor Huguet, that this would be the case. Williamson, , Grand strategy, p. 173Google Scholar.

33 Roskill, Stephen, Hankey, man of secrets (New York, 1970), 1, 103Google Scholar.

34 Haldane, R. B., An autobiography (London, 1926), p. 227Google Scholar; Maurice, Frederick, Haldane (Westport, Conn., 1970 reprint), 1, 283–4Google Scholar.

35 Lloyd George papers, House of Lords Record Office, C/3/5/6, L.G. to W.S.C., 25 08 1911Google Scholar. Much of Churchill's subsequent correspondence with Wilson is printed in: Wilson, K. M., ‘The War Office, Churchill and the Belgian option’, Bulletin of the Institute of Historical Research, L (11 1977), 218–28CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

36 Churchill, Randolph, Churchill, 11, Companion Volume 2 (London, 1969), 1116–19Google Scholar: W.S.C. to Grey, 30 August; Grey to W.S.C., 30 August; W.S.C. to L.G, 31 August 1911.

37 Indeed, at the C.I.D. meeting of 23 August Grey had stated that the Belgians in case of attack would avoid committing themselves as long as possible in order to be sure of being on the winning side. C.I.D. Minutes, 23 August, p. 5.

38 Imperial War Museum, Diaries of F.M. Sir Henry Wilson, 12 September 1911. The last line is omitted from the published diaries.

39 Morgan, Kenneth, Lloyd George family letters (Cardiff, 1973), pp. 158–9Google Scholar.

40 Lloyd George papers, National Library of Wales, 20430C/1384, L.G. to M.L.G, 14 September 1911.

41 Churchill, , Churchill, II, Comp. Vol. 2, 1125, L.G. to W.S.C, 15 09 1911Google Scholar.

42 Chamberlain, Austen, Politics from inside (London, 1936), p. 363Google Scholar, 23 October 1911.

43 Churchill, , Churchill, II, Comp. Vol. 2, 1128, W.S.C. to Clementine, 24 09 1911Google Scholar.

44 Masterman, , Masterman, p. 199Google Scholar. Mrs Masterman mistakenly places the speech at the Guildhall.

45 George, , Riddell, Lord, More pages from my diary (London, 1934), pp. 21–2Google Scholar(end of July).

46 Ibid. p. 25, ‘November, 1911’.

47 McKenna papers, Churchill College, 4/1/2, Asquith to McKenna, 18 September 1911. McKenna had stated innocently at the beginning of the 23 August C.I.D. meeting that he was hearing of the plan to send an expeditionary force to France for the first time. C.I.D. Minutes, 23 August 1911, p. 2.

48 Churchill, , Crisis, 1, 66–7Google Scholar.

49 McKenna papers, 4/1/3, Asquith to McKenna, 10 October 1911.

50 Ibid. 4/2/1, MS. ‘Note of a meeting at Archerfield, 20 October, 1911.’ See also: 4/1/8, McKenna to P.M., 17 October 1911; 4/1/10, P.M. to McKenna, 18 October 1911.

51 Ibid.

52 Marder, , Dreadnought, p. 251Google Scholar. On McKenna's conviction about his dismissal from the Admiralty see his statements to Charles Hobhouse in 1912 and to Riddell in 1913 and 1914. David, Edward, ed., Inside Asquith's cabinet: The diaries of Charles Hobhouse (London, 1977), pp. 111–12Google Scholar, 20 February 1912. Riddell, , Pages, p. 175, 29 09 1913Google Scholar; George, , Riddell, Lord, War diary (London, 1933), p. 13Google Scholar, 15 August 1914. Haldane, he said, ‘put it about’ that he had resigned over transport plans and not fundamentals. Later in his book Marder admits this possibility.

53 Asquith papers, Bodleian Library, volume 13, Grey, to Asquith, , 13 09 1911Google Scholar.

54 Marder, , Dreadnought, p. 233Google Scholar.

55 Apparently Loreburn was the first to hear of the C.I.D. meeting from Alfred Lyttelton, a Unionist. Wilson, Trevor, ed., Scott diaries, p. 62, 23 10 1914Google Scholar.

56 Gainford papers, Nuffield College, diary, J. A. Pease, 1 11 1911Google Scholar and marginal note, 24 October 1911; CAB. 41/53/28, Asquith to George V, 2 November 1911; David, , ed., Hobhouse diaries, pp. 107–8, 16 11 1911Google Scholar.

57 See: Morris, A. J. A., Radicalism against war (Totowa, New Jersey), 1972, pp. 248–51Google Scholar; Havighurst, , Massingham, pp. 204–8Google Scholar.

58 British Weekly, 9 November 1911.

59 Ibid. 23, 30 November 1911.

60 Morris, , Radicalism, pp. 259–72Google Scholar.

61 Gwynn, Steven, ed., The letters and friendships of Sir Cecil Spring-Rice (London, 1929), II, 163, 1 08 1911Google Scholar.

62 Brett, , ed., Esher journals, III, 174,3 08 1914Google Scholar; David, , ed., Hobhouse diaries, p. 179, ‘08’, 1914Google Scholar.

63 See: British Weekly, 30 July; Nation, 1 August 1914.

64 As late as 2 August, Asquith wrote to Venetia Stanley that he thought three-quarters of the Liberals in the House of Commons were ‘for absolute non-intervention at any price’. Michael, and Brock, Eleanor, eds., H. H. Asquith letters to Venetia Stanley (oxford, 1982), p. 146Google Scholar.

65 Lloyd George received a telegram from Scott, C. P. saying that any Liberal who supported the war ‘would never be allowed by Liberals to enter another Liberal Cabinet’. Wilson, , ed., Scott diaries, p. 94Google Scholar.

66 Murray, Arthur, Master and brother (London, 1945), p. 120Google Scholar.

67 Wilson, , ed., Scott diaries, pp. 91–2, 27 06 1914Google Scholar. This much-quoted statement must be read in terms of the progress of events when it was made. Austria had not yet declared war on Serbia, and Grey on that day proposed an international conference.

68 Morgan, , Lloyd George letters, 27, 28, 29, 30, 06 1914, pp. 166–7Google Scholar. The letters published by Morgan constitute the entire file for this period at the National Library of Wales.

69 For example: Hazlehurst, , Politicians at war, pp. 66–76Google Scholar. Many pacifists simply closed their minds to the possibility that an invasion of Belgium could occur. See Grey's conversation with a young Liberal pacifist. Grey, , Twenty-five years, 1, 327–8Google Scholar.

70 George, , Riddell, Lord, War diary, London, 1933, p. 6, 2 08 1914Google Scholar.

71 Lloyd George papers, House of Lords, C/13.

72 John, , Morley, Viscount, Memorandum on resignation, 08 1914, (London, 1928), p. 3Google Scholar.

73 Brocks, , eds., Stanley letters, H.H.A. to V.S., 1 08 1914Google Scholar.

74 Gainford papers J. A. Pease diary, 2 August, 1914.

75 Samuel papers, House of Lords, A/157/697, Herbert, to Samuel, Beatrice, 2 08 1914Google Scholar.

76 Wilson, K. M., ‘The British cabinet's decision for war, 2 August, 1914’, British Journal of International Studies, I, 1 (04 1975), 151Google Scholar.

77 Samuel papers, A/157/697, Herbert to Beatrice Samuel, 2 August 1914.

78 Morley, , Memorandum, pp. 14–15, 16Google Scholar.

79 Ibid. p. 14. Wilson, , ‘Cabinet decision’, B.J.I.S. I, 1 (04 1975), 158Google Scholar. K. M. Wilson also notes the sudden appearance of Belgian neutrality as an issue, although he suggests that it was deliberately fostered after the war began. This is certainly true. See for example Lloyd George's Queen's Hall speech on 19 September. But Grey first raised it publicly in the House of Commons on 3 August. Britain's moral commitment, he argued then, was to Belgium.

80 Riddell, , War diary, p. 5Google Scholar.

81 Marquand, David, Ramsay MacDonald, (London, 1977), p. 164Google Scholar.

82 Riddell, , War diary, p. 122Google Scholar.

83 Murray, , Master and brother, p. 122Google Scholar.

84 British Weekly, 30 July 1914.

85 Riddell, , War diary, pp. 6–7Google Scholar.

86 Morgan, , Letters, p. 167, , L.G. to , M.L.G., 3 08 1914Google Scholar.

87 Samuel papers, H. of L. A/157/698, H.S. to B.S., 3 August 1914.

88 Wilson, , ed., Scott diaries, pp. 96–7, 4 08 1914Google Scholar.

89 Churchill, , Churchill, II, Comp. Vol. 3, 1969Google Scholar.