¹ I am grateful to Lawrence Goldman, Eileen Groth, Colin Matthew, Jon Parry, David Thompson, and Alison Winter for their advice, to the Hon. Simon Howard for permission to quote from the Castle Howard MSS, and to Eeyan Hartley (Keeper of Archives) for his help in making these available.

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⁹ Yet his opposition to Hampden's appointment can probably be inferred from Melbourne to Althorp, 2 Mar. 1836, and Althorp to Brougham, 5 Mar. 1836, British Library, Althorp papers, H14, H19 (provisional references).

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¹⁸ Free trade, in the narrow sense of removing tariffs, was the least controversial of this policy triad. Although Normanby and Duncannon led a ‘whig’ protectionist movement against the repeal of the corn laws, the fact is that the vast majority of ‘Whigs’ and ‘Liberals’ supported repeal.

¹⁹ Mandler, , Aristocratic government, pp. 23–43, 170 and passim.Google Scholar

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²¹ Ibid. p. 277. See also Donald, Southgate, The passing of the whigs 1832–1886 (1962), p. 156Google Scholar; Russell, George W. E., A short history of the evangelical movement (1915), pp. 121, 136–7.Google Scholar

²² The 1994 vintage was called ‘Back to basics!’

²³ While all twenty supported the 1832 reform bill more or less, only the ‘economic Whigs and liberal Anglicans’ advocated further parliamentary reform in the 1850s and 1860s. For them reform was a matter of rights, and on a par with nonconformist claims for equality. The ‘economic Liberals’ approached the problem from a utilitarian angle, however. They supported reform in 1831–2 because they believed that it would advance the cause of liberal economic policy (primarily retrenchment), but mainly opposed extensions of the franchise to the working classes in the 1850s and 1860s because they thought that this would jeopardize the cause of retrenchment. I am grateful to Dr Parry for discussions on this point.

²⁴ Spring Rice to Napier, 15 Nov. 1830, Macvey Napier papers, British Library, Add. MS 34614, fo. 431.

²⁵ Gray, Peter, ‘British politics and the Irish land question, 1843–1850’, Cambridge University Ph.D., 1992, p. 250, n. 29.Google Scholar

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²⁷ Hilton, , Age of atonement, pp. 285–8.Google Scholar

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²⁹ In 1839 Cowper wrote approvingly of Alexander Knox's ‘profound views’ and ‘fixed opinion that much progress cannot be made in mature religion without the exercise of the intellect upon the subject of revelation’. W. F. Cowper to 6th duke of Devonshire, 18 Oct. 1839, Devonshire Collections, Chatsworth, First Series, 1257.21/4166.

³⁰ Burd, V. A., Ruskin, Lady Mount-Temple and the spiritualists: an episode in Broadlands history (1982), p. 9Google Scholar; Battiscombe, Georgina, Shaftesbury: a biography of the seventh earl 1801–1885 (1974), pp. 178, 249Google Scholar; Finlayson, Geoffrey B. A. M., The seventh earl of Shaftesbury 1801–1885 (1981), pp. 378–81.Google Scholar

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³³ He is referred to as Morpeth throughout the text of this article.

³⁴ Mandler, Peter, ‘Cain and Abel: two aristocrats and the early Victorian factory acts’, Historical Journal, 27 (1984), 84.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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³⁷ Morpeth, Journal, 17 Jan. 1861, Ibid. p. 320.

³⁸ Morpeth, Journal, 22 Aug. 1852, Ibid. p. 187.

³⁹ Morpeth to his mother, 24 Oct. 1831, quoted in Olien, Diana Davids, Morpeth: a Victorian public career (Washington, D.C., 1983), p. 100.Google Scholar

⁴⁰ Morpeth, Journal, 30 Mar. 1846, 30 Sept. 1849, 21 Mar. 1852, Extracts, pp. 30, 87, 173.

⁴¹ Morpeth, Journal, 4 Apr. 1852, 23 Nov. 1858, Ibid. pp. 174–5, 280.

⁴² However, Mandler, , Aristocratic government, pp. 237–8Google Scholar, suggests that Russell's offer of the Woods and Forests may have been less of a slight than it seemed, since ‘the Woods and Forests was the public works department of the early Victorian period, a kind of Home Office annexe for State interventions…. It was now charged with full responsibility for public health and urban improvement questions, which Russell had placed at the top of his agenda’.

⁴³ ‘Address to the Manchester Athenaeum, October 1846’, Carlisle, , Lectures and addresses in aid of popular education (1852), pp. 105–6.Google Scholar

⁴⁴ For a perceptive and sympathetic account of Morpeth's periods of service in Ireland, see Olien, , Morpeth, pp. 126–249, 403–506.Google Scholar

⁴⁵ Ibid. P. 376.

⁴⁶ Mandler, , Aristocratic government, p. 241 n. 18Google Scholar; Olien, , Morpeth, p. 99.Google Scholar

⁴⁷ Olien, , Morpeth, p. 327Google Scholar. One historian goes further, referring to the ‘wreckage’ of the Public Health Bill in the course of the Commons debates. Finer, S. E., The life and times of Sir Edwin Chadwick (1952), p. 323Google Scholar. Mandler, However, Aristocratic government, p. 260Google Scholar, suggests that ‘the bill passed quite smoothly through the Commons’.

⁴⁸ Brundage, Anthony, England's ‘Prussian minister’: Edwin Chadwick and the politics of government growth, 1832–1854 (University Park, Pennsylvania, 1988), pp. 123, 136–7.Google Scholar

⁴⁹ Morpeth, Journal, 29 Apr. 1846, Castle Howard Archives, J19/8/11/24, Castle Howard, York – by kind permission of the Howard family.

⁵⁰ Morpeth in house of commons, 3 Mar. 1847, Hansard's parliamentary debates, 3rd series, XC, 784.

⁵¹ ‘Address by the earl of Carlisle on the punishment and reformation of criminals’, Transactions of the National Association for the Promotion of Social Science: 1858, edited by Hastings, George W. (1859), pp. 69–83Google Scholar. I am grateful to Lawrence Goldman for this reference and for much advice on this subject.

⁵² For an appraisal of the S.S.A. see Goldman, Lawrence, ‘The Social Science Association, 1857–1886: a context for mid-Victorian liberalism’, English Historical Review, 101 (1986), 95–134.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁵³ Parry, , Democracy and religion, pp. 112–16.Google Scholar

⁵⁴ Morpeth, Journal, 11 Mar. 1849, Extracts, p. 75.

⁵⁵ Reminiscences by Goldwin Smith, edited by Haultain, A. (New York, 1910), pp. 301–2Google Scholar; Macaulay to MrsTrevelyan, C., 5 Nov. 1846, The letters of Thomas Babington Macaulay, edited by Thomas, Pinney (6 vols., Cambridge, 1974–1981), IV, 320Google Scholar. Compare Lady Theresa Lewis to Clarendon, 8 Dec. 1864: ‘Poor Lord Carlisle!…. The truth was, poor man, that he had a mind capable of just so much cultivation as to yield a very pretty flower-garden; but the soil was not deep enough for forest trees’. Maxwell, H., The life and letters of George William Frederick, fourth earl of Clarendon (2 vols., 1913), II, 296.Google Scholar

⁵⁶ Carlisle, , Lectures, pp. 79–83, 127–8Google Scholar. Carlisle also believed that contemporary London represented ‘the highest period of civilization’. Morpeth, Journal, 23 Mar. 1858, Extracts, p. 265.

⁵⁷ Carlisle, , Lectures, pp. 69, 77, 128.Google Scholar

⁵⁸ Morpeth was concerned that, while British exhibits excelled in terms of usefulness, they were inferior to foreign exhibits in terms of beauty and decoration. Morpeth. Journal, 15 Oct. 1851, Extracts, p. 163; Carlisle, , Lectures, pp. 101–2, 120.Google Scholar

⁵⁹ The published Extracts from journals kept by George Howard, earl of Carlisle, make up only a tiny portion of the whole, and the editing is unreliable in places.

⁶⁰ Mandler, ‘Cain and Abel’, loc. cit., 107, ‘can find no trace in Morpeth's early career of the kind of religious or even strictly moral motivationse which inspired Ashley's entry into the factory question’.

⁶¹ Olien, , Morpeth, p. 257Google Scholar, speculates briefly that, in his intimate talks with Prescott, Morpeth may have allowed himself to entertain hitherto suppressed doubts of a rationalist nature concerning orthodox doctrines.

⁶² Ibid. pp. 271–5.

⁶³ Cowper to Morpeth, 20 Apr. 1848, Castle Howard Archives, J19/1/45/21.

⁶⁴ However, it is noteworthy that some participants in mesmeric experiments were former Irvingites, who may have identified mesmeric trances with ‘speaking in tongues’. Alison, Winter, ‘“The island of mesmeria”: the politics of mesmerism in early Victorian Britain’ (Cambridge University Ph.D, 1993), pp. 50, 103Google Scholar and n. 135. I am grateful to Alison Winter for this and much other help and information.

⁶⁵ In 1839 Morpeth had recommended Melvill's sermons to Cowper, who replied that Melvill was ‘the finest preacher’ he had ever heard. Cowper to Morpeth, 6 May 1839, Castle Howard Archives, J19/1/23/29.

⁶⁶ Henry, Melvill, Sermons preached before the university ofCambridge, during the month of February, 1836 (Cambridge, 1836), pp. 21–42Google Scholar. Morpeth, Journal, 8 and 24 Feb. 1844, Castle Howard Archives, J19/8/2/37–9.

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⁶⁸ Morpeth, Journal, 27 Sept. 1852, Extracts, p. 189.

⁶⁹ Carlisle, , Diary in Turkish and Greek waters (1854), pp. 2–3.Google Scholar

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⁷² Oliver describes the American Mormons in similar terms. Ibid. pp. 218–38.

⁷³ Cowper to Morpeth, 20 Apr. 1848, loc. cit.

⁷⁴ Oliver, , Prophets and millennialists, pp. 99, 106–7, 132–4Google Scholar; Flegg, C. G., ‘Gathered under apostles’: a study of the Catholic Apostolic Church (Oxford, 1992), pp. 302, 327–9.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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⁷⁷ Cowper to Morpeth, 20 Apr. 1848, Castle Howard Archives, J19/1/45/21 (italics added).

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⁸² Orchard, S. C., ‘English evangelical eschatology 1790–1850’ (Cambridge University Ph.D., 1969), p. 184Google Scholar. Note the laconic tone of Morpeth's journal entry recording one of the 1848 revolutions: ‘The Times has another bloody insurrection at Vienna – When oh Lord! when?’ Morpeth, Journal, 13 Oct. 1848, Castle Howard Archives, J19/8/19/6.

⁸³ Candlish, R. S., Four letters to the Rev. E. B. Elliott, on some passages in his Horae apocalypticae (1846), pp. 85–7Google Scholar. However, Morpeth reported Candlish as seeming lukewarm about prophecy, which deserved ‘to occupy, not to engross our attention’. ‘The real personal descent of Christ to each of us’ was far more important than ‘how Babylon was doomed, or Israel restored’. Morpeth, Journal, 7 May 1848, Castle Howard Archives, J19/8/17/38, Extracts, p. 61.

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⁸⁸ Hilton, , Age of atonement, pp. 12–15 and passim.Google Scholar

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⁹⁴ Morpeth, Journal, 23 Mar. 1848, Ibid. J19/8/17/21.

⁹⁵ Reardon, Bernard M. G., From Coleridge to Gore: a century of religious thought in Britain (1971), PP. 243–5.Google Scholar

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⁹⁷ Forbes, , Liberal anglican idea, pp. 97, 99.Google Scholar

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¹⁰⁰ Arnold to Sir Thomas Pasley, 25 Jan. 1840, Ibid. II, 194–5.

¹⁰¹ Arnold to John Tucker, 5 Apr. 1825, Ibid. I, 77.

¹⁰² Arnold to Blackstone, 1 Nov. 1833, Ibid. II, 18. The best exposition of Arnold's providentialism is in Forbes, , Liberal anglican idea, pp. 72–5, 97–8, 110, 172.Google Scholar

¹⁰³ A similar point is made in Milman, , Hebrew prophecy, pp. 14, 34–7.Google Scholar

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¹⁰⁵ Morpeth, Journal, 20 Sept. 1863, Ibid. p. 399.

¹⁰⁶ Morpeth to Lady Holland, 20 Mar. 1844, Holland House papers, British Library, Add. MS 51583 fos. 124–5 (italics added).

¹⁰⁷ Carlisle to Chadwick, 18 Oct. 1848, University College London, Chadwick MSS, quoted in Brundage, , England's ‘Prussian minister, p. 136.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁸ Morpeth, Journal, 21 May 1848, Castle Howard Archives, J19/8/17/44.

¹⁰⁹ Morpeth, Journal, 12 Dec. 1862, Extracts, p. 376. Faith in God's benevolence suffered a rare lapse during the Irish, Famine: ‘The accounts from Ireland grow too shocking, and combined with some of my sanitary reading, shock the reason and stagger the faith’Google Scholar. Ibid. 7 Jan. 1847, p. 41.

¹¹⁰ Morpeth, Journal, 8 Mar. 1844, Castle Howard Archives, J19/8/2/43.

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¹¹⁵ Morpeth, Journal, 14 Mar. 1855, 8 Mar. 1861 and Mar 1864, Extracts, pp. 218, 322, 417; MacDonnell, J. C., The doctrine of the atonement deduced from scripture, and vindicated from misrepresentations and objections (1858)Google Scholar; Hilton, , Age of atonement, pp. 292–3.Google Scholar

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¹²³ Candlish, R. S., Discourses bearing upon the sonship and brotherhood of believers and other kindred subjects (Edinburgh, 1872), pp. 1–53, 94–113, 192–9Google Scholar; Morpeth, Journal, 3 Apr. 1853, Extracts, p. 202. Another favourite preacher was Thomas Guthrie, especially when he dealt with texts such as ‘God abiding with us’. Morpeth, Journal, 11 Feb., 1855, Ibid. p. 216.

¹²⁴ Candlish, , Discourses, p. 53.Google Scholar

¹²⁵ Morpeth, Journal, 23 Sept. 1844, Castle Howard Archives, J19/8/5/11.

¹²⁶ Cowper to Morpeth, 14 Sept. 1843, Castle Howard Archives, J19/1/36/31.

¹²⁷ Morpeth to Lady Holland, 20 Mar. 1844, loc. cit. Such sentiments may be thought to justify some contemporary perceptions that Morpeth was ‘good-tempered but perhaps too facile’. Quillinan, Edward to Robinson, H. C., 23 Mar. 1845, The correspondence of Henry Crabb Robinson with the Wordsworth circle, edited by Morley, E. J. (2 vols., Oxford, 1927), II, 593–4.Google Scholar

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¹²⁹ Arnold, Thomas, Fragment on the church (1844), pp. 11–12Google Scholar; Morpeth, Journal, 4 Dec. 1844, Castle Howard Archives, J19/8/5/64.

¹³⁰ Morpeth, Journal, 14 July 1844, Extracts, p. II, quoted in Brent, , Liberal anglican politics, pp. 138–9.Google Scholar

¹³¹ Morpeth, Journal, 29 Oct. 1857, Extracts, p. 260. For the influence on whig–liberals of Tom Brown's schooldays and of Arnold generally, see Parry, , Democracy and religion, pp. 68–9.Google Scholar

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¹³³ Winter, , ‘“Island ofmesmeria”’, pp. 62–7Google Scholar. For interest shown in mesmerism by Arnold and Whately, see Ibid. pp. 56–8.

¹³⁴ See above, n. 46.

¹³⁵ Thirlwall to?, 17 Feb. 1865, Letters to a friend by Connop Thirlwall, edited by Stanley, A. P. (1881), p. 18Google Scholar. On conservation of energy see Hilton, , Age of atonement, pp. 309–14.Google Scholar

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¹³⁸ Though Dr Bebbington urges, most plausibly, that incarnationalist thought resurfaced in public life via Tawney, Temple, and Beveridge, and that it provided an ideological underpinning for the welfare state (private communication). See Nicholls, David, Deity and domination: images of god and the state in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries (1989), pp. 31–87Google Scholar; Harris, Jose, ‘Political ideas and the debate on state welfare, 1940–45’, War and social change in British society in the second world war, edited by Smith, Harold L. (Manchester, 1986), pp. 233–63.Google Scholar