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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 11 February 2009
1 Dowling, M., ‘Anne Boleyn and reform’, in Journ. Ecclesiastical Hist., XXXV (1984), 30–46CrossRefGoogle Scholar and Humanism in the age of Henry VIII (London, 1986)Google Scholar; Ives, E. W., Anne Boleyn (London, 1986)Google Scholar; Block, J. S., Factional politics and the English Reformation, 1520–1540 (London, 1993), pp. 5–6, 28–9.Google Scholar
2 Bernard, G. W., ‘Anne Boleyn's religion’, in Historical Journal, XXXVI (1992), 1–20Google Scholar; Warnicke, R., The rise and fall of Anne Boleyn (Cambridge, 1989).Google Scholar
3 See Ives, , Anne Boleyn, pp. 308–9Google Scholar and below p. 400.
4 Dickens, A. G., The English Reformation (2nd edn, London, 1989), p. 196Google Scholar; English historical documents 1485–1558, ed. Williams, C. H. (London, 1967), pp. 875–6.Google Scholar
5 Foxe, John, Acts and monuments, ed. Cattley, S. R. (London, 1837), v, 605.Google Scholar
6 Original letters relative to the English Reformation, ed. Robinson, H. (Parker Soc. 1846–1847), i, 200.Google Scholar
7 Foxe, , Acts and monuments, v, 136.Google Scholar
8 The papers of George Wyalt, ed. Loades, D. M. (Camden Society, 1968), pp. 1, 19–30, 182–91Google Scholar; William, Latymer, ‘Cronickille of Anne Bulleyne’, ed. M. Dowling in Camden Miscellany, XXX (1990). pp. 46–65.Google Scholar
9 Colvin, H. M., The history of the king's works (London, 1963–1982), iii, 194Google Scholar; Royal Commission on Historical Monuments, City of Cambridge (1959), 1, 128–30Google Scholar; The Lisle letters ed. Byrne, M. St. C. (Chicago, 1981), ii, 451Google Scholar. Anne was with Henry on progress.
10 Pollet, J. V., Martin Bucer (Paris, 1962), ii, 456Google Scholar; Hopf, C., Martin Bucer and the English Reformation (Oxford 1946), pp. 199, 251Google Scholar. The warmth of the reference to Fox contrasts with Bucer's praise of Gardiner based only on a reading of De vera obedientia. Bucer rapidly repudiated this, especially after he met Gardiner in 1541: ibid. pp. 7, 198.
11 Hopf, , Martin Bucer, pp. 6, 49.Google Scholar
12 Ridley, J., Thomas Cranmer (Oxford, 1962), p. 180.Google Scholar
13 Letters and Papers of Henry VIII [LP], x, 1257 (ix).
14 Foxe, , Acts and monuments, iv, 280Google Scholar; Darby, H. S., Hugh Latimer (London, 1954), pp. 78–9Google Scholar; cf. Richard Nix's comment, ‘I have burnt Abel (Bilney) and let Cain (Shaxton) go’: Dowling, Humanism, p. 93.
15 LP, iv, 4647, app 197; Rupp, G., Studies in the making of the English protestant tradition (1947), pp. 62–72Google Scholar; Williams, G., ‘The protestant experiment in the diocese of St. David's’, in Welsh Reformation essays (Cardiff, 1967), pp. 111–40Google Scholar. There is contemporary evidence also for a link with Cranmer and Capon. Post-Henrician writers add Goodrich. Rowland Lee, the only remaining bishop elected between 1532 and 1536, had no known links or sympathy with Anne.
16 Letters of royal and illustrious ladies, ed. M. A. E. Wood (1846), ii, 188–9Google Scholar; Dickens, Reformation, p. 103.
17 Dowling, , ‘Anne Boleyn and Reform’, p. 37.Google Scholar
18 An expression of Richard Nix, bishop of Norwich: Dowling, Humanism, p. 92.
19 BL, Sloane MS 1207 fos. iv, 3. It is not clear that the petition was actually submitted.
20 Ellis, H., Original letters illustrative of English history (London, 1824–1846), 1, ii, 46.Google Scholar
21 LP, xii (2), 1304; viii, 1063.
22 Cal.State Papers Spanish, 1531–3, pp. 94, 96.
23 Bourbon, Nicolas, Nugarum libri octo (Lyons, 1538), vii, 15, 90, 119.Google Scholar
24 Cal. State Papers Spanish, 1536–8, p. 91; Bentley, S., Excerpta historica (1831), p. 263Google Scholar; cf. Ives, , Anne Boleyn, p. 391 n. 20.Google Scholar
25 Enarratio in psalmum xxii (Freiburg, 1530)Google Scholar; De praeparatione ad mortem (Freiburg, 1533)Google Scholar; Explanatio symboli (Freiburg, 1533)Google Scholar. Block exaggerates in saying that the Boleyn family ‘prior to Anne's arrival at court [i.e. 1521] had identified itself with prominent reformers’ [Factional politics, p. 28]. The early evidence is of some contact by 1527 with the Christian humanism of Erasmus, a link which could date back to a possible meeting between the humanist and Thomas Boleyn during the English embassy to the Low Countries in 1521: LP, iii, 1526–7, 1547.
26 BL, Cott. MS Vit. Bxxii fos. 154V, 156V.
27 BL, King's MS 9. Not only did Henry initiate the exchange but the MS contains no indication of Boleyn provenance.
28 Hever, Castle, Hours of the Blessed Virgin Mary (Paris n.d.)Google Scholar This is a printed book with hand coloured woodcuts but on vellum and thus for the middle-range market. For the non-religious titles see below n. 29 and London, Royal College of Music MS 1070 [discussed in Lowinsky, E. E., ‘A music book for Anne Boleyn’, in Florilegium Historiale, ed. Rowe, J. G. and Stockdale, W. H. (Toronto, 1971), pp. 161–235]Google Scholar. For the reformist titles see below n. 31 and The newe Testament (Antwerp, 1534) [William Tyndale, BL, C23 a8].Google Scholar
29 BL, Roy. MS 20. B xvn: ‘Vng Petit Traicte en Francoys’, fo. 1.
30 This is best explained by the need to protect scribes and illuminators from the prohibitions on scriptural texts in English.
31 (i) La Saincte Bible en Francoys (Antwerp, 1534) [Lefevre d'Etaples, BL, C18 c9]Google Scholar; (ii) BL, Harl. MS 6561, ‘The Pistellis and Gospelles for the LII Sondayes in the Yere’ [d'Etaples, Lefevre, Les chases contenu en ce present livre (Paris, 1525?)]Google Scholar; (iii) ‘Le livre des psaulmes’ [Sotheby, 7 Dec. 1982, trans. Louis de Berquin ?]; (iv) Alnwick, Percy MS 465, ‘ The Ecclesiaste’ [Lecclesiaste (Alençon, 1530?)]; (v) BL, Roy. MS 16 E 13, ‘Le pasteur évangélique’ [Clémont Marot]. The link between (v) and Anne Boleyn is established by the frontispiece of her arms. C. A. Mayer's conjecture that the piece is not by Marot but was written for Anne in England by Almanque Papillon is unconvincing: Ives, E. W., ‘Anne Boleyn and the entente evangelique’, in Henri VIII et François IerGoogle Scholar (Lille) (forthcoming).
32 Ives, , ‘Anne Boleyn and the entente évangélique’.Google Scholar
33 Dolet, Etienne, Epigram (Lyons, 1538), p. 162.Google Scholar
34 Cranmer, Thomas, Miscellaneous Writings, ed. Cox, J. E. (Parker Soc. 1846), pp. 323–4.Google Scholar
35 LP, x, 942.
36 Percy MS 465 fo. 13.
37 Ives, , Anne Boleyn, p. 313.Google Scholar
38 The Homelie against Disobedience and Wylfull Rebellion (1570) in Certain Sermons or Homilies ed. Bond, R. B. (Toronto, 1987), p. 234.Google Scholar
39 Dowling, , ‘Anne Boleyn and reform’, 44.Google Scholar
40 The sum of Christianity gathered out almost of all places of scripture by that noble and famous clerk, Francis Lambert of Avignon (1536).
41 BL, Cott. MS Otho Cx fos. 223, 224V, 225.
42 Brooks, P. N., Thomas Cranmer's doctrine of the eucharist (London, 1993), pp. 3–4Google Scholar; Brigden, S., London and the Reformation (Oxford, 1989), pp. 314–7.Google Scholar
43 Ibid. p. 124.
44 Davis, J. F., ‘The trials of Thomas Bylney and the English Reformation,’ Historical Journal, XXIV (1981), 777–8.Google Scholar
45 BL, Cott. MS Otho Cx fo. 224V.
46 Dickens, Reformation p. 97; Brigden, , London and the Reformation, pp. 265, 316.Google Scholar
47 Ives, E. W., ‘The queen and the painters: Anne Boleyn, Holbein and Tudor royal portraits’, ApolloGoogle Scholar (forthcoming).
48 Bock, , Factional politics, pp. 5–6.Google Scholar
49 Dowling, Humanism, p. 1.
50 Anne was at the court of the French queen from 1514 to 1521. She probably met Marguerite of Navarre but there is no contemporary evidence for Warnicke's claim (Rise and fall of Anne Boleyn, pp. 23, 263) that Anne ever joined her household: Ives, , ‘Anne Boleyn and the entente évangélique’.Google Scholar
51 Davis, , ‘Trial of Bilney’, 777–8.Google Scholar
52 Febvre, L., Au coeur religieux du XVIe siècle (Paris, 1957), p. 66Google Scholar; Ives, , Anne Boleyn, p. 314.Google Scholar
53 PRO, SP6/1 fo. 10.
54 PRO, SP1/103 fo. 78. For Skip's use of the digression see below n. 65.
55 English historical documents, 1485–1558, p. 804. The Articles explain ‘palms’ as a symbol of receiving Christ.
56 PRO, SP6/1 fo. 10; SP6/2 fo. 12v has: ‘being wel taught’.
57 PRO, SP6/1 fo. 10.
58 ‘Le Bon Pasteur’ refers to Henry as Hezekiah: Ives, ‘Anne Boleyn and the entente évangélique’.
59 Correspondence of Matthew Parker, ed. Bruce, J. & Perowne, T. T. (Parker Soc. 1853), p. 9.Google Scholar
60 PRO SP6/1 fos. 8–iiv; SP6/2 fos. 11–13; SP1/103 fos. 78–84.
61 PRO SP1/103 fo. 79.
62 The interrogatories also ask why Skip did not obey Christ's instructions on how to act when criticizing a brother [Matthew 18, vv. 15–17], i.e. implying that he called on others to live by the gospel text but did not do so himself: PRO SP1/103 fo. 78v [see below n. 73]. For commentaries on the sermon which differ from what follows see: Lehmberg, S. E., The Reformation parliament (Cambridge, 1970), pp. 244–5Google Scholar; Bernard, , ‘Anne Boleyn's religion’, 13–18.Google Scholar
63 PRO SP1/103 fo. 78V. Skip was asked to produce a copy of his sermon which may be the sermon on the same text in SP6/2 fos. 16–32v (draft SP6/6 fos. 70 sqq) [LP, x, 615]. However it appears to be different from the sermon on Passion Sunday [i.e. Lent 5] 1536 as reported, and fos. 19–32v may belong to a different sermon (on vainglory).
64 PRO SP6/1 fo. 8; SP6/2 fo. liv; SP6/1 fos. 8v, 9v, 9, 8v, 9; see also below at n. 71.
65 Ibid. fo. 11.
66 PRO SP6/2 fo. 12.
67 PRO SP6/1 fo. 9: ‘nowadays mony men… rebuicke the clergy… bycause they wold haue from the clergy their possessions’. Skip's comments on ‘the little ceremonies’ were used as an ironic reinforcement of his criticism of the policy of spoliation: ‘ he persuaded them that be in auctorite not to directe their corrections vppon profit, the consideration wherof [i.e. profit] hath caused them to be content to permytt ceremonyes whiche he moche commended being wel taught’: SP6/2 fo. 12–12v. SP6/1 fo. iov is more blunt than ironic: ‘they coste you litle and litle ye shall gayne by the takyng awey of them’.
68 Lehmberg, , Reformation parliament, pp. 226–7Google Scholar suggests 6–18 March for the passage of the dissolution bill, and the session ended on 14 April. It is not certain that the king assented to legislation in person.
69 PRO SP6/1 fo. 11.
70 Ibid. fo. 10.
71 Ibid. fo. 10v.
72 Ibid. fo. 10v. Lehmberg, , Reformation parliament, p. 245Google Scholar did not detect the irony in Skip's remarks: cf. SP1/103 fos. 83v–84.
73 PRO SP6/1 fo. 11.
74 M. H., & Dodds, R., The pilgrimage of grace (Cambridge, 1915), i, 102–3, 364Google Scholar; Fletcher, A., Tudor rebellions (3rd edn, London, 1983), p. 104.Google Scholar
75 PRO SP6/1 fo. 9v.
76 It is noticeable that the interrogatories challenge Skip on all his exempla – Abraham, Solomon, Rehoboam, Nebuchadnezzar and the Locrenses – but not on the Esther story.
77 Youings, J., The dissolution of the monasteries (London, 1971), pp. 40–6Google Scholar; Elton, G. R., Reform and Reformation (London, 1977), pp. 236–8Google Scholar. The biography of Cranmer, written 1556–9, says that he opposed secularization: Narratives of the Reformation, ed. Nichols, J. G., Camden Soc., o.s. 77, (1859), p. 224Google Scholar. The concern in the interrogatories with moral discipline on the gospel pattern is congruent with the conjecture that some of the hostility to Skip came from reformers, see above n. 61.
78 LP, vi, 700; viii, 834, 1056.
79 BL, Cott. MS Faust. Ciii, fo. 456.
80 Parker, Correspondance, pp. 4–5; Strype, John, Life and acts of Matthew Parker (Oxford, 1821), pp. 16–18.Google Scholar
81 LP, xi, 1250.
82 Walker, G., ‘Cardinal Wolsey and the satirists: the case of Godly Queen Hester’, in Cardinal Wolsey: church, state and art ed. Gunn, S. J. and Lindley, P. G. (Cambridge, 1991), pp. 245–60Google Scholar; Dodds, , Pilgrimage of grace, 1, 281.Google Scholar
83 Merriman, R. B., Life and letters of Cromwell (London, 1902), i, 17Google Scholar; PRO SP6/1 fo. 9v; SP6/2 fo. 12 has: ‘Aman…stirred the king by persuasion of greate benefit and proffit’.
84 Liber Hester ch. 3, vv. 8–9; cf. ch. 4, v. 7.
85 PRO SP6/1 fo. 9v.
86 Fletcher, A., Tudor rebellions (3rd edn, 1983), p. 105Google Scholar. Alexander Ales who left England in 1539 believed that Anne had criticized Cromwell for corruption in respect of church property: Calendar of State Papers Foreign, 1558–9 (1863), no. 1303 at p. 526.
87 Latymer, , Camden miscellany 57.Google Scholar
88 cf. Anne's links with William Marshall: Ives, , Anne Boleyn, pp. 329–30Google Scholar; 328. We can rule out the possibility that Latymer conflated Skip's and Hugh Latimer's sermons since the latter was on Luke 20, vv. 9–16.
89 Ives, , Anne Boleyn, 340–1, 350–3Google Scholar; Ives, E. W., ‘The fall of Anne Boleyn reconsidered’, in English Historical Review, CVII (1992), 662–3.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
