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HOW TO SABOTAGE A SECRET SOCIETY: THE DEMISE OF CARL FRIEDRICH BAHRDT'S GERMAN UNION IN 1789

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  10 August 2017

ANDREW MCKENZIE-MCHARG*
Affiliation:
University of Cambridge
*
CRASSH (Centre for Research into the Arts, Social Sciences, and Humanities), Alison Richard Building, 7 West Road, University of Cambridge, Cambridge, cb3 9dtam2213@cam.ac.uk

Abstract

In 1789 in Leipzig, a slim pamphlet of 128 pages appeared that sent shock waves through the German republic of letters. The pamphlet, bearing the title Mehr Noten als Text (More notes than text), was an ‘exposure’ whose most sensational element was a list naming numerous members of the North German intelligentsia as initiates of a secret society. This secret society, known as the German Union, aimed to push back against anti-Enlightenment tendencies most obviously manifest in the policies promulgated under the new Prussian king Frederick William II. The German Union was the brainchild of the notorious theologian Carl Friedrich Bahrdt (1741–92). But who was responsible for the ‘exposure’? Using material culled from several archives, this article pieces together for the first time the back story to Mehr Noten als Text and in doing so uncovers a surprisingly heterogeneous network of Freemasons, publishers, and state officials. The findings prompt us to reconsider general questions about the relationship of state and society in the late Enlightenment, the interplay of the public and the arcane spheres and the status of religious heterodoxy at this time.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 2017 

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Footnotes

Special thanks are owed to Valerie Leyh and especially to Reinhard Markner for invaluable help with the source material. I am also indebted to Till Kinzel, Cord-Friedrich Berghahn, and Gerd Biegel in Brunswick and then Chris Clark and Hanna Weibye in Cambridge for providing forums where I could present this material. Finally, I would like to thank Beatrice de Graaf, Sundar Henny, Anthony Ossa-Richardson, Joachim Whaley, the two anonymous reviewers, and my colleagues on the Leverhulme Conspiracy and Democracy Project (RP2012-CO17) for their insightful comments and assistance.

References

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2 For Bahrdt's educational activities, see Lößl, Hans-Helmut, Karl Friedrich Bahrdt an den Philanthropinischen Anstalten zu Marschlins und Heidesheim (1775–1779) (Berlin, 1998)Google Scholar.

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5 See Flygt's, Sten Gunnar The notorious Dr. Bahrdt (Nashville, TN, 1963), pp. 197200Google Scholar, for a translation of Bahrdt's profession of faith.

6 Bahrdt, Carl Friedrich, Geschichte seines Lebens, seiner Meinungen und Schicksale (Berlin, 1790), iv, p. 18Google Scholar. For my attempt at an interpretation of this episode, see McKenzie-McHarg, Andrew, ‘Überlegungen zur Radikalaufklärung am Beispiel von Carl Friedrich Bahrdt’, Aufklärung. Interdisziplinäres Jahrbuch zur Erforschung des 18. Jahrhunderts und seiner Wirkungsgeschichte, 24 (2012), pp. 207–40Google Scholar. A remark in a polemical piece by the famous pedagogue Basedow, Johann Bernhard, Eine Urkunde des Jahrs 1780 (Dessau, 1780)Google Scholar, further indicates Bahrdt's success in generating the impression that his heterodoxy was the reason for this flight to Prussia. According to Basedow, Bahrdt and his family had become ‘helpless refugees because of the Profession of faith that had been demanded from him and that had revealed his previously hidden heterodoxy’ (p. 29, my italics).

7 A translation of the play forms the first part of the edition prepared by Laursen and Zande, The edict of religion: A comedy, and The story and diary of my imprisonment.

8 Bahrdt, The edict of religion: A comedy, and The story and diary of my imprisonment, p. 83, mentions five or six old friends, along with sixteen students.

9 See for the international dimension Mühlpfordt, Günter, ‘Europarepublik im Duodezformat: Die internationale Geheimgesellschaft “Union” – ein radikalaufklärerischer Bund der Intelligenz (1786–1796)’, in Reinalter, Helmut, ed., Freimaurer und Geheimbünde im 18. Jahrhundert in Mitteleuropa (Frankfurt am Main, 1983), pp. 319–64Google Scholar.

10 Mehr Noten als Text oder die Deutsche Union der Zwey und Zwanziger eines neuen geheimen Ordens zum Besten der Menschheit. Aus einem Packet gefundener Papiere zur öffentlichen Schau gestellt durch einen ehrlichen Buchhändler (Leipzig, 1789), pp. 89Google Scholar. Stoking the fear of these ‘proponents of superstition and power’ was the fact that many leading figures in the Prussian administration under the new king were associated with the Late Rosicrucians, a secret society distinguished by its embrace of theosophical and esoteric doctrines and into which Frederick William II had been inducted while still crown prince in 1781.

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12 An interesting point of comparison is provided by Jonathan Israel's recent Democratic Enlightenment: philosophy, revolution, and human rights, 1750–1790 (Oxford, 2012), pp. 822–58Google Scholar, in which his treatment of the secret societies is beholden to a history of ideas that limits his attribution of a conspiratorial character to those societies explicitly espousing an egalitarian, republican ideology. His account thus lacks the appreciation of the subversive effect arising purely out of the socio-political profile of these societies as ‘indirect countervailing powers’ (as they are termed in the translation of Koselleck's Critique and crisis). Koselleck's argument by contrast implies a subversive effect inherent even to those secret societies that avowed loyalty to the existing order, as such societies encountered genuine difficulties in reconciling their autonomous existence with the principles of this order. Reinhard Markner has shown how this was the case for the Late Rosicrucians in his ‘Imakoromazypziloniakus: Mirabeau und der Niedergang der Berliner Rosenkreuzerei’, in Meumann, Markus and Zaunstöck, Holger, eds., Sozietäten – Netzwerke – Kommunikation: Neue Forschungen zur Vergesellschaftung im Jahrhundert der Aufklärung (Tübingen, 2003), pp. 215–30Google Scholar.

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26 An introductory passage to one of the documents claimed that the German Union continued the work of Jesus ‘through a silent association of all who love God's work’ (MNaT, p. 30). Throughout the 1780s, Bahrdt had produced new renderings of the Bible, culminating in the representation of Jesus as the head of a secret society. (Jesus, even if no longer divine in Bahrdt's eyes, remained for him an exemplary human being.) The conspicuous parallel between the German Union's ambition to serve as a vehicle for pursuing these goals and Bahrdt's reinterpretation of the Bible was taken as a clue to his hand in these matters (see MNaT, pp. 35–6).

27 As Koselleck saw it: ‘Enlightenment and mystery appeared as historical twins’ (Critique and crisis, p. 62). For the further elaboration on this relationship, see p. 70.

28 Van Horn Melton, James, The rise of the public in Enlightenment Europe (Cambridge, 2001), p. 253CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

29 See for some general comments on these topics, Selwyn, Pamela E., Everyday life in the German book trade: Friedrich Nicolai as bookseller and publisher in the age of Enlightenment, 1750–1810 (University Park, PA, 200)Google Scholar, esp. ch. 4: ‘The legal and political framework of the eighteenth-century book trade: privilege, piracy, and censorship’, pp. 181–250. For a case directly related to one branch of the German Union, see Haug, Christine, ‘Geheimbündische Organisationsstrukturen und subversive Distributionssysteme zur Zeit der Französischen Revolution: Die Mitgliedschaft des hessischen Buchhändler Johann Christian Konrad Krieger in der Deutschen Union’, Leipziger Jahrbuch zur Buchgeschichte, 7 (1997), pp. 5174Google Scholar.

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38 Intelligenzblatt der Allgemeinen Literatur-Zeitung, 74 (13 June 1789), p. 627.

39 Bode, Tagebuch, MS: Archive of the Grand Orient, The Hague, 190. D. 14; Kloss MS 202.

40 Nachlass Nicolai, Staatsbibliothek Berlin (SBB), Handschriftenabteilung Vol. 6, Mappe 2.

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43 ‘Weishauptian’ refers, of course, to Adam Weishaupt, the founder of the Illuminati.

44 MNaT, p. 31.

45 This figure according to the Sozialstatistik der Bahrdtianer-Union’ as provided by Mühlpfordt, Günter in Demokratische Aufklärer, i: Bahrdt und die Deutsche Union (Halle, 2015), pp. 447–51Google Scholar.

46 Bahrdt, The edict of religion: A comedy and The story and diary of my imprisonment, p. 98.

47 Intelligenzblatt der Allgemeinen Literatur-Zeitung, 20 (11 Feb. 1789), pp. 159–60.

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49 These documents were printed as accompanying material to the German original of The story and diary of my imprisonment (Geschichte und Tagebuch meines Gefängnisses), were not included in the translation, and run with a second pagination, p. 164.

50 Geschichte und Tagebuch meines Gefängnisses (second pagination), p. 167.

51 Pott, ed., Briefe angesehener Gelehrten, v, p. 185.

52 The publicist Karl Spazier relayed this advice to Bahrdt after visiting Knigge in Hannover in July 1788. See Pott, ed., Briefe angesehener Gelehrten, iv, p. 159.

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54 The letters from Madeweis to Bertuch are preserved in the Goethe-Schiller Archive (GSA) in Weimar, Call number: 6 / 1201. For this quotation see fo. 11v. Madeweis is referring here to Bahrdt's Handbuch der Moral für den Bürgerstand (Halle, 1789)Google Scholar.

55 Madeweis to Bertuch (n.d.), GSA, Call number: 6/1201, fo. 9v.

56 Madeweis to Bertuch (4 Nov. 1789), GSA, Call number: 6/1201, fo. 14r.

57 Geheimes Staatsarchiv Preußischer Kulturbesitz (Berlin), vi. HA., Nachlass Woellner I, Nr. 30, fo. 17r.

58 Quoted in Wiggermann, Uta, Woellner und das Religionsedikt: Kirchenpolitik und kirchliche Wirklichkeit im Preußen des späten 18. Jahrhunderts (Tübingen, 2010), p. 438Google Scholar.

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61 Bahrdt, Geschichte seines Lebens, seiner Meinungen und Schicksale, iv, p. 105. For an account of this project, see Rahmede, Stephanie, Die Buchhandlung der Gelehrten zu Dessau: Ein Beitrag zur Schriftstelleremanzipation um 1800 (Wiesbaden, 2008)Google Scholar.

62 A remark made by the theologian Johann Salomo Semler, whose relationship with Bahrdt could easily provide enough material for an essay in itself, can serve as a point of reference here: For me the definition of a patriot has long been someone who does not regard advantage or disadvantage when duty prescribes…a regard for the common good. Only in this manner does the patriot show himself.Semler, Johann Salomo, Aufrichtige Antwort auf Herr Basedows Urkunde (Halle, 1780), p. 44Google Scholar.

63 MNaT, pp. 35–6.

64 Bahrdt, Carl Friedrich, Kirchen- und Ketzer-Almanach aufs Jahr 1781 (Häresiopel [Züllichau], 1789), pp. 204Google Scholar (‘Ketzer Bahrdt’) and 26.