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Metropolitan Concern, Colonial State Policy and the Embargo on Cultivation of Coffee by Africans in Colonial Kenya: the Example of Bungoma District, 1930–1960

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  09 May 2014

Nicholas E. Makana
Nicholas E. Makana*
Affiliation:
Moi University, Eldoret
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Extract

The widespread involvement of African peasant households in the cultivation of a high-value cash crop—coffee—in Kenya dates back only to the mid-1950s. However, this late inclusion of African households in coffee cultivation did not imply their lack of enthusiasm to cultivate the crop from an earlier date. On the contrary, European settlers in particular, and some officials of the Department of Agriculture, thwarted the aspirations of African households regarding their being permitted to cultivate coffee. The overall view was in favor of the continued imposition of an embargo on African coffee cultivation. This paper employs mainly archival records to trace the agitation for inclusion in coffee cultivation by African households in colonial Kenya generally. It then treats the specific case example of Bungoma district in western Kenya from the 1930s.

Through a review of official correspondence between colonial officials in Kenya and metropolitan authorities at the colonial secretariat in London, the paper shows how such agitation conflicted with the interests of European settlers and the policies that were privileged by the Department of Agriculture in African areas within Kenya. It demonstrates that when colonial state policy shifted (due to metropolitan and local pressure) in favor of African household involvement in coffee cultivation, the latter proved themselves to be efficient cultivators of the crop. The influence of metropolitan pressures on the eventual trajectory of colonial state policy in Kenya also demonstrates that the actions of colonial proconsuls in the colony did not always reflect the wishes of the colonial secretariat in London. This was moreso the case in Kenya, where a small but politically potent segment of European settlers exerted tremendous influence on the policies that were pursued by the colonial state.

Type
Research Article
Information
History in Africa , Volume 36 , 2009 , pp. 315 - 329
Copyright
Copyright © African Studies Association 2009

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References

1 Governor Philip Mitchell's tenure (1944-52) illustrates this fact in Kenya's history. Whereas the Colonial Office (CO) sought to reassert metropolitan authority and promote African economic and political advancement, Mitchell acted in the interest of European settlers by pursuing policies that were inimical to African advancement. For a fuller analysis see Throup, D.W., Economic and Social Origins of Mau Mau 1945-53 (London, 1988), 33–47.Google Scholar

2 One such farmer was Mr. S.G. Gare, who raised objections to African involvement in coffee cultivation in an interview with the secretary of state for the colonies. In a dispatch to Nairobi, the secretary of state pointed out that he did not find Gare's objections convincing. See Cunliffe-Lister to Byrne, confidential, 18 October 1933, Public Record Office (PRO) (now the National Archives) London: CO 533/431.

3 Such demands were voiced by the Kikuyu Central Association, which petitioned the CO for the removal of restrictions on African coffee cultivation. See Talbott, I.D., “Agricultural Innovation and Policy Changes in Kenya in the 1930s” (Ph.D., West Virginia University, 1976), 223.Google Scholar

4 See Mr. Gare's Representations and Miscellaneous Correspondence on Coffee Industry (cultivation by natives), PRO: CO 533/431.

5 Ibid.

6 Talbott, , “Agricultural Innovation,” 226.Google Scholar

7 Barnes, C., “An Experiment with African Coffee Growing in Kenya: the Gusii, 1933-50” (Ph.D., Michigan State University, 1976), 39.Google Scholar

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9 For the most part, the CO strove to adhere to the doctrine of imperial trusteeship, which emphasized the protection and safeguarding of African interests. The CO, for example, selected colonial governors thought to be sympathetic to African interests and sacked or demoted those who put private white interests first. For an elaboration see Lonsdale, J., “The Conquest State 1895-1904” in Ochieng', W.R., ed., A Modern History of Kenya 1895-1980 (Nairobi, 1989), 24.Google Scholar

10 Formerly governor of Sierra Leone, Sir Joseph Byrne was appointed governor of Kenya in 1931. He replaced Sir Edward Grigg, who had failed to act on persistent requests from the secretary of state for the colonies, Lord Passfield, that Africans be allowed to grow coffee. Even the enunciation of a Memorandum on Native Policy in June 1930 restating the doctrine of the paramountcy of African interests in Kenya did not elicit a response from Grigg. See Barnes, , “Experiment,” 44–45.Google Scholar

11 Byrne to Cunliffe-Lister, confidential, 25 November 1931, PRO: CO 533/408.

12 Ibid.

13 Ibid.

14 Ibid.

15 Ibid.

16 This was described by the Department of Agriculture as an enabling ordinance giving the Govemor-in-Council powers to legislate by rules for a wide variety of purposes including improving the quality of produce and assisting and controlling the marketing thereof. See Colony and Protectorate of Kenya, Department of Agriculture, Marketing of Native Produce: Historical Summary, Kenya National Archives (KNA) Nairobi: PC/NZA/3/28/30.

17 Byrne to Cunliffe-Lister, 8 January 1932, PRO: CO 533/408.

18 Ibid.

19 Cunliffe-Lister to Byrne, confidential, 19 April 1932, PRO: CO 533/408.

20 Ibid.

21 Ibid.

22 Ibid.

23 Ibid.

24 Ibid.

25 Byrne to Cunliffe-Lister, Confidential, 28 November 1933, PRO:CO 533/431.

26 Cunliffe-Lister to Byrne, Confidential, 8 November 1933, PRO:CO 533/431.

27 Byrne to Cunliffe-Lister, Confidential, 28 November 1933, PRO:CO 533/431.

28 Ibid.

29 Cunliffe-Lister to Byrne, Confidential, 18 October 1933, PRO: CO 533/431.

30 Buxton to Cunliffe-Lister, 4 August 1933, enclosure, in PRO: CO 533/431.

31 During this year, the deputy Director of Agriculture (Plant industry), H. Wolfe, identified the commencement of African coffee-growing in Central and Nyanza provinces as among the salient features of development in African agriculture. See Colony and Protectorate of Kenya, Department of Agriculture, Annual Report 1934 (Nairobi, 1936), 70.Google Scholar

32 Such appeasement was necessitated by the involvement of the people of Bungoma (the Bukusu) in the anticolonial activities of the religious sect associated with Elijah Masinde, the Dini ya Musambwa (DYM). For an analysis of the activities of this millennial movement, see Wipper, Audrey, Rural Rebels: A Study of Two Protest Movements in Kenya (Nairobi, 1977).Google Scholar See also De Wolf, J.J., “Religious Innovation and Social Change among the Bukusu” (Ph.D., University of London, 1971).Google Scholar

33 The name Bungoma district was adopted after 1963 to designate the specific area of focus of this article. Prior to this date the area fell within the wider administrative units variously referred to as North Kavirondo, North Nyanza, and Elgon Nyanza. These names are all used in the context of colonial and archival records.

34 See minutes of the North Kavirondo LNC, 5-7 August 1931, KNA: PC/NZA/2/1/36.

35 Lord Moyne had been sent to Kenya by the metropolitan government to investigate the colony's revenue and expenditure. Members of the North Kavirondo LNC met Lord Moyne in March 1932 and expressed these grievances. See Maxon, R.M., “The Roots of Differential Development in Western Kenya: the Introduction of Arabica Coffee, 1930-60,” Journal of Third World Studies 19(2002), 156.Google Scholar

36 See minutes of North Kavirondo LNC, 11 July 1932, KNA: PC/NZA/2/1/36.

37 Maxon, , “Roots,” 157.Google Scholar

38 Throughout 1932, M.H. Grieve, who strongly believed in regulating the cultivation of high value cash crops by license, was the Agricultural Officer (AO) in North Kavirondo. In fact, during this year, the Department of Agriculture in North Kavirondo district placed emphasis on growing more root crops due to the fear of locusts. See North Kavirondo Annual Report 1932, KNA: DC/NN/1/13.

39 Native Chamber of Commerce, “Memorandum” Kenya Land Commission Evidence and Memoranda vol.3 (London, 1934), 2146.Google Scholar

40 Ibid.

41 Minutes of North Kavirondo LNC meeting, 5-7 August 1931, KNA: PC/NZA/2/1/36.

42 Minutes of North Kavirondo LNC meeting, 30 June 1939, KNA: PC/NZA/2/1/36.

43 Ibid.

44 Ibid.

45 In Uganda the CO dropped all support for European plantation agriculture in 1923. See Maxon, R.M., East Africa: an Introductory History (Morgantown, 1986), 186.Google Scholar

46 Ibid., 190.

47 Wagner, G., The Bantu of Western Kenya with Special Reference to the Vugusu and Logoli: The Economic Life (London, 1956), 36–37.Google Scholar

48 See Grieve, M.H., “Evidence and Memorandum,” Kenya Land Commission Evidence and Memoranda, 2246–48.Google Scholar

49 See minutes of SAO's meeting, 3-4 February 1949, KNA: AGRIC/480.

50 During this year the name of the area of focus of this article was changed from North Kavirondo to North Nyanza. See North Nyanza Annual Report 1956, KNA: DC/NN/1/37.

51 Minutes of North Nyanza LNC meeting 8-11 March 1949, KNA: PC/NZA/3/1/80.

52 Maxon, , “Roots,” 163.Google Scholar

53 As late as 1952 it was reported that the DYM continued to function in the northern part of North Nyanza, although very much underground. The Provincial Commissioner (PC) added that members of this sect seemed unable to separate religion from their fanatical and dangerous anti-European feelings. See Nyanza Province Annual Report 1952, KNA: PC/NZA/1/48.

54 Maxon, , “Roots,” 164.Google Scholar

55 Reference is made here to the plan devised by Assistant Director of Agriculture, Roger Swynnerton, to intensify the development of African Agriculture in Kenya. See Swynnerton, R.J.M., A Plan to Intensify the Development of African Agriculture in Kenya (Nairobi, 1954).Google Scholar

56 North Nyanza AO F.B. Wilson, moved swiftly to initiate a start in Arabica coffee planting when he received a directive to that effect from the PC. See AO to SAO Nyanza Province, 14 July 1947, KNA: DAO/HD/KMG/4/1.

57 Maxon, , “Roots,” 164.Google Scholar

58 See the AO's report on farming, enclosure, in North Nyanza Annual Report 1950, KNA: DC/NN/1/32. In his annual report during 1951, PC C.H. Williams corroborated the AO's report through the observation that “a successful start was made with the issue of coffee seedlings in North Nyanza.” See Nyanza Province Annual Report 1951, KNA: PC/NZA/1/47.

59 Colony and Protectorate of Kenya, Department of Agriculture, Annual Report 1950 (Nairobi, 1952), 2.Google Scholar

60 Nyanza Province Annual Report 1952, KNA: PC/NZA/1/48.

61 Department of Agriculture, Annual Report 1952, 10.

62 North Nyanza Annual Report 1954, KNA: DC/NN/1/35.

63 Ibid. See also Department of Agriculture, Annual Report 1954, 20.

64 Department of Agriculture, Annual Report 1954, 20.

65 North Nyanza Annual Report 1954, KNA: DC/NN/1/35.

66 North Nyanza Annual Report 1955, KNA: DC/NN/1/36.

67 North Nyanza Annual Report 1954, KNA: DC/NN/1/35.

68 Leslie Brown, who had become the most influential agriculturalist in Kenya by 1951, had demonstrated in a working paper focusing on coffee-growing districts that, whereas the annual income per acre from the sale of other farm produce was £8 to £12, a farmer in the coffee-growing districts could, with less effort, multiply this income more than four times by planting 100 trees, and more than eleven times by planting 300 trees. See L. Brown. Interview, Oxford Records Project, Intensification of African Agriculture in Kenya, Rhodes House Oxford, Mss. Afr. s. 1717 (18).

69 In 1956, what was formerly North Nyanza district was split into two districts—North Nyanza and Elgon Nyanza. The area of focus of this paper fell within Elgon Nyanza from this date. See North Nyanza Annual Report 1956, KNA: DC/NN/1/37.