1. The fragmentation and the underfinancing of the system are discussed in the influential account by Guerlac, Henry, “Science and French National Strength,” in Earle, Edward Mead, Modern France. (Princeton, N.J., 1951), pp 81–105. The often-cited survey by Caullery, Maurice, La science francaise depuis le XVIle siècle (Paris, 1933), emphasized the individualism of French scientists as well as their meager resources. The locus classicus for the argument that politics and administrative activities drained the energies of French scientists is Herivel, J. W., “Aspects of French Theoretical Physics in the Nineteenth Century,” British Journal for the History of Science, 3 (December, 1966): 109–132.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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29. Paul, , “Apollo Courts the Vulcans,” pp. 179–181, and Fox, and Weisz, , “Introduction,” Organization, 14. Paul has also written on the University's stimulating rivalry with another set of institutions, the Catholic institutes, in “Science and the Catholic Institutes in Nineteenth-Century France,” Societas, 1 (1971): 271–285.Google Scholar

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35. Ibid., 19. By 1914 one-third of the universities' budgets came from sources outside the Ministry.Google Scholar

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37. Ibid., 18. Until the publication of George Weisz' forthcoming volume on French higher education, the clearest discussion of Liard's reforms is his article “The Anatomy of University Reform, 1863–1914,” in Baker, Donald N. and Harrigan, Patrick J., The Making of Frenchmen: Current Directions in the History of Education in France, 1679–1979 (Waterloo, Ontario, 1979), pp. 363–380.Google Scholar

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40. Lundgreen, Peter, “The Organization of Science and Technology in France: a German Perspective,” in Fox, and Weisz, , Organization, pp. 311–332 and 10 where the editors “strongly endorse” this view of convergence. The growing similarities in the per capita research efforts in physics in the two countries can be examined in Forman, Paul, Heilbron, John L., and Weart, Spencer, “Physics circa 1900: Personnel, Funding, and Productivity of the Academic Establishments,” Historical Studies in the Physical Sciences, 5 (1975): 1–185, esp. 6, 13, 127.Google Scholar

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42. Ibid., 160. Cf. the somewhat higher totals for all science students given in Ringer, Fritz K., Education and Society in Modern Europe (Bloomington, Ind., 1979), p. 335.Google Scholar

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44. Karady, Victor, “Educational Qualifications and University Careers in Science in Nineteenth-Century France,” in Weisz, and Fox, , Organization, pp. 121–122. The exceptions are the observatories, where the Normalien percentage declined from 38 to 23 between 1869 and 1890, and geology-mineralogy, where Ecole des Mines-Polytechnique graduates had a clear advantage.Google Scholar

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48. In her memoirs from inside the top French science circles, Camille Marbo [ Borel, Marguérite], A travers deux siècles: souvenirs et rencontres, 1883–1967 (Paris, 1968), p. 92, reports how the health of Paul Langevin, a top physicist, broke down under the constant pressure from his mother-in-law to stop declining the employment offers from industry that would have earned him four times his university salary.Google Scholar

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50. Shinn, Terry, “From ‘Corps’ to ‘Profession’: The Emergence and Definition of Industrial Engineering in Modern France,” in Fox, and Weisz, , Organization, p. 206.Google Scholar

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56. Hundreds of Frenchmen, most of whom went on to careers in industry, learned basic chemical techniques in the laboratory of Edmond Fremy at the Museum. Such men did not receive diplomas, so they seldom show up in totals of “trained manpower,” but their positions, as shown on the lists of the Association of Former Students of Edmond Fremy, indicate clearly how important was that training for French industrial growth.Google Scholar

57. Ibid., pp. 236–239.Google Scholar

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59. This theme is especially prominent in the articles by Day, Fox, Paul, and Zwerling. Counter-evidence for scientific education in the twentieth century is provided by de Saint Martin, Monique, Les fonctions sociales de l'enseignement scientifique (Paris, 1971).Google Scholar

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63. Zwerling, basing himself on Shinn's data, finds only 106 Polytechnician scientists, whose social origins are not very different from other Polytechnicians. Among those who had already entered that school, then, a scientific career was no less attractive for the higher-born. Yet the Shinn-Zwerling sample clearly needs extension. According to Marielle, C.-P., Répertoire de l'Ecole Impériale Polytechnique (Paris, 1855), (a), as early as 1853 at least 271 Polytechnicians has entered “Public Instruction,” the vast majority in the sciences (a), as early as 1853 at least 271 Polytechnicians has entered “Public Instruction,” the vast majority in the sciences.Google Scholar

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71. Ibid., p. 16. That the research ideal can be just as “professional” as those latter goals, fitting well into a group-interest explanation, is pointed out by Bledstein, Burton, The Culture of Professionalism (New York, 1976), pp. 326–331, and Collins, Randall, The Credential Society, (New York, 1979), pp. 122–127.Google Scholar

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76. Twenty-three engineering schools were founded between 1900 and 1918. The annual number of engineering students receiving diplomas increased from 1000 in 1900 to 4000 in 1920. Boltanski, Luc, “Taxonomies sociales et luttes de classes,” Actes de la recherche en sciences sociales (29): 97, 1979.Google Scholar

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