¹ Preston, Margaret to Preston, Sarah, October 17, 1904; November 15, 1904; and n.d. (c. November 1904); Papers, Preston Family, Special Collections, University of Kentucky, Lexington, Kentucky.Google Scholar

² Preston, Margaret to Preston, Sarah, January 20, 1905, January 27, 1905, February 16, 1906, and March 16, 1906, Preston Papers. Margaret's aunt was Jessie Preston Draper of Hopefale, Massachusetts. Margaret's cousins, Zelinda Neville, class of 1895, and Neville, Mary, class of 1894, were Bryn Mawr graduates, and her cousins Margaret Wickliffe Brown and Mary Brown Waite attended Bryn Mawr but did not graduate.Google Scholar

³ Johnston, Philip to Preston, Margaret, September 17, 1910, Preston Papers.Google Scholar

⁴ Preston, Margaret to Johnston, Philip, September 26, 1916, and January 31, 1917, Preston Papers.Google Scholar

⁵ This study is limited to white women, because so few African-American women from the South attended these schools at this time as to make comparison difficult. For an excellent study of the experiences of African American women at the Seven Sister college, see Perkins, Linda M., “The African American Female Elite: The Early History of African American Women in the Seven Sister Colleges, 1880–1960,” Harvard Educational Review 67, (Winter 1997): 718–756. For more on the effect that their Northern education had on their thinking regarding race, see Johnson, Joan Marie, Making Progressive Women in the South: Northern Colleges, Feminist Values, and Social Activism (manuscript in progress, in the possession of the author). For examples of women whose experiences influenced their decision to fight for civil rights, see Virginia Foster Durr, Outside the Magic Circle: The Autobiography of Virginia Foster Durr (University of Alabama Press, 1985), 101, 116–120, 244–45, 255–260, 279, and Jacoway, Elizabeth, “Down from the Pedestal: Gender and Regional Culture in a Ladylike Assault on the Southern Way of Life,” Arkansas Historical Quarterly 56, (Autumn 1997): 345–352, on Adolphine Terry, a Vassar graduate who worked to desegregate schools in Little Rock, Arkansas.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁶ On Southern women and higher education in the South, for the antebellum period, see Farnham, Christie, The Education of the Southern Belle: Higher Education and Student Socialization in the Antebellum South (New York: New York University Press, 1994); for the postwar period see McCandless, Amy Thompson, The Past in the Present: Women's Higher Education in the Twentieth-Century South (Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press, 1999). For a classic study of Southern women's gender roles, see Scott, Anne Firor, The Southern Lady: From Pedestal to Politics (Chicago: University of Chicago, 1970). For higher education of women at the turn of the century, see Solomon, Barbara Miller, In the Company of Educated Women: A History of Women and Higher Education in the United States (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1985); Palmieri, Patricia Ann, In Adamless Eden: The Community of Women Faculty at Wellesley (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1995); Gordon, Lynn D., Gender and Higher Education in the Progressive Era (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1990; Horowitz, Helen L., Alma Mater: Design and Experience in the Women's Colleges from Their Nineteenth Century Beginnings to the 1930s (New York: Knopf, 1984); and Antler, Joyce, “‘After College, What?': New Graduates and the Family Claim,” American Quarterly 32, (Fall 1980): 409–435.Google Scholar

⁷ Solomon, , In the Company of Educated Women, xx.Google Scholar

⁸ From archives throughout the South as well as college archives, I located more than a dozen extensive collections, as well as several smaller collections, of letters between students and parents, siblings, or other relatives. The vast majority of these letters are from 1880–1915, although a few collections extend back to 1875 or forward through 1920. I chose to focus on the five independent women's colleges in the Seven Sisters, with only cursory attention to the two coordinate colleges, Radcliffe and Barnard, because the women's colleges generally provided a fuller campus experience. The Seven Sisters colleges, with their rigorous academic requirements, attracted many of the brightest Southern students. See, Annie Elizabeth Lee Papers, Archives, Wellesley College, Library, Margaret Clapp, College, Wellesley; Mary Comer Correspondence, Class 1904, Box #1660, College Archives, Smith College; Jacob Florance Minis Papers, Theodore Richmond Papers, Josephine Simrall Papers, Thomas Perrin Harrison Papers, Eloise Whitaker Papers, Southern Historical Collection, Wilson Library, University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill; Hall Family Papers, Correspondence, 1881–1901, Mary, B. and Louisa, B. Papers, Poppenheim, Special Collections, Perkins Library, Duke University; Raoul Family Papers, Special Collections, Robert W. Woodruff Library, Emory University; Bryant Cumming Hammond Papers, South Caroliniana Library, University of South Carolina; Preston-Johnston Papers, Special Collections, University of Kentucky Library; The Breckinridge Family Papers, Manuscript Division, Library of Congress; Gertrude Weil Papers, North Carolina State Archives; and Sophonisba Breckinridge Papers, Special Collections, University of Chicago.Google Scholar

⁹ This article is part of a larger study of Southern students at Vassar, Smith, Mt. Holyoke, Bryn Mawr, and Wellesley colleges at the turn of the century. Using college catalogues, which listed students and their hometowns (with the exception of Wellesley, where I used the 1891 and 1922 student and alumnae registers), I created a database of Southern students. I then used college alumnae directories to trace the students, collecting data on marriage, number of children, wage work, volunteer work, and primary place of residence. The database currently includes 1,015 names. Of these students, 555 graduated. A small number were considered “specials” or nondegree students, usually teachers and common in the 1870s and 1880s. The students were primarily drawn from the classes of 1875–1915, though access to information for each school varied slightly. Exact numbers are as follows: 318 students from Wellesley, classes of 1875–1915; 141 from Bryn Mawr, 1886–1910 (Bryn Mawr did not open until 1885); 357 from Vassar, 1875–1915; 67 from Mount Holyoke, 1875–1915; and 132 from Smith, 1875–1915. Smith College Official Circular (Northampton, MA); Wellesley College Calendar (Wellesley College); Catalogue of Mount Holyoke College (South Hadley, MA: Mount Holyoke College); Vassar College Catalogue (Poughkeepsie, NY: Vassar College); and Bryn Mawr College Program (Philadelphia, PA: Sherman and Company). Because of these slightly different dates, I analyzed the data by decade. I chose to frame the study within these decades, after the opening of Smith and Wellesley in 1875, and before World War I, because students in the 1920s had somewhat different social lives and experiences, due both to the fact that they were no longer the “pioneers” of women's colleges and changing mores of the decade. This allowed me to determine if there were changes between the 1880s, when Southerners were few and far between, through the early 1910s, when they made up from 11 to 14 percent of their classes at Smith, Vassar, and Wellesley. For periodization of the first generations of college students, and changes in the 1920s, see Solomon, , In the Company of Educated Women, 95, and chapter nine; Palmieri, In Adamless Eden, 199–200; Gordon, Gender and Higher Education, 4–5. Furthermore, this period coincided with the Progressive social reform era, when students would have been likely to be influenced by professors caught up in the reform fervor of the time. Palmieri, In Adamless Eden, 149–154.Google Scholar

¹⁰ Approximately 50 percent of Southern students at Vassar, 60 percent at Holyoke, Mount and Mawr, Bryn, and 70 percent at Wellesley returned South. Bryn Mawr College Calendar (Philadelphia, PA: John C. Winston, 1915); Alumnae Register, 1942 Record Number of the Wellesley College Bulletin (Wellesley College, 1942); Vassar College Alumnae Register (Poughkeepsie, NY: Vassar College, 1939); and Mount Holyoke College Biographical Directory, 1837–1937 (Alumnae Association of Mount Holyoke College, 1937). While a great number returned to their hometown and never left, others moved to larger cities in their state or other Southern states. Some students returned to the South for a number of years before settling in the North, or vice versa. I based my classifications on where a student appeared to have spent most of her life post-graduation. For more on the regional identity of these students, see Johnson, Southern Women at Northern Colleges. Representative letters discussing their sense of identity include Margaret Preston to Sarah Preston, April 2, 1905, May 21, 1905, and May 30, 1905, Preston Papers; and Sue Hall to Maggie Hall, May 2, 1897, and November 21, 1897, Hall Family Papers, Perkins Library, Duke University, Durham, NC.Google Scholar

¹¹ Lynn Gordon found that most southern college students were daughters of professionals rather than farmers. Gender and Higher Education, 48–49. See also Pamela Dean, who points out that normal and industrial schools had higher percentages of farmers’ daughters in, “Covert Curriculum: Class, Gender, and Student Culture at a New South Woman's College, 1892–1910,” (PhD diss., University of North Carolina, 1994): 103. Most women college students seeking a classical education rather than vocational training were middle-class daughters of professionals. Solomon, In the Company of Educated Women, 64.Google Scholar

¹² For white Southern women's role in the Progressive era South, see Turner, Elizabeth Hayes, Women, Culture, and Community: Religion and Reform in Galveston, 1880–1920 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1997); Scott, Anne Firor, The Southern Lady and Natural Allies: Women's Associations in American History (Urbana: University of Illinois, 1991); Sims, Anastasia, The Power of Femininity in the New South: Women's Organizations and Politics in North Carolina, 1880–1930 (Columbia: University of South Carolina, 1997); and Johnson, Joan Marie, Southern Ladies, New Women: Race, Region and Clubwomen in South Carolina, 1890–1930 (Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2004).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

¹³ McCandless, , The Past in the Present, 13–14, 33–34.Google Scholar

¹⁴ Gordon, , Gender and Higher Education, 39, 165–175, McCandless, The Past in the Present, 13–14, 121–24, 138; on social life and restrictions at Wesleyan and Randolph-Macon, see Kilman, Gail Apperson, “Southern Collegiate Women: Higher Education at Wesleyan Female College and Randolph-Macon Woman's College, 1893–1907,” (PhD diss., University of Delaware, 1984), 59–66, 93–94. I have not been able to locate any studies which similarly compare students attending schools in different regions of the country. The experiences of Northern women at Southern schools would also be worth exploration. According to Kilman, out of the 1746 students at Wesleyan and Randolph-Macon between 1897 and 1907, all but forty-two were from the South. Those Northern students attended Randolph-Macon, where they made up approximately 4 percent of the student body. Kilman, “Southern Collegiate Women,” 104–8.Google Scholar

¹⁵ Solomon, , In the Company of Educated Women, 63.Google Scholar

¹⁶ Goucher, John Franklin, “The Advisable Differences Between the Education of Young Women and that of Young Men,” in “The New England Association of Colleges and Preparatory Schools,” The School Review 7, no.10 (December 1899): 577–599, quotations on 580.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

¹⁷ Johnson, D.B., “The Education of the Southern Girl,” Journal of Proceedings of the Southern Educational Association, (1911): 88–97.Google Scholar

¹⁸ John, M. McBryde Jr., “Womanly Education for Woman,” The Sewanee Review 15, (October 1907): 467–484.Google Scholar

¹⁹ Quoted in McCandless, The Past in the Present, 53.Google Scholar

²⁰ Parrish, Celestia, “Shall the Higher Education of Women be the Same as That of Men?” Educational Review 22, (November 1901): 383–396. To be sure, Northern educators such as Marion Talbot also emphasized domestic science as a means of “professionalizing” women's housework, but the Seven Sisters colleges never promoted domestic science to the same degree as the most rigorous Southern women's colleges.Google Scholar

²¹ Mitchell, S. Weir, “Address to the Students of Radcliffe College,” January 17, 1895, (Cambridge, 1896), quotation, 19.Google Scholar

²² Weil, Gertrude to Weil, Mina, December 2, 1900, Papers, Gertrude Weil, North Carolina State Archives, Raleigh, NC.Google Scholar

²³ Simrall, Isabella to Simrall, Josie, January 21, 1891; Simrall, Josie to Simrall, Isabella, n.d. circa spring 1892, Papers, Simrall, Southern Historical Collection, University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill, NC. Simrall became dean of women at the University of Cincinnati.Google Scholar

²⁴ Hall, Sue to Hall, Maggie, November 2, 1896, Hall Family Papers.Google Scholar

²⁵ Richmond, Grace to Richmond, Harriet, November 1881, Richmond Family Papers, UNC.Google Scholar

²⁶ Quotation from Margaret Mitchell's letter to Harvey Smith, 1927, quoted in Dareden Pyron, Southern Daughter: The Life of Margaret Mitchell (New York: Oxford University Press, 1991), 74.Google Scholar

²⁷ Raoul, Agnes to Raoul, Mary., September, 26, 1899, Papers, Raoul Family, Emory University, Atlanta, GA.Google Scholar

²⁸ Poppenheim, Mary to Poppenheim, Mary Elinor, in Johnson, Joan Marie, Southern Women at Vassar: The Poppenheim Family Letters, 1881–1916 (Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 2002), 63.Google Scholar

²⁹ Breckinridge, William to Breckinridge, Sophonisba, December 17, 1884, Papers, Breckinridge, Library of Congress, Washington, DC.Google Scholar

³⁰ On marriage rates, see Solomon, , In the Company of Educated Women, 120; Frankfurt, Roberta, Collegiate Women: Domesticity and Career in Turn-of-the-Century America (New York: New York University Press, 1977), 54–55, 73–75; and Dean, , “Covert Curriculum,” 248; On the percentages of American women who never married, see Palmieri, In Adamless Eden, 147, and Smith, Daniel Scott, “Family Limitation, Sexual Control, and Domestic Feminism in Victorian America,” in Clio's Consciousness Raised: New Perspectives on the History of Women, ed. Hartman, Mary and Banner, Lois W., New York, Harper and Row, 1974, 121, table 1.Google Scholar

³¹ Chambers-Schiller, Lee Virginia, Liberty, A Better Husband: Single Women in America: The Generations of 1780–1840 (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1984), passim, and Franzen, Trisha, Spinsters and Lesbians: Independent Womanhood in the United States (New York: New York University Press, 1996), chapters 1 and 3.Google Scholar

³² In 1885 the Association of College Alumnae (ACA) released a study which found that only 27.8 percent of college graduates married. This number was so low because it included very recent graduates, women who eventually married. The numbers probably also reflect the fact that marriage rates in general for women from the Northeast were lower than the rest of the country (ranging from 60 to 70 percent). Goodsell, Willystine, The Education of Women: Its Social Background and Its Problems (New York: MacMillan Co., 1923), 42.Google Scholar

³³ Palmieri, , In Adamless Eden, 219–220; Seelye, L. Clark, “The Influence of Education on Marriage and Maternity,” Independent 60 (March 15, 1906) 624–25; See also Jordan, Mary Augusta, “The College Graduate and the Bachelor Maid,” Independent 51 (July 20, 1899) 1937–40; Shinn, Milicent Washburn, “The Marriage Rate of College Women,” Century Magazine n.s. 28 (October 1895) 946–48.Google Scholar

³⁴ Solomon, , In the Company of Educated Women, 95; Gordon, , Gender and Higher Education, 5; and Perun, Pamela J. and Giele, Janet Z., “Life after College: Historical Links between Women's Education and Women's Work,” in The Undergraduate Woman: Issues in Educational Equity, ed. Perun, Pamela J. (Lexington, MA: Lexington Books, 1982), 375–398.Google Scholar

³⁵ Vassar College Alumnae Register (Poughkeepsie, NY: Vassar College, 1939); Mount Holyoke College Biographical Directory, 1837–1937 (Alumnae Association of Mount Holyoke College, 1937); and Smith College Alumnae Biographical Register (Northampton, MA: 1935). I chose to compare Mount Holyoke, Smith and Vassar because they provide a range including one of the most popular Northern destinations (Vassar) one of the least popular and most career oriented (Mount Holyoke), and one in the middle (Smith). I was unable to compare Wellesley students because career information is not accurately reported in the alumnae directories. I used directories which were published after more than 20 years had elapsed after graduation, so that one can assume that the vast majority of all graduates who married at some in their lives (and reported it to their school) were captured in these directories. I limit these numbers to students who graduated because college data on nongraduating class members varied so widely from school to school and class to class.Google Scholar

³⁶ Solomon, , In the Company of Educated Women, 119–122. At least 22 of 138 (15.9 percent) Southern Wellesley graduates, 15 of 128 (12.5 percent) Vassar graduates, and 5 of 44 (11.4 percent) Mount Holyoke graduates married more than ten years after graduation. Alumnae Register, 1942 Record Number of the Wellesley College Bulletin (Wellesley College, 1942); Vassar College Alumnae Register (Poughkeepsie, NY: Vassar College 1939); and Mount Holyoke College Biographical Directory, 1837–1937 (Alumnae Association of Mount Holyoke College, 1937).Google Scholar

³⁷ In comparison, at North Carolina Normal and Industrial College, principally a training ground for teachers, the rate was 68 percent. Dean, “Covert Curriculum,” 248.Google Scholar

³⁸ Richmond, Harriet to Richmond, Grace, January 3, 1882; Richmond, Grace to Richmond, Chester, January 15, 1882, Richmond Papers.Google Scholar

³⁹ Durr, Virginia Foster, Outside the Magic Circle: The Autobiography of Virginia Foster Durr (University of Alabama Press, 1985), 59–60.Google Scholar

⁴⁰ Breckinridge, Issa to Breckinridge, Sophonisba, September 17, 1884, Breckinridge Papers.Google Scholar

⁴¹ Breckinridge, Issa to Breckinridge, Sophonisba, October 14 and October 7, 1884, Breckinridge Papers.Google Scholar

⁴² On Sophonisba Breckinridge's suitors, see Sophonisba Breckinridge, “Autobiography,” manuscript, Sophonisba Breckinridge Papers, Special Collections, University of Chicago, Chicago, Illinois, and Nancy Ellen Barr, “A Profession for Women: Education, Social Service Administration, and Feminism in the Life of Sophonisba Preston Breckinridge, 1886–1948,” (PhD diss., Emory University, 1993), 72–73. On her relationship to Freeman, see Barr, , “A Profession for Women,” 85. On her friendship with Abbott and Talbot, see Barr, , “A Profession for Women,” 152–56, 207, 300–4, and Fitzpatrick, Ellen, Endless Crusade: Women Social Scientists and Progressive Reform (New York: Oxford University Press, 1990), 12–13, 81–88, 90–91, 167, 170, 215–16. Sophonisba may also have been disillusioned by her own father's scandalous affair with another woman after his remarriage following her own mother's death. See Barr, “A Profession for Women,” 112–14.Google Scholar

⁴³ Mary, to Poppenheim, Mary Elinor, March 5, 1889, and n.d., Poppenheim Papers, South Caroliniana Library, University of South Carolina, Columbia, SC.Google Scholar

⁴⁴ Mary, to Poppenheim, Mary Elinor, October 12, 1887, in Johnson, , Southern Women at Vassar, 177.Google Scholar

⁴⁵ My appreciation to Joan Cashin for pointing out the significance of these phrases.Google Scholar

⁴⁶ Worthington, Daisy, “Higher Education for Women,” Educational Review 32, (November 1906): 405–414, quotation, 412.Google Scholar

⁴⁷ Sicherman, Barbara, “Colleges and Careers: Historical Perspectives on the Lives and Work Patterns of Women College Graduates,” in Women and Higher Educating in American History, ed. Faragher, John Mack (New York: W. W. Norton, 1988), 130–164.Google Scholar

⁴⁸ As with marriage rates, these statistics are based only on graduates. At Mount Holyoke, between 1880 and 1915 (there were no Southern graduates between 1875 and 1880) 89 percent of all graduates worked and 84 percent of Southern graduates worked; at Smith between 1880 and 1915 (there were no Southern graduates between 1875 and 1880) 69 percent of all graduates worked for wages and 65 percent of Southern graduates worked for wages. The difference between Southern students and the rest of the population was widening in the early 1910s. At Mount Holyoke, between 1910–15, 92 percent of total graduates worked, and 87 percent of Southern graduates. At Smith, between 1910–15, 73 percent of total graduates worked, and 63 percent of Southern graduates. The Association of Collegiate Alumnae Survey of 1915, which surveyed almost 17,000 alumnae from the Seven Sisters, Wells College and Cornell, found that nearly 70 percent were gainfully employed. Van Kleeck., Mary “A Census of College Women.” Journal of the Association of Collegiate Alumnae 11, (May 1918): 560.Google Scholar

⁴⁹ Kilman, , 22–26; Palmieri, In Adamless Eden, 32.Google Scholar

⁵⁰ Mozzer, Alanna J., “Lilian W. Johnson—Wellesley Class of 1885,” Graduate Woman, the Magazine of the AAUW, November–December 1979, 30–31, quotation, 31. After three years as dean at Western College for Women in Ohio, she returned to Memphis and taught at Memphis High School while working to establish a state normal school for women. Johnson later established a community center, agricultural co-op, and school in the Tennessee mountains, and was active in women's clubs and the suffrage movement.Google Scholar

⁵¹ Preston, Margaret to Preston, Sarah, December 8, 1905, and February 2, 1905, Preston Papers.Google Scholar

⁵² Breckinridge, Sophonisba to Breckinridge, William, March 9, 1887, Breckinridge Papers.Google Scholar

⁵³ Breckinridge, William to Breckinridge, Sophonisba, March 30, 1885 and October 8, 1884.Google Scholar

⁵⁴ Breckinridge, Sophonisba to Breckinridge, William, June 10, 1887, Breckinridge Family Papers; Breckinridge, “Autobiography”; Barr, , “A Profession for Women,” 108–9; Fitzpatrick, , Endless Crusade, 9–12. During this time, Sophonisba's depression may have also been the result of her guilt over being at Wellesley rather than with her mother, given her mother's death in 1892 and the scandalous affair her father had. She recalls having been confused during that time period, restless and unsure what to do. See Breckinridge, “Autobiography,” and Barr, , “A Profession for Women,” 45–47, 103, 112–14.Google Scholar

⁵⁵ Fitzpatrick, , Endless Crusade, 81, 176–77.Google Scholar

⁵⁶ On her relationship with Addams, see Barr, , “A Profession for Women,” 90–91, 221, and Fitzpatrick, , Endless Crusade, 79, 175, 177, 191–92.Google Scholar

⁵⁷ Addams, Jane, “Filial Relations,” in Addams, Democracy and Social Ethics (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 2002), 36, 40–41, 44–46.Google Scholar

⁵⁸ Peacock, Jane Bonner, ed., Margaret Mitchell: A Dynamo Going to Waste, Letters to Allen Edee, 1919–1921 (Atlanta: Peachtree Publishers, 1985), 104.Google Scholar

⁵⁹ Klotter, James C., “Family Influences on a Progressive: The Early Years of Sophonisba P. Breckinridge,” in Kentucky Profiles: Biographical Essays in Honor of Holman Hamilton, ed. Klotter, James C. and Sehlinger, Peter J. (Frankfurt: Kentucky Historical Society, 1982), 128–29, quotation 129.Google Scholar

⁶⁰ Weil, Gertrude to Weil, Mina, April 28, 1901, and Weil, Mina to Weil, Gertrude, May 7 1901, Gertrude Weil Papers.Google Scholar

⁶¹ For college as training for Progressive era reform, see Palmieri, , In Adamless Eden, 149–154.Google Scholar

⁶² Lynn Gordon agrees that college “expanded many students’ social consciousness and desire for change.” Gordon, Gender and Higher Education, 10, also 27–28.Google Scholar

⁶³ Poppenheim, Mary Elinor to Louisa and Mary Poppenheim, April 19, 1886, in Johnson, Southern Women at Vassar, 113.Google Scholar

⁶⁴ Breckinridge, William to Breckinridge, Sophonisba, December 17, 1884, and February 11, 1885, Breckinridge Papers.Google Scholar

⁶⁵ Breckinridge, Issa to Breckinridge, Sophonisba, February 20, 1885 and February 18, 1885, Breckinridge Papers. Sophonisba was elected class president in her first, second, and senior years.Google Scholar

⁶⁶ Weil, Gertrude to Weil, Mina, September 27, 1900, Gertrude Weil Papers; See Smith College catalogues for course tides, including also “Socialism and Social Reformers,” “Charities and Corrections: Causes of Degeneracy; The Treatment of Dependents and Delinquents,” and “Practical Sociology: Urban, Social and Economic Conditions.” Smith College Official Circular (Northampton, MA), 1896–1905.Google Scholar

⁶⁷ Wilkerson-Freeman, Sarah, The Emerging Political Consciousness of Gertrude Weil: Education and Women's Clubs, 1879–1914,” (MA thesis, University of North Carolina, 1985), 29–32.Google Scholar

⁶⁸ Weil, Gertrude to Weil, Mina, May 13, 1901, Gertrude Weil Papers.Google Scholar

⁶⁹ Wilkerson-Freeman, , “Emerging Political Consciousness,” quotation 69, see also 56–67.Google Scholar

⁷⁰ Rousmaniere, John P., “Cultural Hybrid in the Slums: The College Woman and the Settlement House, 1889–1894,” American Quarterly 22, (Spring 1970): 45–66; Barus, Mrs. Carl, “What Our College Women Are Doing,” Chautauquan 11, no. 1 (April 1890): 65–68.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁷¹ Solomon, , In the Company of Educated Women, 110–111; Palmieri, In Adamless Eden, 130; Josie Simrall to Isabella Simrall, n.d. (c. spring 1892).Google Scholar

⁷² Durr, , Outside the Magic Circle, 63.Google Scholar

⁷³ Poppenheim, Mary to Underhill, Adelaide, July 3, 1933, in Class of 1988 Correspondence, 1930–37, Special Collections, Vassar College, Poughkeepsie, NY. On Lucy Salmon, see Gordon, , Gender and Higher Education, 130–33.Google Scholar

⁷⁴ Green, Elna C., “Those Opposed: Southern Anti-Sufrragism, 1890–1920,” (PhD diss. Tulane University, 1992), 62, 163–66.Google Scholar

⁷⁵ Carson, Katherine, 1903, 1928 Alumnae Questionnaire, Smith College Alumnae Biographical Files, Archives, Smith College.Google Scholar

⁷⁶ “List of Branches with Date of Organization,” and “Calendar of Meetings,” typescripts, AAUW archives, reel I:4. The schools of the seventeen charter members were: Cornell, George Washington, Radcliffe, Randolph-Macon, Smith, University of Michigan, University of Tennessee, Vassar, Wellesley, and Wesleyan. Emily Dutton, “History of the Southern Association of College Women,” typescript, AAUW archives, reel I:4.Google Scholar

⁷⁷ Atkins, Leah Rawls, Nineteenth Century Club: Celebrating 100 Years of “Mutual Mental Improvement” (1895–1995) (Birmingham, AL, 1995), 6; Johnson, , Southern Ladies, New Women, 10.Google Scholar

⁷⁸ In a study of mother–daughter relationships in the Northeast and Midwest at the turn of the century, historian Linda Rosenzweig argues that despite reports in the popular press at the time calling attention to discord between mothers and daughters, most activist women had the full support of their mothers. Rosenzweig, Linda W., The Anchor of My Life: Middle Class American Mothers and Daughters, 1880–1920 (New York: New York University Press, 1993).Google Scholar

⁷⁹ Rountree, Moses, Strangers in the Land: The Story of Jacob Weil's Tribe (Philadelphia: Dorrance and Co., 1969), 115–17.Google Scholar

⁸⁰ Wilkerson-Freeman, , “Emerging Political Consciousness,” 69.Google Scholar

⁸¹ And in fact, many were known for their Southern manners and charm. For more on how the presence of white Southern students may have influenced the decision of several of the schools to remain segregated, see Solomon, In the Company of Educated Women. 76, and Perkins, “The African American Female Elite.”Google Scholar

⁸² Stanley, Eva, typescript, June 1927, Class Letters, Archives, Mount Holyoke College.Google Scholar