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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 01 May 2008
Held since 1956, the Eurovision Song Contest is an annual event traditionally dedicated to the eternal themes of love, peace, and harmony. Yet Israelis asked to pick a song for the 2007 contest in Helsinki paid little heed to these themes. Instead, they settled for “Push the Button,” a controversial number by an Israeli punk group called Teapacks; the song is generally understood as a description of life under the threat of a nuclear-armed Iran with its “crazy rulers.” Meanwhile, an Israeli fashion house (Dan Cassidy) commissioned a series of photos at a construction site in southern Tel Aviv that showed a topless model lying in a pit. The project was designed as a warning against the “holocaust” that would follow Iran's possible nuclear attack on Israel; the pit, as the project's creative director explained, represented “the mass grave of complacent Tel Aviv residents.”
Author's note: I extend my gratitude to Zvi Ben Dor, Yehouda Shenhav, Bob Vitalis, Niza Yanay, Yossi Yonah, and five anonymous IJMES reviewers for helpful advice and comments.
1 Ynetnews.com, 1 March 2007: http://www.ynetnews.com/Ext/Comp/ArticleLayout/CdaArticlePrintPreview/1,2506,L-3371543,00.html (accessed 2 March 2007). The song was eliminated alongside those of seventeen other countries in the Eurovision competition's semifinals in Helsinki in May 2007.
2 Ha˒aretz, 9 March 2007.
3 See for example Yossi Yonah, “Before We Bomb Iran,” Ynet, 15 September 2006: http://www.ynet.co.il/articles/1,7340,L-3304187,00.html (accessed 15 September 2006); Baruch Kimmerling, “Thus Spoke Bernard Lewis,” Ha˒aretz, 25 September 2006; Dror Zeevi, “Iran Motivated by Fear,” Ynetnews, 21 January 2007: http://www.ynetnews.com/articles/0,7340,L-3354983,00.html (accessed 21 January 2007).
4 Benny Morris, “This Holocaust Will Be Different,” Jerusalem Post, 19 January 2007. The same argument, more or less, is put forth in two highly popular books on the Iranian threat penned by leading Israeli media experts on espionage and international terrorism. See Ronen Bergman, Nequdat ha-al-Hazor: ha-Modi˓in ha-Yisra˒eli mul Iran ve-Hizballah (Point of No Return: Israeli Intelligence against Iran and Hizbullah) (Or Yehuda, Israel: Kineret, Zmora Bitan, Dvir Publishing House, 2007); Yossi Melman and Meir Javedanfar, Ha-Sfinx: Ahmadinejad ve-ha-Mafte˒ah la-Ptsatsah ha-Iranit (The Sphinx: Ahmadinejad and the Key for the Iranian Bomb) (Tel Aviv: Ma˓ariv Book Guild, 2007). The first book was endorsed by leading Israeli scholars of the Middle East, and the latter was endorsed by Shimon Peres, who wrote on its back cover that it “exposes in its most diabolic form the danger emanating from Ahmadinejad's personality.”
5 The same poll also found that 59 percent of Israelis still believe the war in Iraq was justified, but only 36 percent take the opposite view; Ha˒aretz, 18 May 2007.
6 Toby Greene, “Fearing Iran,” Guardian, 26 January 2007: http://commentisfree.guardian.co.uk/toby_greene/2007/01/post_993.html (accessed 27 January 2007).
7 The most recent study focusing on political-strategic aspects of Israeli–Iranian relations is Trita Parsi's Treacherous Alliance: The Secret Dealings of Israel, Iran and the United States (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 2007).
8 Said, Edward W., Culture and Imperialism (New York: Vintage Books, 1993), 4.Google Scholar
9 Asad, Talal, “Two European Images of Non-European Rule,” in Anthropology and the Colonial Encounter, ed. Asad, Talal (Amherst, N.Y.: Humanity Books, 1973), 117.Google Scholar
10 Fanon, Franz, The Wretched of the Earth, trans. Constance Farrington (New York: Grove Press, 1963), 175.Google Scholar
11 Ramazani, R. K., Revolutionary Iran: Challenge and Response in the Middle East (Baltimore, Md.: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1988), 148.Google Scholar
12 David Menashri, “Preface,” in Eliezer (Geizi) Tsafrir, Satan Qatan, Satan Gadol: Mahapecha u-Milut be-Iran (Big Satan, Small Satan: Revolution and Escape in Iran) (Or Yehuda, Israel: Ma˓ariv, 2002), 9.
13 Ibid. On Israeli–Iranian relations during the Shah regime see Parsi, Treacherous Alliance; Sohrab Sobhani, The Pragmatic Entente: Israeli–Iranian Relations, 1948–1988 (New York: Praeger, 1989); Reppa, Robert, Israel and Iran: Bilateral Relationships and Effect on the Indian Ocean Basin (New York: Praeger, 1974)Google Scholar; Ramazani, R. K., “Iran and the Arab-Israeli Conflict,” Middle East Journal 3 (1978): 413–28Google Scholar; Weinbaum, Marvin, “Iran and Israel: The Discreet Entente,” Orbis 18 (1975): 1070–87.Google Scholar
14 I deal elsewhere with Israel's perceptions of and relations with Iranian Jewry, especially in “Between Homeland and Exile: Iranian Jewry in Zionist/Israeli Political Thought,” British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies 35 (2008): 1–20; and “Caught in between Orientalism and Aryanism: Iranian Jewry in Zionist/Israeli Imagination,” Hagar, forthcoming.
15 Yet it is agreed that the Israeli–Iranian connection originated in 1949, when Israel received the Shah's tacit agreement to use Iran as a transit point for illegally emigrating Iraqi Jews, in effect helping to tip the demographic balance in Palestine in Jews’ favor.
16 Sobhani, Pragmatic Entente, 26–30; Beit-Hallahmi, Benjamin, The Israeli Connection: Who Israel Arms and Why (New York: Pantheon Books, 1987), 9.Google Scholar
17 Farhang, Mansour, “The Iran-Israel Connection,” Arab Studies Quarterly 11 (Winter 1989): 87.Google Scholar
18 For example, Israeli trade with Iran, estimated at $33 million in 1973–74, rose sharply to $250 million on the eve of the revolution in 1977–78. This data is provided in Amnon Netzer, “Yehudei Iran, Yisra˒el ve-ha-Republiqah ha-Islamit shel Iran” (The Jews of Iran, Israel and the Islamic Republic of Iran) Gesher 100 (1980): 51. Iran reciprocated by serving as one of the very few countries willing to defy the Arab oil boycott, by publicly selling oil to the Israelis.
19 Tsafrir, Big Satan, 12.
20 Edward Said used this quotation from Disraeli as an epigram for his book Orientalism (New York: Vintage, 1979), xiii.
21 Haggai Ram, Liqro Iran be-Yisra˒el: ha-Ani ve-ha-Aher, Dat u-Moderniyut (Reading Iran in Israel: The Self and the Other, Religion and Modernity) (Tel Aviv: Hakibbutz Hameuchad, 2006), 29–41.
22 A keen observer put it thus: “In a way, when Herzl spoke of a modern solution [for the Jews], what he meant was this: ‘If we Jews cannot have Europe then we shall have it in another place’”; Brian Klug, “The State of Zionism,” The Nation, 18 June 2007.
23 An anonymous Israeli expert on Iran explained: “When we classify our enemies, Arabs are the hard heads who would operate along exactly the same guidelines forever and ever, because they're Arabs. They are narrow-minded. Unsophisticated. Iranians are something that is much harder to characterize for Israelis because they are so much like us.” Cited in Parsi, Treacherous Alliance, 12.
24 Diamond, Stanley, In Search of the Primitive: A Critique of Civilization (New Brunswick, N.J.: Transaction Books, 1974), 204.Google Scholar
25 “The Ostjuden, perennially marginalized by Europe, realized their desire of becoming Europe, ironically, in the Middle East, this time on the back of their own ‘Ostjuden,’ the Eastern Jews. Having passed through their own ‘ordeal of civility,’ as the ‘blacks’ of Europe, they now imposed their civilizing tests on their own ‘blacks’”; Ella Shohat, “Sephardim in Israel: Zionism from the Standpoint of its Jewish Victims,” Social Text 19 (Fall 1988): 23. On this issue see also Boyarin, Daniel, Unheroic Conduct: The Rise of Heterosexuality and the Invention of the Jewish Man (Berkeley, Calif.: University of California Press, 1997), 271–312Google Scholar; Amnon Raz-Krakotzkin, Exil et souveraneté: judaïsme, sionisme et pensée binationale, préface de Carlo Ginzburg (Paris: La Fabrique editions, 2007), 26–87; Selzer, Michael, The Aryanization of the Jewish State (New York: Black Star Publishing, 1967).Google Scholar
26 Vaziri, Mostafa, Iran as Imagined Nation: The Construction of National Identity (New York: Paragon House, 1993)Google Scholar; Ram, Haggai, “The Immemorial Iranian Nation: School-Textbooks and Historical Memory in Post-Revolutionary Iran,” Nations and Nationalism 6 (2000): 67–90.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
27 As Hamid Dabashi has critically observed, “The generation of Reza Shah [1921–1941] believed that nonsense [of ‘the Aryan race’], completely bought into it, and taught and thought itself into believing that we were really European in our origin but by some unfortunate geographical accident had ended up among Arabs and Semites”; Dabashi, Hamid, Iran: A People Interrupted (New York & London: The New Press, 2007), 151.Google Scholar
28 Ram, “Immemorial Iranian Nation”; Ram, Haggai, “Post-1979 Iranian National Culture—A Reconsideration,” Tel Aviver Jahrbuch für deutsche Geschichte 30 (2002): 223–53.Google Scholar
29 Thus, the Shah asserted in the early 1960s: “Certainly no one can doubt that our culture is more akin to that of the West than is either the Chinese or that of our neighbors the Arabs. Iran was an early home of the Aryans from whom most Americans and Europeans are descended, and we are racially quite separate from the Semitic stock of the Arabs. Our language belongs to the Indo-European family which includes English, French, German and other major Western tongues”; Shah Pahlavi, Muhammad Reza, Mission for My Country (London: Hutchinson, 1981), 18.Google Scholar
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31 Zerubavel, Yael, Recovered Roots: Collective Memory and the Making of Israeli National Tradition (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1995)Google Scholar; Uri Ram, “Ha-Yamim ha-Hem ve-ha-Zman ha-Zeh: Historiografiah Tsionit ve-Hamtsa˒at ha-Narrativ ha-Le˒umi ha-Yehudi; Ben-Tsion Dinur ve-Zmano” (In Those Days and in Our Time: Zionist Historiography and the Invention of the Jewish Nationalist Narrative; Ben-Zion Dinur and His Time), Iyunim Bitkumat Israel (1996): 126–59; Raz-Krakozkin, Exil et souveraineté, 70–89.
32 Vaziri, Iran as Imagined Nation; Ram, “Immemorial Iranian Nation.” See also Kashani-Sabet, Firoozeh, “Cultures of Iranianness: The Evolving Polemic of Iranian Nationalism, in Iran and the Surrounding World, ed. Keddie, Nikki (Seattle, Wash.: University of Washington Press, 2002), 162–181.Google Scholar
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35 On this point I diverge from Parsi's conviction (as stated in Treacherous Alliance, 29) that “the balance of power—and not the non-Arab makeup of the two countries—paved the way for the Iranian-Israeli entente.”
36 Shlaim, Avi, The Iron Wall: Israel and the Arab World (New York: W. W. Norton & Company, 2001), 186–217.Google Scholar Also see Bialer, Uri, “The Iranian Connection in Israel's Foreign Policy, 1948–1951,” Middle East Journal 39 (1985): 292–315.Google Scholar
37 Shlaim, Iron Wall, 195.
38 Cited in Makdisi, Ussama, The Culture of Sectarianism: Community, History, and Violence in Nineteenth-Century Ottoman Lebanon (Berkeley, Calif.: University of California Press, 2000), 22.Google Scholar
39 On the “early Zionist imagination” of the Maronites, see Eisenberg, Laura Zittrain, My Enemy's Enemy: Lebanon in the Early Zionist Imagination (Detroit, Mich.: Wayne State University Press, 1994).Google Scholar
40 Said, Orientalism, 54.
41 Haim Sadok, Yahadut Iran bi-Tqufat ha-Shoshelet ha-Pahlavit (The Jews in Iran during the Shah Pahlavi Era) (Tel Aviv: Meitsag, 1991), 15. The Iranians returned the favor, as it were. Even Jalal al-Ahmad, who is recognized as one of the pioneers of Islamic revolutionary ideology, entertained romantic views of Israel as Euro-America. On this issue see Pardo, Eldad, “Yisra˒el ke-Mofet be-Einei ha-Smol ha-Irani bi-Shnhot ha-Shishim: Ma˒amar ve-Te˓udah” (Israel as an Example in the Eyes of the Iranian Left in the 1960s), Iyunim Bitkumat Israel 14 (2004): 2.Google Scholar
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43 Yehoshafat Harkabi, “Meeting the Shah,” Davar, 8 August 1980.
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46 Meir Ezri, Mi Bakhem mi-Kol ˓Amo (Anyone of His People among You) (Or Yehuda, Israel: Hed Arzi, 2001).
47 Ibid., 59.
48 Tsafrir, Big Satan.
49 Ya˓kov Nimrodi, Masa˓ Hayai (A Life Journey) (Tel-Aviv: Ma˓ariv, 2003).
50 This economic basis enabled Nimrodi, upon his return to Israel in 1979, to make his way into the country's political and economic elite and to obtain ownership of Ma˓ariv, one of the country's foremost daily newspapers.
51 Ronen Bergman reveals (in Point of No Return, 28) that during the 1970s both Ezri and Nimrodi had “very intimate contacts with the majority of the Shah's senior military and civilian personnel” and that after completing their official tasks in Iran they “became exceedingly rich owing to private business they had done there.” Bergman also notes that the Shah “offered Ezri a ministerial position in his government.” He adds that Ezri's memoir initially described in much detail “how deeply the state of Israel meddled in Iran's internal affairs.” Terrified of the possible repercussions, however, a ministerial committee ordered the removal of most of the book's embarrassing revelations.
52 Kelley, Robin D. J., “Introduction: A Poetics of Anticolonialism,” in Aimé Césaire, Discourse on Colonialism (New York: Monthly Review Press, 2000), 19.Google Scholar
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54 Ezri, Anyone of His People, 66.
55 Many, including a former Iranian ambassador whom Parsi paraphrases (Treacherous Alliance, 26), contend that “the Mossad also trained SAVAK in torture and investigative techniques.”
56 Ibid., 62–65.
57 See also Haim Sadok's rationalization of the Shah's autocratic rule in The Jews in Iran, 50–54.
58 Cooper, Fredrick, Colonialism in Question: Theory, Knowledge, History (Berkeley, Calif.: University of California Press, 2005), 26.Google Scholar
59 “Iran: How to Put Out the Fire,” Ha˒aretz, 10 January 1979. After the Shah's demise the daily Davar described his legacy in similar terms. See “In the Wake of the Shah's Death,” Davar, 28 July 1980.
60 Tsafrir, Big Satan, 37–38.
61 Gilroy, Paul, “‘Where Ignorant Armies Clash by Night’: Homogeneous Community and the Planetary Aspect,” International Journal of Cultural Studies 6 (2003): 263.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
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63 Ibid., 472.
64 Ibid.
65 Chakrabarty, Habitations of Modernity, 35.
66 Litvak, Meir, “Iran ve-Yisra˒el: ha-Eivah ha-Idi˒ologit ve-Shorshihah” (Iran and Israel: The Ideological Enmity and its Roots), Iyunim Bitkumat Israel 14 (2004): 368.Google Scholar
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68 Ibid., 77—italics are mine. The same writer expresses similar views in “The Age of Wonder and the Age of the Plumber: Iran and Israel in Global Perspective,” in Israel, the Middle East and Islam: Weighing the Risks and Prospects, ed. Oded Eran and Amnon Cohen (Jerusalem: Harry S. Truman Research Institute, Hebrew University of Jerusalem, 2003), 51–74; and “Iran ve-ha-She˒ifah le-Hegmoniah” (Iran and the Aspiration to Hegemony), Academia 17 (Winter 2007): 25–33.
69 Gregory, Derek, The Colonial Present: Afghanistan, Palestine, Iraq (Oxford: Blackwell, 2004), 21.Google Scholar
70 Fanon, Wretched of the Earth, 163.
71 Mirsepassi, Intellectual Discourse, 17.
72 Ram, Reading Iran, 42–69.
73 “When you define someone as your worst enemy, you say a lot about yourself,” noted an Israeli expert on Iran, thus expressing the perceived, distressing affinity between Israelis and Iranians that hides beneath their intense enmity; cited in Parsi, Treacherous Alliance, 5.
74 Rebecca L. Stein, “The Ballad of the Sad Café: Israeli Leisure, Palestinian Terror, and the Post/colonial Question,” in Postcolonial Studies, ed. Loomba, Kaul, Bunzl, Burton, and Esty, 326–27.
75 Yiftachel, Oren, “Ethnocracy and Its Discontents: Minorities, Protests, and the Israeli Polity,” Critical Inquiry 26 (2000): 725–756.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
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78 Ha˒aretz, 3 January 1979.
79 Davar, 12 January 1979.
80 Ibid.
81 Gabi Shefer, “Violence and Politics,” Ha˒aretz, 8 May 1981.
82 A. Shvitzer, “To State Clearly,” Ha˒aretz, 15 May 1981; Yoel Marcus, “The Man who Lost His Political Mind,” Ha˒aretz, 15 May 1981.
83 Abrahamian, Ervand, Khomeinism: Essays on the Islamic Republic (Berkeley, Calif.: University of California Press, 1993).Google Scholar
84 Ha˒aretz, 15 June 1981.
85 Ibid.
86 The party won just four seats (out of 120) when it debuted in the 1984 elections, but in 1999 it won seventeen seats and became the third largest Knesset faction. In the election of 2003, Shas gained eleven seats, and in the 2006 election it gained twelve seats.
87 For different perspectives on the Shas phenomenon, see Yoav Peled, ed., Shas: Etgar ha-Yisra˒eliyut (Shas: The Challenge to Israeliness) (Tel Aviv: Yediot Ahronoth, 2001); Aviezer Ravitski, ed., Shas: Hebetim Tarbutiyim ve-Ra˓yoniyim (Shas: Cultural and Ideological Perspectives) (Tel Aviv: Am Oved, 2006); Lehmann, David and Siebzehner, Batia, Remaking Israeli Judaism: The Challenge of Shas (London: Hurst, 2006).Google Scholar
88 Ran Kislev, “Shas Nevertheless,” Ha˒aretz, 25 May 1999.
89 Ran Kislev, “On the Way Towards a State of the Ayatollahs,” Ha˒aretz, 24 June 1998. See also Yoel Marcus, “When We Will Have Become Iran, Call Us Again,” Ha˒aretz, 18 August 2000; Aryeh Caspi, “He Who Calls Darkness Light,” Ha˒aretz, 17 March 2000 (which claims in relation to Shas that “the ayatollahs of Iran would have felt right at home [in Israel]”).
90 Cited in Daniel Ben Simon, “Secular Fundamentalism in Ramat Hasharon,” Ha˒aretz, 28 May 1999.
91 Asad, Talal, Formations of the Secular: Christianity, Islam, Modernity (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 2003), 199.Google Scholar
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96 Asad, Formations of the Secular, 12–13.
97 Ibid., 13. For a similar formulation of this issue, see Chakrabarty, Provincializing Europe, 27–28.
98 Asad, Formations of the Secular, 13.
99 Klug, “State of Zionism.”
100 Yiftachel, “Ethnocracy,” 727. As Ella Shohat suggests (in “Invention of Mizrahim,” 7), “The fact that the ‘Orientals’ have had closer cultural and historical links to the presumed enemy—the ‘Arab’—than to the Ashkenazi Jews . . . threatens the conception of a homogeneous nation akin to those on which European nationalist movements were based, while it also threatens the Euro-Israeli self-image, which sees itself as an extension of Europe.”
101 Cited in Ari Shavit, “Proud White Bourgeois,” Ha˒aretz, 20 December 2002.
102 On the racist ideas of the Shinui Party and its leader Lapid, see Haggai Ram and Ya˓kov Yadgar, “ ‘Gam li-Yehudi Mutar Lihyot Antishemi’: Giz˓anut Hadashah ve-Giz˓anut Yeshanah—ha Miqreh shel Mifleget Shinui” (“A Jew is Allowed to Be Anti-Semitic Too”: Neo-Racism and Old Racism—The Case of Shinui Party), in Race and Racism in Israeli Society, ed. Yehouda Shenhav and Yossi Yonah (Tel Aviv: Hakibbutz Hameuchad, forthcoming).
103 See for example Ari Shavit, “A Spirit of Absolute Folly,” Ha˒aretz, 11 August 2006.
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