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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 18 July 2014
In this paper we focus on the Republican Mosque in Derinkuyu, Turkey, a Greek Orthodox church built in 1859 and transformed into a mosque in 1949 that still exhibits many obviously Christian structural features not found in most such converted churches. We utilize the concept of religioscape, defined as the distribution in spaces through time of the physical manifestations of specific religious traditions and of the populations that build them, to analyze the historical transformations of the building, and show that this incongruity marks a specific stage in the long-term competitive sharing of space by the two religiously defined communities concerned. This shared but contested space is larger than that of the building or even the town of Derinkuyu. We argue that syncretism without sharing correlates with a lack of need to show dominance symbolically, since the community that had lost the sacred building had been displaced as a group, and was no longer present to be impressed or intimidated.
Authors’ note: The research for this article was supported in part by the National Science Foundation under grant 0719677, and the Wenner–Gren Foundation for Anthropological Research; neither foundation bears any responsibility for the data or analyses presented here, which are our own. We also acknowledge the helpful comments in the course of our work by our colleagues in the Antagonistic Tolerance project: Milica Bakić-Hayden, Manuel Aguilar, Enrique Lopez-Hurtado, Devika Rangachari, and Timothy Walker. We thank our research assistants Tunca Arıcan and Zeynep Ceylanlı for their contribution to this article; Kutlu Akalın, Muharrem Erdem, and Stefan Peychev for helping us locate obscure references; and İbrahim Uzun for sharing 19th-century photographs of Derinkuyu.
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3 See, for example, Hayden, Robert M., Sözer, Hande, Tanyeri-Erdemir, Tuğba, and Erdemir, Aykan, “The Byzantine Mosque at Trilye: A Processual Analysis of Dominance, Sharing, Transformation and Tolerance,” History & Anthropology 22 (2011): 1–17CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Hayden, Robert M., “Antagonistic Tolerance: Competitive Sharing of Religious Sites in South Asia and the Balkans,” Current Anthropology 43 (2002): 205–31CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
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5 The Convention on the Exchange of Populations was signed on 30 January 1923, as part of the Lausanne Treaty. Hirschon, Renée, “Introduction: Background and Overview,” in Crossing the Aegean: An Appraisal of the 1923 Compulsory Population Exchange between Greece and Turkey, ed. Hirschon, Renée (Oxford: Berghahn Books, 2003), 3–23Google Scholar. A total of 44,432 Greek Orthodox Cappadocians were expelled from Turkey and resettled in Greece. Vaso Stelaku, “Space, Place and Identity: Memory and Religion in Two Cappadocian Greek Settlements,” in Hirschon, Crossing the Aegean, 180; see also Clark, Bruce, Twice a Stranger: The Mass Expulsions That Forged Modern Greece and Turkey (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2006), 102–105Google Scholar.
6 Our approach is thus explicitly in contrast to some other analyses of shared sites, such as Bowman, Glenn, “The Violence in Identity,” in Anthropology of Violence and Conflict, ed. Schmidt, B. and Schroeder, I. (London and New York: Routledge, 2001), 25–46Google Scholar; Albera, Dionigi, “‘Why Are You Mixing What Cannot Be Mixed?’ Shared Devotions in the Monotheisms,” History and Anthropology 19 (2008): 37–59CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Bowman, Glenn, “Identification and Identity Formations around Shared Shrines in West Bank Palestine and Western Macedonia,” in Sharing Sacred Spaces in the Mediterranean: Christians, Muslims, and Jews at Shrines and Sanctuaries, ed. Albera, Dionigi and Couroucli, Maria (Bloomington, Ind.: Indiana University Press, 2012), 10–28Google Scholar; and idem, “‘In Dubious Battle on the Plains of Heav'n’: The Politics of Possession in Jerusalem's Holy Sepulchre,” History & Anthropology 22 (2011): 371–99. See also Hayden et al., “The Byzantine Mosque at Trilye”; and Hayden and Walker, “Intersecting Religioscapes.”
7 Hayden, “Antagonistic Tolerance.”
8 The Antagonistic Tolerance (AT) project is a comparative and interdisciplinary study of competitive sharing of religious sites that was initiated in 2006 and has involved research in Bulgaria, India, Mexico, Peru, Portugal, and Turkey in sites from various historical periods and cultures, including India from the ancient through the Portuguese colonial period, Portugal from the Roman through Moorish eras and into the modern period, Turkey from the late Roman through Ottoman eras to the present, the Ottoman Balkans, the early colonial periods in Mexico and Peru, and contemporary India and the former Yugoslavia. The AT project has had substantial funding from competitive sources, and has included participants from the United States, India, Mexico, Peru, Serbia, and Turkey.
9 For some examples, see Kırımtayıf, Süleyman, Converted Byzantine Churches in Istanbul: Their Transformation into Mosques and Masjids (Istanbul: Ege Yayınları, 2001)Google Scholar; Pekak, Sacit, Trilye (Zeytinbağı) Fatih Camisi Bizans Kapalı Yunan Haçı Planı (Istanbul: Arkeoloji ve Sanat Yayınları, 2009)Google Scholar; and Hayden et al., “Byzantine Mosque,” 6–12.
10 We have been exploring this phenomenon through the Antagonistic Tolerance project. See Hayden et al., “Byzantine Mosque”; and Hayden and Walker, “Intersecting Religioscapes.”
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18 Sacit Pekak summarizes the process of obtaining permission for church-building in the Ottoman Empire, in “Kappadokia Bölgesi Osmanlı Dönemi Kiliseleri: Örnekler, Sorunlar, Öneriler,” METU JFA 2 (2009): 250–53. The legal clauses of the Tanzimat related to the permission to build churches are included in Madran, Emre, Tanzimat'tan Cumhuriyet'e Kültür Varlıklarının Korunmasına İlişkin Tutumlar ve Düzenlemeler: 1800–1950 (Ankara: ODTÜ Mimarlık Fakültesi Basım İşliği, 2002), 33–34Google Scholar. The reforms of the Tanzimat era included several architectural clauses related to urban restructuring as well as architectural codes on how to build different types of edifices. See Denel, Serim, Batılılaşma Sürecinde İstanbul'da Tasarım ve Dış Mekanlarda Değişim ve Nedenleri (Ankara: Orta Doğu Teknik Üniversitesi, 1982)Google Scholar. For a detailed analysis of the urban dimensions of the imperial building projects of the late Ottoman Empire, see Çelik, Zeynep, Empire, Architecture and the City: French-Ottoman Encounters, 1830–1914 (Seattle and London: University of Washington Press, 2008)Google Scholar.
19 Although this church is abandoned and unfurnished, it is visited by children and grandchildren of exchangees of 1923, sometimes accompanied by clergy from the Patriarchate in Istanbul, to conduct services. In 2010, the Greek-Orthodox Patriarch Bartolomeos was accompanied by two other bishops and about 1,000 visitors, none of whom live in the town, and the church is no longer consecrated. For accounts of this event in press, see “Bartholomeos Derinkuyu'da Ayin Yönetti,” Haber50, 8 June 2008; and “Bartholomeos Derinkuyu'da Ayine Katıldı,” Avanos Gazetesi, 27 June 2010.
20 Pekak, Sacit, “Kappadokya'da Post-Bizans Dönemi Dini Mimarisi I (1),” Arkeoloji ve Sanat 83 (1998): 16Google Scholar.
21 These competitions and disputes were also noted by Aytekin, Derinkuyu, 75.
22 The wall paintings of St. Theodoros Trion Church are intact (Pekak, “Post-Bizans [1],” 15–16), while those of the Church of the Archangels are now covered. An image of the dome decoration is published in Aytekin, Derinkuyu, 78.
23 Pekak, “Post-Bizans (1),” 16.
24 For Greek transcriptions and Turkish translations of these dedicatory inscriptions see ibid., 15–18.
25 Ibid., 19.
26 Sacit Pekak, “Kappadokia,” 253.
27 Ibid., 253.
28 E. Ertani, “Fatih Altaylı’ya ait oldugu ortaya çıkan Yedi Kilise ve diğer özel mülke ait kiliseler o kaçınılmaz soruyu sorduruyor: Hani bu kiliselerin ilk sahibi?,” Agos, 28 September 2012, 5.
29 Also see Pekak, “Kappadokia,” 258.
30 Aytekin, Derinkuyu, 75.
31 For the Greek inscription, see Pekak, “Post-Bizans (1),” 18–19.
32 For a concise overview of the emergence of multiparty politics in Turkey, see Ahmad, Feroz, The Making of Modern Turkey (London and New York: Routledge, 1993), 102–20CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
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34 Aytekin, Derinkuyu, 75–78.
35 The graffiti are scribbled in pencil or ink, covering the entire surface of the balcony wall overlooking the church, on a grey wall. They are very hard to see or photograph. Most of the writing is in the Greek alphabet, but there are some Arabic letters and Turkish names. The dates range from 1924 to 2000s.
36 The Church Museum in Komotini/Gümülcine in northern Greece is a restored Ottoman building, and has a collection of icons from Cappadocia, carried off to Greece by the exchangees from the region. Lowry, Heath, In the Footsteps of the Ottomans: A Search for Sacred Spaces & Architectural Monuments in Northern Greece (Istanbul: Bahçeşehir University Press), 32–34Google Scholar. We assume that the iconostasis of the Republican Mosque once supported such icons.
37 The dome of Yeni Maden Camisi, which is a functioning mosque in Gümüşhacıköy, Amasya, bears the image of Christ and four archangels, and inscriptions in Greek. The frescoes are uncovered, though in a dilapidated state. Ataç, Adnan, Fotoğraflarla Amasya Güzellemesi (Amasya: T.C. Amasya Valiliği, 2009), 76–77Google Scholar.
38 Necipoğlu, Gülru, “The Life of an Imperial Monument: Hagia Sophia after Byzantium,” in Hagia Sophia from the Age of Justinian to the Present, Robert Mark and Ahmet Çakmak (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 1982), 195–225Google Scholar.
39 Yusuf Kerimoğlu, “Camii ve Resim,” Milli Gazete, 3 September 1982, 6.
40 See Hayden et al., “Byzantine Mosque,” 11–14.
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43 Pekak, “Post-Bizans (1),” 18.
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45 Ibid., 102.
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48 Hayden and Walker, “Intersecting Religoscapes.”
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51 See, for example, Roudometof, Victor, “Greek Orthodoxy, Territoriality, and Globality: Religious Responses and Institutional Disputes,” Sociology of Religion 69 (2008): 67–91CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and McAlester, Elizabeth, “Globalization and the Religious Production of Space,” Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion 44 (2005): 249–55CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
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54 Such a model was outlined by Hasluck, Christianity and Islam, 564–94, under the title “Ambiguous Sanctuaries.”
55 Hayden, “Antagonistic Tolerance”; Hayden and Walker, “Intersecting Relgioscapes.”
56 Hayden, “Religious Structures and Political Dominance in Belgrade”; Hayden et al., “The Byzantine Mosque in Trilye”; Andrejovic, Andrej, “Pretvaranje Crkve u Dzamije,” Zbornik za Likovne Umetnosti 12 (1976): 99–117Google Scholar; Lowry, In the Footsteps of the Ottomans.
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59 The building processes of the Tanzimat churches, and how they relate to other local and regional building activities of late Ottoman architectural production, is an important and interesting topic, but one which seems not to have been widely studied. Because these 19th-century churches are essentially Ottoman but non-Byzantine edifices, they have largely fallen between academic specialities; Ottoman architectural historians traditionally focus more on Islamic religious structures, and Tanzimat churches are much later than the Byzantine church building horizon of Anatolia. Thus, they fall into a rarely studied subcategory. However, some individual 19th-century churches are analyzed in recent literature. See, for Istanbul, Şarlak, Eva, “19. Yüzyılda İstanbul'un Değişmesinde Rol Oynayan Kubbeli Rum Ortodoks Kiliseleri,” in Batılılaşan İstanbul'un Rum Mimarları, ed. Şarlak, Eva and Kuruyazıcı, Hasan (Istanbul: Zoğrafyon Lisesi Mezunları Derneği Yayınları, 2010), 80–93Google Scholar; Han, Elmon, “19. Yüzyıl İstanbul Dini Mimarisinde Yeni Tipoloji: Kubbeli Kiliseler ve Çan Kuleleri,” in Batılılaşan İstanbul'un Ermeni Mimarları, ed. Kuruyazıcı, Hasan (Istanbul: Uluslararası Hrant Dink Vakfı Yayınları), 80–89Google Scholar; and Girardelli, Paolo “Architecture, Identitiy and Liminality: On the Use and Meaning of Catholic Spaces in Late Ottoman Istanbul,” Muqarnas 22 (2005): 233–64CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For Cappadocia, see Pekak, “Post-Bizans (1)”; Pekak, “Kappadokia”; and Fügen İlter, “XIX. Yüzyıl Osmanlı Dönemi Mimarlığında Kayseri Yöresi Hıristiyan Yapıları: Germir ve Endüllük Kiliseleri,” Belleten LIII/205 (1988): 1663–83. For western Anatolia, see İlter, Fügen, “Batı Anadolu Azınlık Kiliselerinden İkonografik Belirlemeler ve Kimi İrdelemeler,” in Sanat Tarihinde İkonografik Araştırmalar: Güner İnal'a Armağan (Ankara: Hacettepe Üniversitesi, 1993), 213–38Google Scholar.
60 Before the Tanzimat reforms, building a new church required a significant amount of effort, and such permits were very rarely issued; see Gradeva, Rossitsa, “Ottoman Policy towards Christian Church Buildings,” Balkan Studies 4 (1994): 14–36Google Scholar. Even in such cases, the new edifice would have to be built on the location of an already existing church damaged beyond repair, and it could not be larger than that one. One would need a fetwa followed by a firman (official permit issued by the sultan) in order to start the building process for a church. Customarily only forty days of building period would be allowed and the building process was strongly regulated by the central government. See Arnakis, Georgiades G., “The Greek Church of Constantinople and the Ottoman Empire,” Journal of Modern History 24 (1952): 245–47CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
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62 Several rules and regulations controlled the construction of non-Muslim shrines after the Tanzimat reforms. Before minorities could build their temples, they had to make a formal application, including a prospective plan of the building, its location, dimensions, construction materials, required workforce, groups of artisans to be employed, and an account of finances. The newly erected non-Muslim structures could not be in the vicinity of already existing Muslim sacred sites. Güngör-Açıkgöz, Şeyda, “19. yüzyılda Kayseri kiliseleri için koruma önerileri,” İTÜ Dergisi 7/2 (2008): 28Google Scholar.
63 Sacit Pekak, “Kappadokia,” 249–77.
64 Ibid., 250–53.
65 One of the challenges of investigating Ottoman architectural production outside of the capital is that the center has received more academic attention than the periphery of the empire, as pointed out by Hartmuth, Max, “The History of Centre Periphery Relations as a History of Style in Ottoman Provincial Architecture,” in Centers and Peripheries in Ottoman Architecture: Rediscovering a Balkan Heritage, ed. Hartmuth, M. (Sarajevo: Cultural Heritage without Borders, 2010), 18–29Google Scholar.
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67 Other terms used for “Tanzimat churches” are “Post-Bizans Kiliseleri” (post-Byzantine churches, see Pekak, “Kappadokia” and Pekak, “Post-Bizans [2]”) and “Azınlık Kiliseleri” (minority churches, see İlter, “XIX. Yüzyıl Osmanlı Dönemi” and İlter, “Batı Anadolu Azınlık,” 213–38).
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87 Aytekin, Derinkuyu, 75.
88 Hasluck, Christianity and Islam.
