Article contents
THE MISSING TURKISH REVOLUTION: COMPARING VILLAGE-LEVEL CHANGE AND CONTINUITY IN REPUBLICAN TURKEY AND SOVIET CENTRAL ASIA, 1920–50
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 31 January 2018
Abstract
The Kemalist leadership of early Republican Turkey attempted to transform the country's Muslim populace with a heavy emphasis on secularism, scientific rationalism, and nationalism. Several studies have examined the effects of this effort, or the “Turkish Revolution,” at the central and more recently provincial levels. This article uses first-hand accounts and statistical data to carry the analysis to the village level. It argues that the Kemalist reforms failed to reach rural Turkey, where more than 80 percent of the population lived. A comparison with sedentary Soviet Central Asia's rural transformation in the same period reveals ideology and the availability of resources as the underlying causes of this failure. Informed by a Marxist–Leninist emphasis on the necessity of transforming the “substructure” for revolutionary change, the Soviet state undermined existing authority structures in Central Asia's villages to facilitate the introduction of communist ideals among their Muslim inhabitants. Turkey's Kemalist leadership, on the other hand, preserved existing authority structures in villages and attempted to change culture first. However, they lacked and could not create the resources to implement this change.
- Type
- Articles
- Information
- Copyright
- Copyright © Cambridge University Press 2018
References
NOTES
Author's note: I thank Bruce Hall, Mona Hassan, Marianne Kamp, Adam Mestyan, and the three reviewers of IJMES for their suggestions as I worked on improving this article.
1 On the late Ottoman intellectual and ideological context from which Mustafa Kemal and his followers emerged, see Şükrü Hanioğlu, M., Atatürk: An Intellectual Biography (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 2011)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. On how this legacy carried over into the Republican era, see Azak, Umut, Islam and Secularism in Turkey: Kemalism, Religion and the Nation State (New York: I.B.Tauris, 2010)Google Scholar.
2 Araştırma Merkezi, Atatürk, ed., Atatürk’ün Söylev ve Demeçleri (Ankara: Atatürk Kültür, Dil ve Tarih Yüksek Kurumu, 1997), 2:318 Google Scholar. For this self-celebratory rhetoric, see Orga, Irfan, Phoenix Ascendant: The Rise of Modern Turkey (London: R. Hale, 1958)Google Scholar. Shaw, Stanford J. and Shaw, Ezel Kural, History of the Ottoman Empire and Modern Turkey, vol. 2 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1976)CrossRefGoogle Scholar largely reproduces the same position. For examples of Western observers, see Elisha Allen, Henry, The Turkish Transformation: A Study in Social and Religious Development (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1935)Google Scholar; and “Turkey: The Land a Dictator Turned into a Democracy,” Time, 12 October 1953. On Kemalism, see Bora, Tanıl and Gültekingil, Murat, eds., Modern Türkiye'de Siyasî Düşünce: Kemalizm (Istanbul: İletişim, 2001)Google Scholar.
3 Çavdar, Tevfik, Türkiye'de Toplumsal ve Ekonomik Gelişmenin 50 Yılı (Ankara: Başbakanlık Devlet İstatistik Enstitüsü, 1973), 78 Google Scholar. The calculation of the rural population ratio is a complicated task because many villages and small towns that functioned as administrative centers were given urban status. The numbers cited here categorize them as rural. For anecdotal data on the recognition of villages as urban administrative centers, see Körükçü, Muhtar, Köyden Haber (Istanbul: Varlık Yayınları, 1950), 14 Google Scholar.
4 Tajikistan separated from Uzbekistan in 1929.
5 Khalid, Adeeb, “Backwardness and the Quest for Civilization: Early Soviet Central Asia in Comparative Perspective,” Slavic Review 65 (2006): 234–35CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For a detailed analysis of the shared world of Russian and Ottoman Muslim intellectuals, see Meyer, James H., Turks across Empires: Marketing Muslim Identity in the Russian–Ottoman Borderlands, 1856–1914 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2014)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
6 On early Soviet–Turkish interaction, see Hirst, Samuel J., “Anti-Westernism on the European Periphery: The Meaning of Soviet–Turkish Convergence in the 1930s,” Slavic Review 72 (2013): 32–53 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Ter-Matevosyan, Vahram, “Kemalism and Communism: From Cooperation to Complication,” Turkish Studies 16 (2015): 510–26CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
7 Zaiko, G. I., Narodnoe khoziaistvo Uzbekskoi SSSR v 1971 g. (Tashkent: Izd. Uzbekistan, 1972), 8 Google Scholar; and Poliakov, Iu. A., ed., Vsesoiuznaia perepis’ naseleniia 1939 goda (Moscow: Nauka, 1992), 22 Google Scholar.
8 Such comparisons are offered in Atabaki, Touraj and Jan Zürcher, Erik, eds., Men of Order: Authoritarian Modernization under Atatürk and Reza Shah (New York: I.B.Tauris, 2004)Google Scholar; and Atabaki, Touraj, ed., The State and the Subaltern: Modernization, Society and the State in Turkey and Iran (New York: I.B.Tauris, 2007)Google Scholar.
9 Aslan, Senem, “Everyday Forms of State Power and the Kurds in the Early Turkish Republic,” International Journal of Middle East Studies 43 (2011): 75–93 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
10 Bennoune, Mahfoud, The Making of Contemporary Algeria, 1830–1987: Colonial Upheavals and Post-Independence Development (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1988), 1–88 Google Scholar.
11 Joseph S. Szyliowicz posits a similar argument in his 1966 ethnographic study of two Turkish villages. Szyliowicz, Political Change in Rural Turkey: Erdemli (The Hague: Mouton & Co., 1966), 58.
12 Representative of this paradigm are Lewis, Bernard, The Emergence of Modern Turkey (London: Oxford University Press, 1961)Google Scholar; and Berkes, Niyazi, The Development of Secularism in Turkey (Montreal: McGill University Press, 1964)Google Scholar.
13 Migdal, Joel S., “Finding the Meeting Ground of Fact and Fiction: Some Reflections on Turkish Modernization,” in Rethinking Modernity and National Identity in Turkey, ed. Kasaba, Reşat and Bozdoğan, Sibel (Seattle, Wash.: University of Washington Press, 1997), 252–60Google Scholar.
14 See, for instance, Meeker, Michael, A Nation of Empire: The Ottoman Legacy of Turkish Modernity (Berkeley, Calif.: University of California Press, 2002)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Jan Zürcher, Erik, “Two Young Ottomanists Discover Kemalist Turkey: The Travel Diaries of Robert Anhegger and Andreas Tietze,” Journal of Turkish Studies 26 (2002): 359–69Google Scholar. See also Akın, Yiğit, “Reconsidering State, Party, and Society in Early Republican Turkey: Politics of Petitioning,” International Journal of Middle East Studies 39 (2007): 435–57CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Jan Zürcher, Erik, The Young Turk Legacy and Nation Building: From the Ottoman Empire to Atatürk's Turkey (London: I.B.Tauris, 2010), 259–70Google Scholar; Aslan, “Everyday Forms”; Brockett, Gavin D., How Happy to Call Oneself a Turk: Provincial Newspapers and the Negotiation of a Muslim National Identity (Austin, Tex.: University of Texas Press, 2011)Google Scholar; Yılmaz, Hale, Becoming Turkish: Nationalist Reforms and Cultural Negotiations in Early Republican Turkey, 1923–1945 (Syracuse, N.Y.: Syracuse University Press, 2013), 220 Google Scholar; Metinsoy, Murat, “Everyday Resistance and Selective Adaptation to the Hat Reform in Early Republican Turkey,” International Journal of Turkologica 8 (2013): 7–47 Google Scholar; Adak, Sevgi, “Anti-Veiling Campaigns and Local Elites in Turkey of the Nineteen Thirties: A View from the Periphery,” in Anti-Veiling Campaigns in the Muslim World: Gender, Modernism and the Politics of Dress, ed. Cronin, Stephanie (New York: Routledge, 2014), 59–85 Google Scholar; Murat Metinsoy, “Everyday Resistance to Unveiling, and Flexible Secularism in Early Republican Turkey,” in Anti-Veiling Campaigns in the Muslim World: Gender, Modernism and the Politics of Dress, 86–117; and Lamprou, Alexandros, Nation-Building in Modern Turkey: The ‘People's Houses,’ the State and the Citizen (London: I.B.Tauris, 2015)Google Scholar.
15 Esenel, Mediha, Geç Kalmış Kitap (Istanbul: Sistem Yayıncılık, 1999)Google Scholar, 85–112. Several short entries in the periodicals Ülkü and Halk Bilgisi Haberleri provide examples of these amateurish observations.
16 See, for instance, İbrahim Yasa, Hasanoğlan Köyü’nün İçtimaî-İktisadî Yapısı (Ankara: Doğuş Ltd. Matbaası, 1955); Yasa, Yirmibeş Yıl Sonra Hasanoğlan Köyü (Ankara: Ankara Üniversitesi, 1969); Erdentuğ, Nermin, Hal Köyü’nün Etnolojik Tetkiki (Ankara: Ankara Üniversitesi, 1956)Google Scholar; and Erdentuğ, Nermin, Sün Köyü’nün Etnolojik Tetkiki (Ankara: Ankara Üniversitesi, 1959)Google Scholar. Erdentuğ’s studies are particularly interesting in that one portrays a Sunni and the other an Alawi village in the same area.
17 An early example of these village studies is Aran, Sadri, Evedik Köyü: Bir Köy Monografisi (Ankara: Yüksek Ziraat Enstitüsü, 1939)Google Scholar. See also the several articles published in the 1950s and the 1960s in the journal Sosyoloji Dergisi of Istanbul University and the semiliterary village memoirs, Makal, Mahmut, Bizim Köy (Istanbul: Varlık Yayınları, 1950)Google Scholar; Enver Beşe, M., Bu da Bizim Köy (Bursa: n.p., 1950)Google Scholar; Makal, Mahmut, Köyümden: Köy Öğretmeninin Notları II (Istanbul: Varlık Yayınları, 1952)Google Scholar; Körükçü, Köyden; and Kemal Saran, Ali, Omuzumda Hemençe: Cumhuriyet Devrinde Bir Medrese Talebesinin Hatıraları (Ankara: Kurtuba, 2010), 11–174.Google Scholar
18 See, for instance, Szyliowicz, Political Change; and Stirling, Paul, Turkish Village (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1965)Google Scholar, esp. his conclusion on p. 293.
19 Nancy Margaret Alderman, “Secularization in the First Turkish Republic, 1924–1960” (PhD diss., Columbia University, 1975), esp. 6–8, 13–19, 150–75. The academic community has similarly failed to acknowledge the Soviet scholarship that followed Stalin's lead from the 1930s on to declare the revolutionary claims of Kemalism abortive. See Ter-Matevosyan, Vahram, “Turkish Transformation and the Soviet Union: Navigating through the Soviet Historiography on Kemalism,” Middle Eastern Studies 2 (2016): 281–96Google Scholar.
20 Brockett, Gavin D., “Collective Action and the Turkish Revolution: Towards a Framework for the Social History of the Atatürk Era, 1923–38,” Middle Eastern Studies 4 (1998): 45, 58Google Scholar; Hakan Yavuz, M., Islamic Political Identity in Turkey (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005), 56 Google Scholar.
21 Zürcher, The Young Turk, 212.
22 See Jan Zürcher, Erik, The Unionist Factor: The Role of the Committee of Union and Progress in the Turkish National Movement, 1905–1926 (Leiden: Brill, 1984)Google Scholar.
23 Although written by a devoted Kemalist and therefore highly biased, Meydan, Sinan, Akl-ı Kemal: Atatürk’ün Akıllı Projeleri, 4 vols. (Istanbul: İnkılâp, 2013)Google Scholar provides a fairly large catalog of Mustafa Kemal's reforms and projects. For a more scholarly analysis, see Bora and Gültekingil, Kemalizm.
24 Brockett, Gavin D., “Revisiting the Turkish Revolution, 1923–1938: Secular Reform and Religious ‘Reaction,’” History Compass 6 (2006): 1060–72CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
25 Başkan, Birol, “What Made Atatürk's Reforms Possible?,” Islam and Christian–Muslim Relations 2 (2010): 143–56.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
26 Hale Yılmaz, “Reform, Social Change and State–Society Encounters in Early Republican Turkey” (PhD diss., University of Utah, 2006) repeatedly points to “everyday forms of resistance” in her evaluation of the reception of republican reforms. Akın, “Reconsidering State” provides a similar approach by focusing on petitions as instruments of communication between the state and society. See also Metinsoy, “Everyday Resistance and Selective Adaptation”; and Metinsoy, “Everyday Resistance to Unveiling”.
27 See Karaömerlioğlu, Asım, Orada Bir Köy Var Uzakta: Erken Cumhuriyet Döneminde Köycü Söylem (Istanbul: İletişim, 2006)Google Scholar.
28 For a collection of the laws and regulations through 1938, see Şükrü Alptekin, A., Köyün Kitabı (Istanbul: Cumhuriyet Matbaası, 1938)Google Scholar.
29 Şükrü Hanioğlu, M., “Blueprints for a Future Society: Late Ottoman Materialists on Science, Religion, and Art,” in Late Ottoman Society: The Intellectual Legacy, ed. Özdalga, Elisabeth (London: Routledge, 2005), 28–116 Google Scholar. Hanioğlu profiles mainly late Ottoman intellectuals, but the continuity in cadres from the Ottoman Empire into Republican Turkey is a well-established phenomenon. See Jan Zürcher, Eric, “The Ottoman Legacy of the Kemalist Republic,” in The State and the Subaltern: Modernization, Society, and the State in Turkey and Iran, ed. Atabaki, Touraj (London: I.B.Tauris, 2007), 95–110 Google Scholar; and Hanioğlu, Atatürk.
30 Kotkin, Stephen, Magnetic Mountain: Stalinism as a Civilization (Berkeley, Calif.: University of California Press, 1997), 152–53Google Scholar.
31 Mardin, Şerif, “Religion in Modern Turkey,” International Social Science Journal 2 (1977): 279–97Google Scholar.
32 Sırrı, Nahid, “Bir Kastamonu Seyahatnâmesi,” Ülkü: Halkevleri ve Halkodaları Dergisi 102 (1941): 532–33Google Scholar.
33 Karpat, Kemal H., The Gecekondu: Rural Migration and Urbanization (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1976), 56 Google Scholar.
34 Karaömerlioğlu, Orada.
35 Kemal Köymen, Nusret, Köycülük Esasları (Ankara: Tarık Edip Kütüphanesi, 1934)Google Scholar.
36 Aslan, “Everyday Forms” 84–90.
37 1931 Memurlar İstatistiği (Istanbul: İstatistik Umum Müdürlüğü, 1932), 5.
38 Ayvaz, Saide and Şahin, Mustafa, “Cumhuriyet Dönemi Eğitim, Bütçeleri,” Çağdaş Türkiye Araştırmaları Dergisi 1 (2014): 304–16Google Scholar.
39 Aran, Evedik, 51; Yasa, Hasanoğlan, 42, 98; Stirling, Turkish Village, 268.
40 1949 Köy Sayımı Hülâsa Sonuçları (Ankara: İstatistik Umum Müdürlüğü, 1953), 4–8; Çavdar, Türkiye'de Toplumsal, 78–83.
41 Çavdar, Türkiye'de Toplumsal, 407.
42 Çavdar, Türkiye'de Toplumsal, 412. See Küçük İstatistik Yıllığı (Ankara: İstatistik Genel Müdürlüğü, 1951), 325 for the number of motor vehicles in 1950.
43 Helling, George and Helling, Barbara, Sosyolojik ve İstatistikî Bakımdan Türkiyede Köy (Ankara: İstatistik Umum Müdürlüğü, 1956), 14 Google Scholar.
44 The villages that Paul Stirling studied at the turn of the 1950s were located close to this mill; Stirling, Turkish Village, 67.
45 See İnalcık, Halil, “When and How British Cotton Goods Invaded the Levant Markets,” in The Ottoman Empire and the World Economy, ed. Huri İslamoğlu-İnan (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987), 374–83Google Scholar.
46 Aran, Evedik, 86, 125–29; Makal, Mahmut, Bizim Köy: Bir Köy Öğretmeninin Notları, 5th ed. (Istanbul: Varlık Yayınları, 1952), 36–40 Google Scholar; Yörükan, Turhan and Cebe, Turgut, “Çatak Köyü Araştırması,” Sosyoloji Dergisi 10–11 (1955): 8–9 Google Scholar; Yasa, Hasanoğlan, 166–68; Orhan Tütengil, Cavit, “Keçiller Köyü İncelemesi,” Sosyoloji Dergisi 10–11 (1955): 40 Google Scholar; Stirling, Turkish Village, 29, 67, 74–76; Esenel, Geç Kalmış, 127. See also Helling and Helling, Sosyolojik, 86–87; and Çavdar, Türkiye'de Toplumsal, 25.
47 Makal, Bizim Köy, 11–12.
48 Karaömerlioğlu, Orada, 48.
49 Karpat, Kemal H., Turkey's Politics: The Transition to a Multi-Party System (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1959), 68.Google Scholar
50 Dicle Başbuğ, Esra, Resmî İdeoloji Sahnede: Kemalist İdeolojinin İnşasında Halkevleri Dönemi Tiyatro Oyunlarının Etkisi (Istanbul: İletişim, 2013), 44 Google Scholar; Karaömerlioğlu, Orada, 61. For a detailed analysis of the entire people's house experiment, see Lamprou, Nation-Building.
51 On this magazine, see Bülent Varlık, M., “ Ülkü: Halkevleri Mecmuası,” in Modern Türkiye'de Siyasî Düşünce: Kemalizm, ed. Bora, Tanıl and Gültekingil, Murat (Istanbul: İletişim, 2001), 268–71Google Scholar.
52 Kemal Çağlar, Behçet, “Halkevleri Haberleri,” Ülkü: Halkevleri Dergisi 72 (1939): 548–52Google Scholar.
53 “Halkevleri Postası,” Ülkü: Halkevleri ve Halkodaları Dergisi 95 (1941): 465–68.
54 “Halkeveleri Haberleri,” Ülkü: Halkevleri Dergisi 62 (1938): 175–80.
55 Şimşek, Sefa, Bir İdeolojik Seferberlik Deneyimi: Halkevleri 1932–1951 (Istanbul: Boğaziçi Üniversitesi Yayınevi, 2002), 127–39Google Scholar; Karaömerlioğlu, Orada, 64; Lamprou, Nation-Building, 185–215.
56 Yasa, Hasanoğlan, 189; Şimşek, Bir İdeolojik, 139–43, 250.
57 Among many other studies, see Ahmet Eskicumali, “Ideology and Education: Reconstructing the Turkish Curriculum for Social and Cultural Change, 1923–1946” (PhD diss., University of Wisconsin, 1994); Faith James Childress, “Republican Lessons: Education and the Making of Modern Turkey” (PhD diss., University of Utah, 2001); Sefika Akile Zorlu-Durukan, “The Ideological Pillars of Turkish Education: Emergent Kemalism and the Zenith of Single-Party Rule” (PhD diss., University of Wisconsin–Madison, 2006); and Başbuğ, Resmî İdeoloji.
58 Yılmaz, “Reform, Social Change” 139–78 provides important insights on the subject.
59 Millî Eğitim Hareketleri 1927–1966 (Ankara: Devlet İstatistik Enstitüsü, 1967), 11, 85; Çavdar, Türkiye'de Toplumsal, 79.
60 Fay Kirby-Berkes, “The Village Institute Movement of Turkey: An Educational Mobilization for Social Change” (PhD diss., Columbia University, 1960).
61 Maarif İstatistikleri İlk Öğretim 1952–1953 (Ankara: İstatistik Umum Müdürlüğü, 1953), v–vii, xi; Çavdar, Türkiye'de Toplumsal, 455.
62 Kültür İstatistikleri 1934–1935 (Ankara: İstatistik Genel Direktörlüğü, 1935), 403.
63 Küçük İstatistik, 348–50; Yasa, Hasanoğlan, 47; Tanyol, Cahit, “Elifoğlu Köyü,” Sosyoloji Dergisi, 17–18 (1962–63): 203, 209 Google Scholar; Yörükan and Cebe, “Çatak,” 17; Karaömerlioğlu, Orada, 113. On the wider use of radio in the 1960s, see Yasa, Yirmibeş Yıl Sonra, 233–36.
64 Başbuğ, Resmî İdeoloji, 213–58.
65 For instance, see Orhan Tütengil, Cavit, “İhsaniye Köyü İncelemesi,” Sosyoloji Dergisi 9 (1954): 54.Google Scholar
66 See the urban–rural distribution of elementary school students in Maarif İstatistikleri, xi.
67 Çavdar, Türkiye'de Toplumsal, 78–79. See also Yılmaz, “Reform, Social Change” 279–80.
68 Başgöz, İlhan, “The Meaning and Dimension of Change of Personal Names in Turkey,” in Turkish Folklore and Oral Literature, ed. Sılay, Kemal (Bloomington, Ind.: Indiana University Press, 1998), 201–15Google Scholar. Senel, Geç Kalmış, 85, 119–20, 139–40, 148, 208 is a good example of a village study that emphasizes this point.
69 Yasa, Hasanoğlan, 38–48, 82–87, 166, 172–76.
70 Ibid., 179, 185–87, 192.
71 Ibid., 189.
72 Ibid., 190.
73 Yasa, Yirmibeş Yıl Sonra.
74 See the contrasts in religious practice in the following accounts: Tütengil, “İhsaniye,” 37–58; Körükçü, Köyden; Tanyol, Cahit, “Peşke Binamlısı Köyü,” Sosyoloji Dergisi 16 (1961): 17–58 Google Scholar; Erdentuğ, Hal; Erdentuğ, Sün; and Göknil, Nedim, “Garbi Anadolu Köy Monografileri Bilecik ve Edremit Bölgeleri,” Sosyoloji Dergisi 2 (1943): 312–57Google Scholar.
75 Asad, Talal, The Idea of an Anthropology of Islam (Washington, D.C.: Georgetown University Center for Contemporary Arab Studies, 1986)Google Scholar.
76 Hanioğlu, Atatürk, 51–57, 128–56.
77 Bein, Amit, Ottoman Ulema, Turkish Republic: Agents of Change and Guardians of Tradition (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 2011)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
78 For an insightful analysis of the role of the contemporary Directorate of Religious Affairs, see Hassan, Mona, “Women Preaching for the Secular State: Official Female Preachers (Bayan Vaizler) in Contemporary Turkey,” International Journal of Middle East Studies 3 (2011): 451–73CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
79 Timur, H., “Civil Marriage in Turkey: Difficulties, Causes and Remedies,” International Social Science Bulletin 1 (1950): 34–37 Google Scholar; Stirling, Paul, “Land, Marriage, and the Law in Turkish Villages,” International Social Science Bulletin 1 (1950): 30–31 Google Scholar.
80 Fındıkoğlu, F. L., “A Turkish Sociologist's View,” International Social Science Bulletin 1 (1957): 17–19 Google Scholar; Körükçü, Köyden, 92; Yörükan and Cebe, “Çatak,” 14; Erdentuğ, Hal, 33–35; Erdentuğ, Sün, 26; Stirling, Turkish Village, 197; Szyliowicz, Political Change, 51; and van Os, Nicole, “Polygamy before and after the Introduction of the Swiss Civil Code in Turkey,” in The State and the Subaltern: Modernization, Society and the State in Turkey and Iran, ed. Atabaki, Touraj (New York: I.B.Tauris, 2007), 179–98.Google Scholar
81 Erdentuğ, Hal, 81–82; Stirling, “Land,” 21–29; Szyliowicz, Political Change, 47.
82 See, for instance, Yasa, Yirmibeş Yıl Sonra, 202; and Saran, Omuzumda, 99–174. Emin Saraç, interview with the author, Istanbul, 25 August 2009; Muhammed Kulu, interview with the author, Konya, 24 August 2015.
83 For an account that reflects the Kemalist logic behind the closure of Sufi lodges, see Öz, Baki, Çağdaşlaşma Açısından Tarikat ve Tekkelerin Kapatılma Olayı (Istanbul: Can Yayınları, 2004)Google Scholar.
84 For other anecdotal data, see Tanyol, “Elifoğlu,” 204.
85 Kulu, interview with the author. Muhammed Kulu is the husband of one of Rıza Efendi's granddaughters and himself a retired preacher of the Turkish Directorate of Religious Affairs.
86 Kotkin, Magnetic remains to be the most influential interpretation of the foundation of a Soviet “civilization” on ideological grounds. On the continuing (re)interpretation of ideology in the Soviet Union, see Krylova, Anna, “Soviet Modernity: Stephen Kotkin and the Bolshevik Predicament,” Contemporary European History 2 (2014): 167–92CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
87 See Massell, Gregory J., The Surrogate Proletariat: Moslem Women and Revolutionary Strategies in Soviet Central Asia, 1919–1929 (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1974)Google Scholar.
88 Keller, Shoshana, To Moscow, Not Mecca: The Soviet Campaign against Islam in Central Asia, 1917–1941 (Westport, Conn.: Praeger, 2001), 32–39 Google Scholar, 58–63; Khalid, Adeeb, Making Uzbekistan: Nation, Empire, and Revolution in the Early USSR (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 2015), 161 CrossRefGoogle Scholar, 232.
89 Keller, To Moscow, 39–42, 58–63, 67, 85–95, 150–51; Khalid, Adeeb, Islam after Communism: Religion and Politics in Central Asia (Berkeley, Calif.: University of California Press, 2007), 54 Google Scholar; Penati, Beatrice, “The Reconquest of East Bukhara: The Struggle against the Basmachi as a Prelude to Sovietization,” Central Asian Survey 4 (2007): 521–38CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Penati, “On the Local Origins of the Soviet Attack on ‘Religious’ Waqf in the Uzbek SSR (1927),” Acta Slavica Iaponica 36 (2015): 39–72; and Khalid, Making Uzbekistan, 164–69, 196, 240.
90 Keller, To Moscow, 98–101; Khalid, Islam after Communism, 62–63.
91 Massell, The Surrogate Proletariat; Marianne Kamp, The New Woman in Uzbekistan: Islam, Modernity, and Unveiling under Communism (Seattle, Wash.: University of Washington Press, 2006), esp. 150–85; Taylor Northrop, Douglas, Veiled Empire: Gender and Power in Stalinist Central Asia (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 2004)Google Scholar; Khalid, Making Uzbekistan, 360–62. On progressive Muslim intellectuals in sedentary Central Asia, see Khalid, Adeeb, The Politics of Muslim Cultural Reform: Jadidism in Central Asia (Berkeley, Calif.: University of California Press, 1998)Google Scholar.
92 Khalid, Making Uzbekistan, 162–63.
93 See Fitzpatrick, Sheila, Cultural Revolution in Russia, 1928–1931 (Bloomington, Ind.: Indiana University Press, 1978)Google Scholar.
94 Keller, To Moscow, 124–39, 166, 169–74, 192; Khalid, Making Uzbekistan, 240, 318.
95 Keller, To Moscow, 167, 202; Khalid, Islam after Communism, 71–73.
96 Kamp, Marianne, “Where Did the Mullahs Go? Oral Histories from Rural Uzbekistan,” Die Welt des Islams 3 (2010): 503–31CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
97 Khalid, Islam after Communism, 318–28; Khalid, Making Uzbekistan, 363–89. For an analysis of this change in cadres more broadly in the Soviet Union, see Fitzpatrick, Sheila, Education and Social Mobility in the Soviet Union, 1921–1934 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1979)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
98 Keller, To Moscow, 250; Kamp, New Women, 215–28.
99 See Pianciola, Niccol, “The Collectivization Famine in Kazakhstan, 1931–1933,” Harvard Ukrainian Studies 3/4 (2001): 237–51Google Scholar; and the essays in Hryn, Halyna, ed., Hunger by Design: The Great Ukrainian Famine and Its Soviet Context (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2008)Google Scholar.
100 For a general analysis of collectivization in the Soviet Union, see Viola, Lynne, Danilov, V. P., Ivnitskii, N. A., and Kozlov, Denis, eds., The War against the Peasantry, 1927–1930 (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 2005)Google Scholar. For an analysis focused on Uzbekistan, see Shamsutdinov, Rustambek, Qishloq fozheasi: zhamoalashtirish, quloqlashtirish, surgun (Tashkent: Aktsiadorllik kompaniiasi, 2003), 8–163 Google Scholar.
101 Aminova, R. Kh., ed., Sploshnaia kollektivizatsiia sel'skogo khoziaistva Uzbekistana (1930–1932 gg.) - Sbornik dokumentov (Tashkent: Uzbekistan, 1980), 9–12 Google Scholar.
102 Shaikhova, Kh. A., Formirovanie novykh nravstvennykh otnoshenii u kolkhoznogo krest'ianstva Uzbekistana (Tashkent: Fan, 1982), 99 Google Scholar.
103 Aminova, Sploshnaia, 12.
104 On this process, see Shamsutdinov, Qishloq fozheasi, 54–124.
105 Keller, To Moscow, 224, 241.
106 Keller, To Moscow, 254–55; Khalid, Islam after Communism, 98–104. See also Eren Taşar, “Soviet and Muslim: The Institutionalization Islam in Central Asia, 1943–1991” (PhD diss., Harvard University, 2010) for the period after World War II.
107 Kotkin, Magnetic.
108 Nikolaevich Abashin, Sergei, Sovetskii kishlak: mezhdu kolonializmom i modernizatsiei (Moskva: Novoe literaturnoe obozrenie, 2015), 240–311 Google Scholar illustrates the dynamics of this process well. See also Sartori, Paolo, “Towards a History of the Muslims’ Soviet Union: A View from Central Asia,” Die Welt des Islams 3 (2010): 315–34CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For examples of Soviet construction from Turkmen and Kyrgyz contexts, which neighbored sedentary Central Asia but reflected similar Soviet practices, see Lynn Edgar, Adrienne, Tribal Nation: The making of Soviet Turkmenistan (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 2004)Google Scholar; and İğmen, Ali F., Speaking Soviet with an Accent: Culture and Power in Kyrgyzstan (Pittsburgh, Penn.: University of Pittsburgh Press, 2012)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
109 On the mechanization of agriculture in Uzbekistan and improvements in the health sector by the 1960s, see Zaiko, Narodnoe khoziaistvo, 144–53 and 317–28 respectively.
110 Shaikhova, Formirovanie novykh, 226; Poliakov, Vsesoiuznaia perepis’, 36.
111 Zaiko, Narodnoe khoziaistvo, 11–13. For a brief account of the changes in alphabet, see Winner, Thomas G., “Problems of Alphabetic Reform among the Turkic Peoples of Soviet Central Asia, 1920–41,” Slavonic and East European Review 31 (1952): 133–47Google Scholar.
112 Zaiko, Narodnoe khoziaistvo, 305.
113 Zaiko, Narodnoe khoziaistvo, 311.
114 See, for instance, Khalid, Islam after Communism; and Abashin, Sovetskii kishlak.
115 Erdentuğ, Hal, 35.
116 Scott, James C., Seeing like a State: How Certain Schemes to Improve the Human Condition Have Failed (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1998)Google Scholar.
117 See Tomasz Gross, Jan, “Social Control under Totalitarianism,” in Toward a General Theory of Social Control: Selected Problems, ed. Black, Donald (Orlando, Fl.: Academic Press, 1984), 2:59–77 Google Scholar; and Tomasz Gross, Jan, Revolution from Abroad: The Soviet Conquest of Poland's Western Ukraine and Western Belorussia (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1988)Google Scholar. See also Goldman, Wendy Z., Terror and Democracy in the Age of Stalin: The Social Dynamics of Repression (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007)Google Scholar for a detailed depiction of how the interplay of state policies and local initiatives induced social fragmentation in the case of the Stalinist terror.
118 Khalid, Making Uzbekistan, 254 and elsewhere; Keller, To Moscow. On the role of local enthusiasts, see Kamp, New Women, 186–228; and Penati, “The Reconquest.”
119 The purge of tribal and religious notables in the wake of a rebellion by Southeast Anatolia's Kurds in 1925 is probably the one major exception to this. See van Bruinessen, Martin, Aga, Shaikh, and State: The Social and Political Structures of Kurdistan (London: Zed Books, 1992)Google Scholar.
120 For examples of such attacks, see Başbuğ, Resmî İdeoloji, esp. 68–77.
121 See Jashke, Gotthard, Yeni Türkiye'de İslamlık, trans. Örs, Hayrullah (Ankara: Bilgi Yayınevi, 1972)Google Scholar; and Temel, Mehmet, Atatürk Dönemi Din Hizmetleri (Ankara: Akçağ, 2010), 13–84 Google Scholar.
122 Yasa, Hasanoğlan, 193–98, 207; Erdentuğ, Hal, 78–79; Stirling, Turkish Village, 254–59; Szyliowicz, Political Change, 47–48; and Frederick Frey, W. and Roos, Leslie L., Social Structure and Community Development in Rural Turkey: Village and Elite Leadership Relations (Cambridge, Mass.: Center for International Studies MIT, 1967), esp. 3–26 Google Scholar.
123 On the payment of imams, see Aran, Evedik, 29; Yasa, Hasanoğlan, 111; and Esenel, Geç Kalmış, 134. Alptekin, Köyün, 34 provides the laws regulating the selection and payment of imams. For a discussion of the limitations of turning locally funded village imams into central state functionaries in a different context, that of late tsarist Russia, see Tuna, Mustafa, Imperial Russia's Muslims: Islam, Empire and European Modernity, 1788–1914 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2015), 52–54 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
124 Yılmaz, Becoming Turkish, 73–74, 124–37.
125 Szyliowicz, Political Change, 48–49.
126 See Makal, Köyümden, 120–24.
- 2
- Cited by