An earlier draft of this essay was presented to the Columbia University Seminar in the History of the Working Class in April 1985. In writing this expanded version, I am greatly indebted to critical readings by Wolfgang Maderthaner, Anson Rabinbach, and Joan W. Scott.

1. For a useful introduction to sexuality as historical problem, see Weeks, Jeffrey, Sex, Politics and Society: The Regulation of Sexuality since 1800 (London, 1981)Google Scholar. For a concise review of theoretical approaches, see Ross, Ellen and Rapp, Rayna, “Sex and Society: A Research Note from Social History and Anthropology,” Comparative Studies in Society and History 23 (01 1981).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

2. Whereas I fully agree with Michel Foucault's insistance that the complexity of feelings and activities called sexuality can only be understood in historical terms as an integral aspect of human experience, I reject his position—implicit throughout his text—that sexuality cannot really be studied. See The History of Sexuality, I: An Introduction (New York, 1980).

3. For an interesting treatment of worker selfhood (Eigensinn) as an interplay of the private and political, see Lüdtke, Alf, “The Historiography of Everyday Life: The Personal and the Political,” in Culture, Ideology and Politics, ed. Samuel, Ralph and Jones, Gareth Stedman (London, 1982).Google Scholar

4. “Leitsätze für die sexuelle Aufklärung der Jugend,” Blätter für sozialistische Bildungsarbeit 19 (1932).Google Scholar

5. The best general history is still Gulick, Charles A., From Habsburg to Hitler, 2 vols. (Berkeley, 1948)Google Scholar. For an excellent revisionist analysis of the last crisis years of the Republic, see Rabinbach, Anson, The Crisis of Austrian Socialism: From Red Vienna to Civil War 1927–1934 (Chicago, 1983).Google Scholar

6. But such fundamental secularizations as that of marriage were blocked by the Catholic Church at the national level, as was change in the legal designation of the man as head of the family, who alone has the right to determine the occupation of his children and the domicile in which his wife and children will live. See Popp, Adelheid, “Wir Frauen,” Zehn Jahre Republik (Vienna, 1929), 14.Google Scholar

7. For a review of the historiography of working-class culture, see Gruber, Helmut, “History of the Austrian Working Class: Unity of Scholarship and Practice,” International Labor and Working-Class History 24 (Fall 1983): 49–66.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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9. Hauer, Anna, “Sexualität und Sexualmoral in Österreich um 1900: Theoretische und literarische Texte von Frauen,” in Die Ungeschriebene Geschichte: Historische Frauenforschung (Vienna, 1985), 143–47Google Scholar. For parallel expressions in Victorian England, see Walkowitz, Judith, Prostitution and Victorian Society: Women, Class, and the State (Cambridge, 1980), chaps. 4–7.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

10. Montane, H., Die Prostitution in Wien (Hamburg/Vienna, 1925)Google Scholar and Kocmata, Karl F., Die Prostitution in Wien: Streifbilder vom Jahrmarkt des Liebesleben (Vienna, 1927)Google Scholar. On rare occasions socialist images of the horrors of prostitution gave way to sentimental and even romantic views. See “Die andere Welt: Unter Dirnen, Zuhälter und Verbrecher,” Das Kleine Blatt 2/46 (04 15, 1928): 3–4.Google Scholar

11. Pfoser, Alfred, “Verstörte Männer und emanzipierte Frauen: Zur Sitten- und Literaturgeschichte der Ersten Republik,” in Aufbruch und Untergang: Österreichische Kultur zwischen 1918 und 1938 ed. Kadrnoska, Franz (Vienna, 1981), 206.Google Scholar

12. “Erhebung über Sexualmoral,” Studien über Autorität und Familie: Forschungsbericht aus dem Institut für Sozialforschung (Paris, 1936), 279–80.Google Scholar

13. Wexberg, Erwin, Einführung in die Psychologie des Geschlechtslebens (Leipzig, 1930), 118–19.Google Scholar

14. “Prostitution und Gesellschaftsordnung,” Die Arbeiterinnen-Zeitung 22 (Nov. 18, 1919): 3–4. The format of this Journal was somber and austere. In 1921, it claimed an edition of 100,000. Yet the most thorough and scientific survey of the everyday life of industrial working women revealed that only 2.4 percent read Die Frau, the successor of the above, which claimed an even higher circulation. See Käthe Leichter, So leben wir … 1320 Industriearbeiter-innen berichten über ihr Leben (Vienna, 1932), 116.

15. Glückliche und unglückliche Ehe?: Ein Mahn wort an junge Ehe- und Brautleute (Vienna, 1922), 5–9. His novels bore such titles as Küsse die Leben werden; Die nicht Mütter werden dürfen and Am Kreuzweg der Liebe.

16. For instance, St. Pöltner Diözesanblatt 1 (1919).

17. Ceranke, Dr. Gertrud, “Willst du Heiraten?”, Die Unzufriedene 6 (07 24, 1926): 7Google Scholar and “Das Gesundheitszeugnis,” Die Unzufriedene 6 (08 7, 1926): 7.Google Scholar This Journal ran advertisements for contraceptive devices, gave tips on health, beauty, clothing, and cooking in an uncommercial fashion, offered a column on “Women Speak from the Heart,” and a personal column for marriage seekers. By 1933 it reached a circulation of 160,000 and was mentioned as the preferred weekly by female workers in Leichter's survey. Leichter, 116.

18. In a later attack on sexual abstinence literature, Wilhelm Reich singled out the harmfulness of designating an arbitrary age—twenty or even twenty-four—as medically appropriate for the onset of sexual intercourse. In his experience as a sex counsellor, he maintained, those who had not made the transition from masturbation to intercourse by the age of twenty experienced difficulties in doing so later. See “Erfahrungen und Probleme der Sexualberatungsstellen für Arbeiter und Angestellte in Wien,” Der sozialistische Arzt 5 (1929): 99.Google Scholar

19. Sablik, Karl, Julius Tandler: Mediziner und Sozialreformer (Vienna, 1983), 278–80.Google Scholar

20. “Wohnungsnot und Sexualreform,” Weltliga für Sexualreform, Sexualnot und Sexualreform: Verhandlungen (Vienna, 1931), 5–14.Google Scholar

21. Tandler's eugenicist and paternalist views had already been well demonstrated in his direction of the Public Welfare Office. See Gruber, , “Municipal Socialism,” 231–38.Google Scholar

22. Dreikurs, Dr. Rudolf (Vienna)Google Scholar, Weltliga, , Sexualnot, 39–41.Google Scholar

23. DrKraus, Siegfried (Vienna)Google Scholar, Ibid., 41–42.

24. “Die Sexualnot der Werktätigen Massen und die Schwierigkeiten der Sexualreform,” Ibid., 74–75, 80–83.

25. Otto Bauer rarely intervened in the discussion on sexuality. But leading figures of the party's cultural, educational, youth, and welfare institutions acted as spokesmen. Most influential behind the scenes in determining the party's position was its Executive Secretary, Robert Danneberg, who was responsible for the “political and moral purity” of the party. See Neugebauer, Wolfgang, “Robert Danneberg (1885–1942): Eine biographische Skizze,” Archiv: Jahrbuch des Vereins der Geschichte der Arbeiterbewegung 1 (1985): 86–88.Google Scholar

26. Latzko, W., Wiener Medizinische Wochenschrift 26 (1924): 1387Google Scholar. In Germany the estimates were one million abortions in 1931 in a female population of 31.2 million or that the average working-class woman had two or more abortions in her lifetime. See Grossman, Atina, “Abortion and Economic Crisis: The 1931 Campaign against # 218 in Germany,” New German Critique 14 (Spring 1978): 121–22, 125.Google Scholar

27. Lehner, Karin, “Reformbestrebungen der Sozialdemokratie zum Paragraph 144 in Österreich in der 1. Republik,” Ungeschriebene Geschichte, 298–99.Google Scholar

28. Wutti, Benno, “Die Stellung der Sozialdemokratischen Partei Österreichs zur Frauenfrage,” (Ph.D. diss., Vienna University, 1975), 102–11.Google Scholar

29. Tandler, Julius, “Ehe und Bevölkerungspolitik,” Wiener Medizinische Wochenschrift 74 (1924).Google Scholar

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31. Schlesinger, Therese, Die Frau im sozialdemokratischen Parteiprogramm (Vienna, 1928). The pertinent paragraphs were reprinted in the journals aimed at women: Die Unzufriedene, Die Frau, Die Mutter.Google Scholar

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36. Popp, Adelheid, “Geburtenregelung und Menschenökonomie,” Weltliga, Sexualnot, 503.Google Scholar

37. “Zur Psychologie der Geschlechter,” Der Kampf 18 (06 1925): 25–27.Google Scholar

38. “Geburtenregelung und Kinderschutz,” Die Unzufriedene 35 (08 28, 1926): 1.Google Scholar

39. Hilferding, Dr. Margarete, “Probleme der Geburtenregelung,” Die Mutter 1 (04 1925): 6.Google Scholar

40. The first of these was created in 1917. After 1924, they were spread throughout Vienna by the Municipal Council in response to Tandler's campaign against congenital syphilis. The clinics gave advice but no treatment so as not to conflict with private physicians. Sablik, , Tandler, 283.Google Scholar

41. Mit uns zieht die neue Zeit, 226, 230–31Google Scholar. Attempts by Die Unzufriedene to sponsor consultation hours for the psychological needs of women or the showing of the anti-abortion film “Cyankali” were valiant efforts along these lines.

42. For the socialists' cult of motherhood, see Gruber, Helmut, “Working-Class Women in Red Vienna: Socialist Concepts of the ‘New Woman’ v. the Reality of the Triple Burden,” in Europäische Arbeiterkulturen der Zwischenkriegszeit, ed. Boll, Friedhelm (Vienna, 1986).Google Scholar

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44. For instance Sexualerregung und Sexualbefriedigung (Vienna, 1929)Google Scholar and Geschlechtsreife, Enthaltsamkeit, Ehemoral (Vienna, 1930). Both were published by the Münster Verlag and appeared in four or more printings. The former discussed the safety and use of condoms, pessaries, anti-spermatic pills, recommended the best brands, and quoted the approximate price.Google Scholar

45. For the numerous sex manuals readily available to workers in Weimar Germany, see Grossman, Atina, “The New Woman and the Rationalization of Sexuality in Weimar Germany,” in Powers of Desire: The Politics of Sexuality, ed. Snitow, Ann et al. (New York, 1983), 159–62.Google Scholar

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50. All bishops' pastoral letters can be found in Wiener Diözesanblatt and/or St. Pölten Diözesanblatt by year of proclamation.

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53. The following is based on Pfoser, Alfred, “Der Wiener ‘Reigen’-Skandal: Sexualangst als politische Syndrom der Ersten Republik,” in Neuere Studien zur Arbeitergeschichte, ed. Konrad, Helmut and Maderthaner, Wolfgang (Vienna, 1984), vol.3.Google Scholar

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59. But some difficulties can be mentioned: the hours and holidays of many kindergartens made them unusable by working mothers; older boys tended to shun the Rote Falken; girls made up only one-quarter of the Socialist Worker Youth, because of lack of interest and/or being tied to household chores.

60. Virtually every party leader of consequence wrote glowingly on this subject. Der jugendliche Arbeiter and Die sozialistische Erziehung featured it regularly.

61. Commandment number 9. Tesarek, Anton, Das Buch der Roten Falken (Vienna, 1926).Google Scholar

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70. Among older workers the main transgressions were drunkenness and wife beating. See Rabinbach, Anson, “Politik und Pädagogik: Die österreichische sozialdemokratische Jugendbewegung 1931–32,” in Arbeiterkultur, ed. Ritter, Gerhad (Königstein, 1979), 174–75.Google Scholar

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134. On Bauer and Adler, see Lowenberg, Peter, Decoding the Past: The Psychohistorical Approach (New York, 1983), 194–96, 149.Google Scholar

135. It was published as Du marriage in 1907 and 1937 despite the anticipated right-wing and anti-Semitic onslaught. See Lacouture, Jean, Léon Blum (New York, 1982), 80–85.Google Scholar

136. For an excellent account of paralysis of the will on the political front, see Rabinbach, , Crisis, chap. 4.Google Scholar

137. That the opposition drew no distinction between culture and politics so far as the socialists were concerned can be seen from the telling blow it struck against Vienna in 1932 by drastically reducing its tax apportionment from the national budget. See Gruber, , “Municipal Socialism,” 23–24.Google Scholar