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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 21 July 2015
Lacking the power to improve the terms and conditions of school teaching at home, more than seventy US women migrated to work for the Argentine government in the last third of the nineteenth century. Only a few studies have researched this episode in the history of teachers, interpreting it as an uplifting, civilizing mission and characterizing the teachers as valiant, benevolent, and occasionally misguided reformers. Yet these migrant teachers' own words suggest that the desire to uplift played little part in their migration decisions, whereas low pay and limited employment opportunities for women figured prominently. Drawing on diaries, correspondence, newspapers, and census records, this study explores how these migrant teachers understood themselves, their work, and their social location. The analysis offers new insight into these teachers' identities as workers both at home and abroad. While acknowledging how teachers' labor served reform objectives, the essay argues that the long history of teaching in the United States needs to be reconsidered as a labor history.
I wish to acknowledge grants from the Sallie Bingham Center at Duke University and both the College of Arts and Sciences and the Provost's Office at Drake University, which helped to fund the archival research upon which this article is based. I thank participants at the 2011 Southern Labor Studies Conference who commented on an early version of this work. I am especially grateful to Ileen DeVault, Nancy MacLean, Chris Ogren, and the anonymous reviewers of ILWCH for suggestions and conversations that strengthened this work in many different ways.
2. Quotations are from Florence to Jo, January 20, 1883, emphasis original. Also Florence to all, April 5, 1884; Florence to Jo, June 8, 1884; Florence to all, June 15, 1884, Box 1, Sarah Atkinson papers, Accession No.1506, Special Collections and University Archives, Rutgers University Libraries (hereafter Sarah Atkinson papers).
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18. Quotation is from Mann to Sarmiento, March 9, 1866, in Patricia M. Ard, “Seeds of Reform: The Letters of Mary Peabody Mann and Domingo F. Sarmiento, 1865–1868” (Ph.D. diss., Rutgers University, 1996), 154. Luiggi, 65 Valiants, identifies four U.S. men who taught in Argentine normal schools: Two taught for three years, one for six years, and one taught with his wife from 1887–1902, for 15 years.
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25. Undated Letter from S. Frances Wood, Anna L. Dudley and Isabel Dudley to Sarmiento, Roll 5, Microfilm Number 4451, Sarmiento correspondence. Emphasis original.
26. Sarmiento to Mann, October 13, 1870, in Luiggi (ed.), Some Letters … Part II, 360; Mann to Sarmiento, March 21, 1876, in Velleman, My Dear Sir, 319. All four women stayed in Buenos Aires and taught in local and private schools; only two returned to the United States after more than a decade in Argentina.
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28. Diplomatically minded Americans and Argentines of the nineteenth century often styled their relationship as a gendered, familial one. Mann to Sarmiento, September 25, 1865, in Velleman, My Dear Sir, 45; Alexander Asboth to William H. Seward, October 21, 1866, in National Archives Microfilm Publication M67, roll 17, frame 39, Records of the United States Department of State, Record Group 59, National Archives at Kansas City, Kansas City, MO (hereafter RG59); and Isham papers, 763, 3.
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32. Herbst, Jurgen, And Sadly Teach: Teacher Education and Professionalization in American Culture (Madison, 1989), 5Google Scholar, 85; Ogren, Christine A., The American State Normal School: “An Instrument of Great Good” (New York, 2005), 55CrossRefGoogle Scholar, 83, 59; Bernard, Richard M. and Vinovskis, Maris A., “The Female School Teacher in Antebellum Massachusetts,” Journal of Social History 10 (1977): 332–45CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Fraser, James W., Preparing America's Teachers: A History (New York, 2007), 131Google Scholar.
33. Alexis V. Muller Jr. to Luiggi, January 16, 1951; typescript of contract, March 19, 1877, Coolidge folder; and Helen B. Pritchard to Luiggi, January 23, 1951, Allyn folder, Alice Houston Luiggi Papers, Rare Book, Manuscript, and Special Collections Library, Duke University Library (hereafter Luiggi papers). Sarah Atkinson to Annie, April 9, 1884, Box 1, Sarah Atkinson papers.
34. Tyack, David B., The One Best System: A History of American Urban Education (Cambridge, 1974), 59–62 Google Scholar, 257. Quotations are from Herbst, And Sadly Teach, 101.
35. Mann to Sarmiento, April 16, 1866, in Ard, Seeds of Reform, 170; October 12, 1884, Eccleston folder, Luiggi papers.
36. Ogren, The American State Normal School, 65–74. I have identified fathers' occupations for fifty-three of the more than seventy migrant teachers. Eighteen were daughters of farmers; thirteen were daughters of working artisans; four were daughters of Protestant clergymen (Baptist and Congregational), and the remaining eighteen were daughters of merchants and manufacturers. The quantitative data reported in this essay is the product of extensive research to identify these North Americans who migrated to teach in Argentina between 1869 and 1898, searching US manuscript census records from 1840 to 1920 and city directories too numerous to detail here and cross-checking those findings with other primary and secondary sources. Producing a database of these teachers is in the planning stages.
37. David W. King family in U.S. Federal Census 1870, Indianapolis Ward 9, Marion, IN; Rachael and Isabel King in Indianapolis City Directory, 1881, 1882. John Kimball family in U.S. Federal Census 1860, Appleton, Knox, ME; U.S. Federal Census 1870, Biddeford, York, ME; Myra Kimball in U.S. Federal Census 1870, Winona, Ward 2, Winona, MN. Andrew K. Ober family in U.S. Federal Census 1880, Beverly, Essex, MA; U.S. Federal Census Non-Population Schedules, 1870 and 1880, Beverly, Essex, MA; Caroline Haven Ober papers, Special Collections, University of Washington Libraries (hereafter Ober papers).
38. Mann to Sarmiento, 18 April 1869[?], in Velleman, My Dear Sir, 254; Mrs. George Dike to Luiggi, 23 January 1949, Dudley folder, Luiggi papers. Mann to Sarmiento, 19 February 1869, in Velleman, My Dear Sir, 243. Typescript, 12, Eccleston folder, Luiggi papers. Florence to Jo, 24 August 1884, and Florence to Emma and Wilson, 21 September 1883, Box 1, Sarah Atkinson papers. Quotation is from Dall, Caroline H., The College, the Market and the Court; or, Woman's Relation to Education, Labor and Law (Boston, 1868), 175Google Scholar.
39. The secular New England Freedmen's Aid Society sent thirty-year-old Wood to Warrenton, Virginia, in 1866, while Lobb, age eighteen, taught at Mason's Island, Virginia, for the Philadelphia Friends' Association. Luiggi, 65 Valiants, 45–46, 53. Freedmen's Record 2 (March 1866): 58; (November 1866): 203; Friends' Intelligencer 23 (1867): 249–50Google Scholar. Thanks to Ron Butchart for helping me identify those women who also taught freed people. E-mail communication from Ronald E. Butchart, November 26, 2008, in author's possession. Luiggi, 65 Valiants, 124, 168. Luiggi describes Collord as a “missionary” but leaves doubts about her commitment. Compare McMeley, “Apostles of Civilization.”
40. Reeves-Ellington, Barbara, “Women, Protestant Missions and American Cultural Expansion, 1800–1938: A Historiographic Sketch,” Social Science and Missions 24 (2011): 192 Google Scholar.
41. Account book, Box 1, Sarah Atkinson papers; 3, 10, 11, 12, 18 August 1889, vol. 3, Box 7, Ober papers.
42. This finding, based on manuscript census research, contradicts Howard's claim that few “had ever travelled far from their native states.” In Distant Climes, 24. Howard made this claim in a memoir published nearly fifty years after she migrated. She and Edith Howe lived exclusively in Massachusetts until they migrated, but remaining in one state or one region did not represent the norm. About 25 percent either stayed in the same state or moved around within the same region of the United States.
43. Of fifty-five women whose parents could be traced, forty-one came from families in which the birth father, mother, or both were absent. Nineteen lost their mothers, fourteen lost their fathers, and eight were orphaned before emigrating. Only fourteen of these women left a mother and father living together in the United States.
44. Allyn folder, Luiggi papers.
45. Women's Journal, April 7, 1877: 109; August 25, 1883: 269; March 20, 1886: 93; July 9, 1887: 217; New England Journal of Education, May 22, 1879, in Graham folder, Luiggi papers. “Iowa Teachers for South America,” Women's Journal, April 28, 1877: 136. “Going to South America,” Winona Herald, June 8, 1883: 3.
46. Women's Journal, April 22, 1876: 13; April 3 and 7, 1877: 109; “Going to South America,” Winona Herald, June 8, 1883: 3.
47. Isham papers, 29, 899, emphasis is mine. September 7, 1889, entry, vol. 3, Box 7, Ober papers; Isham papers, 6. Jennie Howard also used “dream” to describe her feelings about the journey, In Distant Climes, 25.
48. Isham papers, 49; Florence Atkinson, typescript journal, 34–35, Box 1, Sarah Atkinson papers; Howard, In Distant Climes, 26–27.
49. Isham papers, 97, 483; October 2, 1889, vol. 3, Box 7, Ober papers; Cannato, Vincent J., American Passage: A History of Ellis Island (New York, 2009), 6–7 Google Scholar. See also Isham papers, 22, 107, 988; July 31, 1892, vol. 5, Box 7, Ober papers; Howard, In Distant Climes, 27–28; Baily, Samuel L., Immigrants in the Lands of Promise: Italians in Buenos Aires and New York City, 1870–1914 (Ithaca, 1999), 53Google Scholar.
50. Guy, Sex and Danger in Buenos Aires; Moya, Jose C., Cousins and Strangers: Spanish Immigrants in Buenos Aires, 1850–1930 (Berkeley, 1998), 22Google Scholar. Kraut, Alan M., The Huddled Masses: The Immigrant in American Society, 1880–1921 (Wheeling, IL, 2001), 58Google Scholar, 66–67.
51. September 22, 1889, diary entry, vol. 3; also July 16, 1892, vol. 5, Box 7, Ober papers. Ober's disdain for missionaries is counterintuitive: Her brother Charles later became a YMCA leader and sister Sadie became a home missionary. Florence Atkinson, typescript journal, 4.
52. Goldfield, David, America Aflame: How the Civil War Created a Nation (New York, 2011), 360Google Scholar, 383; Tyrrell, Ian, Reforming the World: The Creation of America's Moral Empire (Princeton, 2010), 58CrossRefGoogle Scholar, 63; Welter, Barbara, “She Hath Done What She Could: Protestant Women's Missionary Careers in Nineteenth-Century America,” American Quarterly 30 (1978): 638 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
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54. Welter, She Hath Done, 625–26, 633–35; Tyrrell, Reforming the World, 66; September 22, 1884, Eccleston Folder, Luiggi papers; Isham papers, 267, 276, 802, 961.
55. Florence to all, March 25, 1885, Box 1, Sarah Atkinson papers; Isham papers, 200.
56. Isham papers, 322. Grinspan, Jon, “‘Young Men for War’: The Wide Awakes and Lincoln's 1860 Presidential Campaign,” Journal of American History 96 (2009): 357–78CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
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58. Isham papers, 157, 183, 186, 206, 225, 251–52, 271.
59. Howard, In Distant Climes, 68; Isham papers, 226, 511, 556, 715; Sarah to all, August 17, 1884, and Sarah to Jo, July 18, 1885, Box 1, Sarah Atkinson papers.
60. Florence Atkinson translated “Bruta Gringa” as “brute of a foreigner” in her typescript journal, 75–76. “Bruta” might also be translated as crude or ignorant. Sarah and Florence to all, December 3, 1884, Box 1, Sarah Atkinson papers; Howard, In Distant Climes, 113.
61. Howard, In Distant Climes, 112; Isham papers, 395–96; Sarah to all, February 24, 1884, and April 5, 1885, Box 1, Sarah Atkinson papers. April 11, 1890, Box 7, vol. 3, Ober papers.
62. Isham papers, 813, 618; Sarah to all, March 23, 1884, Box 1, Sarah Atkinson papers.
63. Sarah (with Florence) to all, March 23, 1884; Florence to Emma, June 8, 1884; Sarah and Florence to all, December 3, 1884, Box 1, Sarah Atkinson papers.
64. July 5, 1890, Box 7, vol. 3, Ober papers; Isham papers, 60, 723, 771, 907. Sarah to Mamma, December 23, 1883; Sarah to Annie, April 9, 1884; Sarah and Florence to all, December 3, 1884; Account book, Box 1, Sarah Atkinson papers. Sarah (with Florence) to all, October 18, 1885, Box 9, Atkinson family papers.
65. October 25, 1889, vol. 3, and April 11, 1891, May 2, 1891, May 25, 1891, vol. 4, Box 7, Ober papers. Not all teachers were as cost conscious as Ober. Florence to all, September 21, 1884, Sarah and Florence to Asher, August 3, 1884, and Sarah to all, October 26, 1884, Box 1, Sarah Atkinson papers; Sarah to Jo from San Juan, August 30, 1885, Box 9, Atkinson family papers; Isham papers, 182, 253, 264, 938.
66. Isham papers, 364, 400, 489, 494, 524, 575, 618, 659, 772, 954; July 24, October 12, and December 30, 1890, Box 7, vol. 3, and February 23, 1893, Box 7, vol. 5, Ober papers; Florence to Emma, March 4, 1885, and Sarah and Florence to all, December 3, 1884, Box 1, Sarah Atkinson papers.
67. Isham papers, 159–60; Sarah to Emma and Wilson, December 30, 1883, and Florence to all, September 8, 1884, Box 1, Sarah Atkinson papers; Sarah to Emma and Wilson, undated, Box 9, Atkinson family papers; Sarah and Florence to Annie, December 27, 1883, Box 1, Sarah Atkinson papers.
68. Sarah to Jo, August 2, 1885, Box 1, Sarah Atkinson papers. Dublin, Transforming Women's Work, 218; also MacDonald, “Paradox of Bureaucratization.” Almost 30 percent of migrants married Anglo-American men they met in Argentina, and 13 percent married at some point in their lives after leaving Argentina.
69. Isham papers, 389, 748; Annie Atkinson to Sarah and Florence, March 8, 1884, Box 1, Atkinson family papers; Sarah to Jo, March 26, 1884, Box 1, Sarah Atkinson papers. On wine, see Isham papers, 273, 277, 296, 326, 424, 523, 568, 604, 795, 892; Florence to all, December 9, 1883, Box 1, Sarah Atkinson papers, October 12, 1890, Box 7, vol. 3, Ober papers; Isham papers, 313, 398, 569, 791.
70. Luiggi, 65 Valiants, 167–69. See also their consecutively numbered US Consular Registration Certificates, #29658 and #29659, November 12, 1912, at Buenos Aires, listing the same Mendoza address. See Blount, Jackie M., Fit to Teach: Same-Sex Desire, Gender, and School Work in the Twentieth Century (Albany, 2006)Google Scholar on the shift from women teachers as innocent spinsters to threats to normative gender development.
71. New England Journal of Education, April 29, 1880, 283, Coolidge folder, Luiggi papers; August 27, 1890, vol. 3, Box 7, Ober papers; Florence to all, November 8, 1885, Box 9, Folder 1, Atkinson family papers; Isham papers, 149.
72. Isham papers, 511, 617, 708, 807, 852, 889; diary notes, Eccleston folder, Luiggi papers. Florence to Jo, 20 January 1883; Florence to Josie, 3 December 1884, Box 1, Sarah Atkinson papers.
73. Isham papers, 756, 926; Rosenzweig, Roy, Eight Hours for What We Will: Workers and Leisure in an Industrial City, 1870–1920 (Cambridge, 1985)Google Scholar.
74. Sarah to all, October 27, 1885, and Florence to all, November 8, 1885, Box 9, Atkinson family Papers. Whites, LeeAnn, “The Civil War as a Crisis in Gender,” in Major Problems in the Civil War and Reconstruction, 3rd ed., ed. Perman, Michael and Taylor, Amy Murrell (Boston, 2011), 15Google Scholar.
75. Isham papers, 926; Young, Ella Flagg, Isolation in the School (Chicago, 1900)Google Scholar; Isham papers, 840.
76. Schwartz-Weinstein, Zachary, “The Limits of Work and the Subject of Labor History,” in Rethinking U.S. Labor History: Essays on the Working-Class Experience, 1756–2009, ed. Haverty-Stacke, Donna T. and Walkowitz, Daniel J. (New York, 2010), 289Google Scholar.
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