1. Roediger, David R., Towards the Abolition of Whiteness: Essays on Race, Politics and Working Class History (London, 1994), 127–80;Google Scholar quotations 127, 128, 158. All emphases and capitalizations are from the original quotes.

2. Ibid., 159.

3. Roediger, David R., The Wages of Whiteness: Race and the Making of the American Working Class (London, 1991);Google ScholarRoediger, , Towards the Abolition of Whiteness; Alexander Saxton, The Indispensable Enemy: Labor and the Anti-Chinese Movement in California (Berkeley, 1971);Google ScholarSaxton, , The Rise and Fall of the White Republic: Class Politics and Mass Culture in Nineteenth-Century America (London, 1990);Google ScholarNelson, Bruce, “Organized Labor and the Struggle for Black Equality in Mobile during World War II,” Journal of American History 80 (1993):952–98;CrossRefGoogle ScholarIgnatiev, Noel, How the Irish Became White (New York, 1995);Google ScholarAllen, Theodore W., The Invention of the White Race, vol. 1: Racist Oppression and Social Control (New York, 1994);Google ScholarLott, Eric, Love and Theft: Blackface Minstrelsy and the American Working Class (New York, 1993).Google Scholar

4. For example, Norrell, Robert J., “Caste in Steel: Jim Crow Careers in Birmingham, Alabama,” Journal of American History 73 (1986):669–94;CrossRefGoogle ScholarStein, Judith, “Southern Workers in International Unions, 1936–1951,” in Organized Labor in the Twentieth-Century South, ed. Zieger, Robert H. (Knoxville, TN, 1991), 183–222;Google ScholarArnesen, Eric, Waterfront Workers of New Orleans (New York, 1991);Google ScholarHoney, Michael, Southern Labor and Black Civil Rights (Urbana, IL, 1993);Google ScholarHalpern, Rick, “Interracial Unionism in the Southwest: Fort Worth's Packinghouse Workers, 1937–1954,” in Organized Labor in the Twentieth-Century South, ed. Zieger, Robert H., 158–82.Google Scholar For a survey of the literature on men, race, and the Congress of Industrial Organizations (ClO), see Goldfield, Michael, “Race and the ClO: The Possibilities for Racial Egalitarianism during the 1930s and 1940s,” International Labor and Working-Class History 44 (1993):1–32.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

5. Rather than point fingers, let me use my own work as a negative example. In a 1995 article on “Race Relations and the Seattle Labor Movement, 1915–1929,” I rarely noted male unionists’ exclusion of women (including exclusionary practices by men of color), cast race relations as a negotiation largely between men, and in general ignored gender dynamics; yet I never marked my article as a male story—and this after writing a book in which I specifically argued against, and tried hard to move beyond, precisely this kind of gender slippage. Frank, Dana, “Race Relations and the Seattle Labor Movement, 1915–1929,” Pacific Northwest Quarterly 86 (1994–1995):35–44.Google Scholar

6. Let me again use my own work as a negative example. In a 1991 article, I analyzed the gender dynamics of consumer organizing strategies in the Seattle AFL movement in the 1920s. I marked my subject as white in one line toward the beginning, but after that treated the subject as race-neutral, even though the women's consumer organizing activities included racist boycotts of restaurants owned by Asians or which hired Asians. Frank, Dana, “Gender, Consumer Organizing, and the Seattle Labor Movement, 1919–1929,” in Work Engendered: Toward a New History of American Labor, ed. Baron, Ava (Ithaca, NY, 1991), 273–95.Google Scholar

7. For a pathbreaking analysis of middle-class white women reformers and racism, see Blee, Kathleen, Women of the Klan: Racism and Gender in the 1920s (Berkeley, 1991);Google Scholar for contemporary white women and race privilege see Frankenberg, Ruth, White Women, Race Matters: The Social Construction of Whiteness (Minneapolis, 1993).Google Scholar

8. Roediger, Toward the Abolition of Whiteness, 76.

9. Morrison, Toni, Playing in the Dark: Whiteness and the Literary Imagination (Cambridge, MA, 1992), 72.Google Scholar

10. Lazarre, Jane, Beyond the Whiteness of Whiteness: Memoir of a White Mother of Black Sons (Durham, NC, 1996), xvi.Google Scholar

11. Janiewski, Dolores, Sisterhood Denied: Race, Class and Gender in a New South Community (Philadelphia, 1985);Google ScholarHelmbold, Lois Rita, “Downward Occupational Mobility During the Great Depression: Urban Black and White Women,” Labor History 29 (1988):135–72.CrossRefGoogle Scholar I am also indebted to Jones, Jacqueline, “Encounters, Likely and Unlikely, between Black and Poor White Women in the Rural South, 1865–1940,” Georgia Historical Quarterly 76 (1992):333–53.Google Scholar For an especially impressive analysis, see Green, Venus, “Race and Technology: African American Women in the Bell System, 1945–1980,” Technology and Culture 36 (1992):101–43.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

12. For a pathbreaking analysis of “whiteness” and turn-of-the century immigrants to the United States from Southern and Eastern Europe, see Barrett, James R. and Roediger, David R., “Inbetween Peoples: Race, Nationality and the ‘New Immigrant’ Working Class,” Journal of American Ethnic History 16 (1997):3–44Google Scholar. I am grateful to Barrett and Roediger for sharing their work with me.

13. For the gender critique in labor history, see, e.g., Baron, Ava, “Gender and Labor History: Learning from the Past, Looking to the Future,” in Work Engendered: Toward a New History of American Labor, ed. Baron, Ava (Ithaca, NY, 1991), 1–46 (see also the other essays in this collection); Mari Jo Buhle, “Gender and Labor History,”Google Scholar and Kessler-Harris, Alice, “A New Agenda for American Labor History: A Gendered Analysis and the Question of Class,” both in Perspectives on American Labor History: The Problems of Synthesis, ed. Moody, J. Carroll and Kessler-Harris, Alice (DeKalb, 1990), 55–79, 217–34;Google Scholar Elizabeth Faue, “Gender and the Reconstruction of Labor History, An Introduction,” and Kessler-Harris, , “Treating the Male as ‘Other’: Re-defining the Parameters of Labor History,” Labor History 34 (1993):169–77CrossRefGoogle Scholar, 190–204 (and the other essays in the volume).

14. See, for example, Hewitt, Nancy A., “‘The Voice of Virile Labor’: Labor Militancy, Community Solidarity, and Gender Identity among Tampa's Latin Workers, 1880–1921,” in Work Engendered: Toward a New History of American Labor, ed. Baron, Ava (Ithaca, NY, 1991), 142–67;Google ScholarHewitt, , “In Pursuit of Power: The Political Economy of Women's Activism in Twentieth-Century Tampa,” in Visible Women: New Essays on American Activism, ed. Hewitt, and Lebsock, Suzanne (Urbana, IL, 1993), 199–222.Google Scholar

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19. Kleinberg, S. J., In the Shadow of the Mills: Working-Class Families in Pittsburgh, 1870–1907 (Pittsburgh, 1989).Google Scholar Here, space becomes a variable in race relations; see Jones, “Encounters, Likely and Unlikely,” 337; Lipsitz, George, “The Possessive Investment in Whiteness: Racialized Social Democracy and the ‘White’ Problem in American Studies,” American Quarterly 47 (1995):369–87.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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23. Hunter, Tera, quotes Dorothy Bolden, an African American domestic worker in Atlanta: White parents “would teach their children that they was better than you was.” Hunter, To ‘Joy My Freedom, 55.Google Scholar

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25. Janiewski, Sisterhood Denied, 140.

26. Jacqueline Jones found similar instances. “This lady was really poor; they didn't have anything but a mattress to sleep on,” recalled Sarah Webb Rice, an African American woman, of one white neighbor in rural Alabama in the 1920s. “But because of her race, she felt she was still a little better than we were.” Jones, “Encounters, Likely and Unlikely,” 346.

27. Jones, “Encounters, Likely and Unlikely,” 346–47.

28. Roediger, Towards the Abolition of Whiteness, 151.

29. Hunter, To 'Joy My Freedom, 119.

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49. Green, “Race and Technology,” S113. Tera Hunter observes: “However undesirable it might be for white women to do black women's work, whites had the prerogative of crossing over to racially stigmatized occupations. No such opportunity existed for black women.” Hunter, To 'Joy My Freedom, 119. We can speculate on the parallels between these racial “bumping rights” and union seniority clauses which institutionalized bumping rights (and the possible connection between the two, since seniority clauses reinforced black workers’ position as “last hired, first fired”).

50. Terborg-Penn, Rosalyn, “Survival Strategies among African-American Women Workers: A Continuing Process,” in Women, Work and Protest: A Century of US Women's Labor History, ed. Milkman, Ruth (Boston, 1985), 148;Google ScholarOrtiz, Altagracia, “Puerto Ricans in the Garment Industry of New York City, 1920–1960,” in Labor Divided: Race and Ethnicity in United States Labor Struggles, 1835–1960, ed. Asher, Robert and Stephenson, Charles (Albany, 1990), 105–25.Google Scholar

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62. Quoted in Cobble, Dishing it Out, 124.

63. For a sophisticated analysis of the complex gender, race, and class politics of the “toilet question”—as well as other forms of social and sexualized mixing—see Boris, Eileen, “‘You Wouldn't Want One of 'Em Dancing With Your Wife’: Racialized Bodies on the Job in World War II,” American Quarterly 50 (1998):77–108.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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65. For this same argument regarding men, see Roediger, The Wages of Whiteness and Towards the Abolition of Whiteness; Frank, Purchasing Power.

66. Cobble, Dishing It Out, 78.

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70. Hunter, To 'Joy My Freedom, 114–120 (quotations 117, 120).

71. Frank, Purchasing Power.

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73. Cobble, Dishing It Out, 123, 124.

74. On the wives of miners, see Jameson, Elizabeth, “Imperfect Unions: Class and Gender in Cripple Creek, 1894–1904,” in Class, Sex, and the Woman Worker, ed. Cantor, Milton and Laurie, Bruce (Westport, CT, 1977), 166–202;Google Scholar Priscilla Long, “The Women of the Colorado Fuel and Iron Strike, 1911–1914,” in Milkman, Women, Work, and Protest, 62–85; and work in progress by Camille Guerin-Gonzales. For a superb analysis integrating wives, miners, and race relations see O'Neill, Colleen, “Domesticity Deployed: Gender, Race, and the Construction of Class Struggle in the Bisbee Deportation,” Labor History 34 (1993):256–73.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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76. Cobble, Dishing It Out, 23. Cobble adds: “Some explained that whites were more efficient, but most simply said that $16.50 a week was ‘too much to pay Negroes’”; 23. We can also speculate that the employers hired African Americans because they were cheaper, and without that incentive, they preferred whites.

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86. Mary Frederickson, “‘I Know Which Side I'm On’: Southern Women in the Labor Movement in the Twentieth Century,” in Milkman, Women, Work and Protest, 174.

87. Halpern and Horowitz, Meatpackers, 94. For related analyses of race, gender, and meatpacking, see Fehn, Bruce, “‘Chickens Come Home to Roost’: Industrial Reorganization, Seniority, and Gender Conflict in the United Packinghouse Workers of America, 1955–1966,” Labor History 34 (1993):332;CrossRefGoogle Scholar and Horowitz, Roger, “‘Where Men Will Not Work’: Gender, Power, Space and the Sexual Division of Labor in America's Meatpacking Industry, 1890–1990,” Technology and Culture 38 (1997):187–214.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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