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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 22 May 2009
The postwar tempo of political change in Africa has carried the “dark continent” from the diplomatic backwaters to a central position in world affairs in but a decade. The pace is likely to accelerate rather than abate in the next few years. A crucial question is whether this swift passage from tribal and colonial societies to independent national states can be achieved in a non-violent and orderly way. The stakes for the future are considerable. A peaceful and rational accommodation of the interests and aspirations of the European metropolitan countries with those of the dependent African territories is likely to preserve and enhance vital Eurafrican economic ties to the mutual benefit of both sides of the present colonial equation.
1 Since 1950 nine colonial territories have achieved independence. Eritrea became federated with Ethiopia in 1950 under UN auspices, and Tripolitania and Cyrenaica became federated and emerged as the independent kingdom of Libya under UN auspices in 1952. The Sudan and Tunisia became independent in 1956; the French zone of Morocco and the Spanish zone of Morocco became independent and integrated into the Kingdom of Morocco in 1956; and the Gold Coast, and British Togoland with UN agreement, became independent as the integrated state of Ghana in 1957. Italian Somaliland is scheduled to become independent in 1960 under UN auspices. There are widespread expectations that 1960 will also witness the independence of Nigeria and the largely self-governing territory, the Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland. The hostilities in Algeria are three years old and are rapidly approaching a climax. The territories that constitute French West and French Equatorial Africa have achieved a considerable degree of internal self-government since the Brazzaville Conference of 1944; and the French Trust Territory in Togoland was accorded an even larger degree of internal self-government andconstituted the “Autonomous Republic of Togoland” in 1957.
2 The New York Times, December 20, 1957.
3 The New York Times, June 6, 1947; also see Price, Harry B., The Marshall Plan and Its Meaning, Ithaca, Cornell University Press, 1955, p.25–26Google Scholar and Report to the Economic Co-operation Administration on the First Annual Programme, July 1, 1948–June 30, 1949, Organization for European Economic Cooperation, Paris, p. 7–8Google Scholar, for interesting discussions of the relevant portions of the Marshall address.
4 Convention for European Economic Cooperation, Paris, Imprimerie Nationale, 1948, p. 13Google Scholar.
5 Ibid., p. 12–45.
6 These questions were initially considered by the author in an address, “African Economic Development: Possible Model and Role of a New Multilateral Organization” delivered in Washington, D. C., on 12 2, 1957Google Scholar, to the International Cooperation Administration “Conference of Mission Directors and Program Staffs, African and European Area.” This article is a recasting and elaboration of the earlier address. It also brings the discussion up to date by taking account of subsequent events, e.g., the NATO “Declaration of Principles” of 12 19, 1957Google Scholar, and the “new technical assistance plan” of the Commission for Technical Cooperation South of the Sahara, reported in The New York Times, January 16, 1958, and February 20, 1958. See below, p. 309–310.
7 “Its achievement [French four-year recovery program] pre-supposes in particular a rapid development of agricultural production and of various production activities in the Overseas Territories.” Interim Report on the European Recovery Programme, Organization for European Economic Cooperation, Paris, 1948, Vol.I, Chap. IV, p. 147Google Scholar.
“The Overseas Territories have an important part to play in the reestablishment of equilibrium in the United Kingdom balance of payments, since their net dollar earnings which have currntly been recurring at a rate of about $150 million are expected to increase and could make a substantial contribution to meeting the United Kingdom deficit with the Western Hemisphere in 1952–3.” Ibid., Chap. XIV, p. 180.
8 For a discussion on CCTA and its relationship to the proposed multilateral organization, see below, p. 309–310.
9 For a full discussion of the history and operations of CCTA and its affiliated organization, the Scientific Council for Africa (CSA), see Inter-African Scientific and Technical Cooperation, 1948–1955, An Introduction, Commission for Technical Cooperation in Africa South of the Sahara, Bukavu, Belgian Congo, 1955Google Scholar.
10 A self-evaluation of the scope and operations of CCTA and CSA follows: “The question is often asked: What concrete results have been achieved by this inter-African co-operation under the aegis of CCTA and CSA? If ‘concrete results’ is intended to mean a rapid increase in wealth and available resources, an immediate and spectacular improvement of standard of living and social welfare, the answer is not within the scope of CCTA. For many years the Member Governments have been making individual efforts to reach these objectives. They have applied a variety of methods, according to their respective outlook and to the nature of the problems to be solved. Technical co-operation is one of the elements of this general effort, but only one of many, though it does provide research workers and technical and administrative officers with the opportunity of considering the conclusions reached by specialists who, in the course of free discussion, have been able to compare results achieved and difficulties encountered in their respective fields.” Ibid., p. 2.
11 The following list of bureaux and committees of CCTA and CSA indicates their present range of functions: Inter-African Soils Bureau, Inter-African Pedological Service, Inter-African Bureau for Epizootic Diseases, Inter-African Advisory Committee on Epizootic Diseases, Inter-African Correspondent for Geology, In Service Advisory Committee on Maps and Surveys, Inter-African Committee on Statistics, Inter-African Committee for Housing Research, various ad hoc committees to deal with health problems, Inter-African Labour Advisory Committee, Inter-African Labour Institute, and Inter-African Committee for Social Sciences.
12 Constitution of Foundation for Mutual Assistance in Africa South of the Sahara, Commission for Technical Cooperation in Africa South of the Sahara, Bukavu, Belgian Congo, 1958. See also The New York Times, January 16, 1958, for report on the meeting in London of CCTA which prepared the ground for establishment of the Foundation, and The New York Times, February 20, 1958, for report on the Accra meeting.
13 For a full report of the debates on the resolution for the establishment of an Economic Commission for Africa see the following UN sources: General Assembly Official Records, Second Committee (twelfth session), 468th–47Oth Meetings, 10 21–23, 1957Google Scholar; Document A/3740; and General Assembly Official Records, Plenary Session (twelfth session), 722d and 723d Meetings, 11 26–27, 1957Google Scholar.
13 Annex IV to the Treaty Establishing the European Economic Community specifics the following as within the provisions of Part IV of the Treaty, “The Association of Overseas Countries and Territories”: “French West Africa incuding: Senegal, the Sudan, Guinea, the Ivory Coast, Dahomey, Mauretania, the Niger, the Upper Volta. French Equatorial Africa including: the Middle Congo, Ubangi-Shari, Chad, Gabon. St. Pierre and Miquelon, the Comoro Archipelago, Madagascar and dependencies, the French Somali Coast, New Caledonia and dependencies, the French Settlements in Oceania, the Southern and Antarctic Territories. The Autonomous Republic of Togoland. The French Trusteeship Territory in the Cameroons. The Belgian Congoand Ruanda-Urundi. The Italian Trusteeship Territory in Somaliland. Dutch New Guinea.”
15 Ghana has already expressed concern and commented on the subject at the twelfth session of GATT, October–November 1957. Also, note that “The EEC treaty was the most-discussed topic of the 6-week meeting and drew the most attention in addresses at the meeting of ministerial representatives from October 28 to 30, in the third week of the session. Representatives of 32 countries spoke during the 3 days set aside for the high-level debate. It was recognized that entry into effect of the EEC treaty was of vital importance and that ways must be found under which the treaty and the General Agreement could complement each other in the contributions to the expansion of international trade.” The Department of State Bulletin, “Review of 12th Session of Contracting Parties to GATT,” 12 23, 1957 (Vol. 37, No.965), p.1004Google Scholar.
16 For a note on French and British economic assistance to their respective African territories, see below, footnote, 18, p. 315.
17 The author has had the benefit of a series of critiques by international affairs specialists in connection with an earlier draft of this article and has extracted the principal questions raised for examination in this section.
18 The magnitude of the economic interrelationships between the European metropolitan countries and their African territories may be briefly illustrated by reference to the flow of public funds from France and the United Kingdom to their respective African territories. Practically all capital development in the public sector of the vast groupings of French territories in West and Equatorial Africa is financed by France at a current rate of $230–300 million a year, i.e., about ¾ of one percent of metropolitan France's GNP. The volume of United Kingdom capital assistance to the public sector of the British African territories under the Colonial Development and Welfare Act during the period 1952–1956 amounted on the average to about 1/6 of the total investment contemplated in the development plans of these territories.
19 The dilemma of ostensibly conflicting United States national interests in western Europe and Africa is vividly delineated by Senator Theodore F. Green, Chairman, Senate Foreign Relations Committee, as follows: “In territories bordering the Sahara, a further element complicates the picture. There we have sought to ride two horses, championing independence while simultaneously seeking to maintain a close alliance with the mother countries. To perform this feat requires a kind of wizardry few governments possess. Recent events afford small room for complacency over our success in accomplishing it.” Green, Senator Theodore F., “Economic Aid and Technical Assistance in Africa: Report by Senator Theodore Francis Green,” 02 21, 1957Google Scholar, Technical Assistance-Final Reportof tie Committee on Foreign Relations, Senate Report No. 139, 03 12, 1957, p.620Google Scholar.
20 Agricultural Trade Development and Assistance Act of 1954. as amended.
21 See The New York Times, December 27, 28, 29 and 30, 1957, and January 2 and 7, 1958.
22 The General Report of the Committee of European Economic Cooperation, Paris, Imprimerie Nationale, 1947Google Scholar.
23 “Capitalism is too complicated a system for a newly independent nation. Hence the need for a socialistic society. But even a system based on social justice and a democratic constitution may need backing up, during the period following independence, by emergency measures of a totalitarian kind. Without discipline, true freedom cannot survive” Nkrumah, Kwame, The Autobiography of Kwame Nkrumah, Edinburgh, Thomas Nelson and Sons Ltd., 1957, p. xGoogle Scholar.
