¹ Fox, William T. R., The American Study of Inletnational Relations (Studies in International Affairs No. 6) (Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 1967), pp. 111–112Google Scholar. On Africa in particular see Rosberg, Carl G. Jr, “Political Science and the Changing Character of African Political Problems,” in Brokensha, David and Crowder, Michael (ed.), Africa in the Wider World: The Inter-Relationship of Area and Comparative Studies (London: Pergamon Press, 1967), pp. 104–117Google Scholar.

² On the applicability of these analogies see Touval, Saadia [Weltmann, Saadia], “Africa's Frontiers: Reactions to a Colonial Legacy,” International Affairs (London), 10 1966 (Vol. 42, No. 4)Google Scholar; and Kapil, Ravi, “On the Conflict Potential of Inherited Boundaries in Africa,” World Politics, 07 1966 (Vol. 18, No. 3)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

³ Rivkin, Arnold, The African Presence in World Affairs (New York: The Free Press, 1963), pp. 10–11Google Scholar. See also Carrington, C. E., “Frontiers in Africa,” International Affairs (London), 10 1960 (Vol. 36, No. 4)Google Scholar; Barbour, K. M., “A Geographical Analysis of Boundaries in Tropical Africa,” in Barbour, K. M. and Prothero, R. M. (ed.), Essays on African Population (New York: Frederick A. Praeger, 1962)Google Scholar; and Church, R. J. Harrison, “African Boundaries,” in East, W. Gordon and Moodie, A. E. (ed.), The Changing World: Studies in Political Geography (Yonkers-on-Hudson, N.Y: World Book Co., 1956)Google Scholar.

⁴ See, for instance, Calvocoressi, Peter, World Order and New States (New York: Frederick A. Praeger [for the Institute for Strategic Studies], 1962), p. 34Google Scholar; Rosecrance, Richard, Action and Reaction in World Politics: International Systems in Perspective (Boston: Little, Brown and Co., 1963), p. 94Google Scholar; and Kissinger, Henry A., “Domestic Structure and Foreign Policy,” Daedalus, Spring 1966 (Vol. 95, No. 2), p. 523Google Scholar.

⁵ See LeVine, Victor, “The Course of Political Violence,” in Lewis, William H. (ed.), French-Speaking Africa: The Search for Identity (New York: Walker and Co., 1965), pp. 78–79Google Scholar; and Zartman, I. William, International Relations in the New Africa (Englcwood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall, 1966), p. 88Google Scholar. The classificatory scheme used here is a slightly modified version of the one developed in my article, “Patterns of Inter-State Violence in Africa,” in The Dean's Papers, Vol. 3 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1968), pp. 220–221Google Scholar.

⁶ On the conflict at the United Nations see Taubenfeld, Rita F. and Taubenfeld, Howard J., Race, Peace, Law, and Southern Africa: Background Paper and Proceedings of the Tenth Hammarskjöld Forum, ed. by Carey, John (Dobbs Ferry, N.Y: Oceana Publications [for the Association of the Bar of the City of New York], 1968)Google Scholar; Carroll, Faye, South West Africa and the United Nations (Lexington: University of KentuckyPress, 1967)Google Scholar; Hoskyns, Catherine, “The African States and the United Nations,” International Affairs (London), 06 1964 (Vol. 40, No. 3)Google Scholar; Kay, David, “The Politics of Decolonization: The New Nations and the United Nations Political Process,” International Organization, Autumn 1967 (Vol. 21, No. 4)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Kay, David, “The Impact of African States on the United Nations,” International Organization, Winter 1969 (Vol. 23, No. 1)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Wohlgemuth, Patricia, International Conciliation: The Portuguese Territories and the United Nations, 11 1963 (No. 545)Google Scholar.

⁷ For an extensive coverage of the ALC's activities see Wallerstein, Immanuel, Africa: The Politics of Unity: An Analysis of a Contemporary Social Movement (New York: Random House, 1967), chapter 9Google Scholar.

⁸ Grundy, Kenneth W., “The ‘Southern Border’ of Africa,” in Widstrand, Carl(ed.), African Boundary Problems (Uppsala: The Scandinavian Institute of African Studies, 1969)Google Scholar. See also Legassick, Martin, “The Consequences of African Guerrilla Activity for South Africa's Relations with Her Neighbors,” paper presented to the annual meeting of the African Studies Association, New York, 11 3, 1967Google Scholar. (Mimeographed.)

⁹ Aside from the Grundy and Legassick articles little has been written about the military confrontation between black and white Africa. For the most part research has focused on the activities of the liberation movements within their own territories rather than on their extraterritorial activities. See for instance the December 1967 issue of Africa Report; and Davis, John A. and Baker, James K. (ed.), Southern Africa in Transition (New York: Frederick A. Praeger [for the American Society of African Culture], 1966)Google Scholar. This emphasis reflects in part the view that an effective armed struggle depends ultimately upon the strength of the insurgents—their degree of unity, their organizational structure, their sense of commitment, and the attractiveness of their cause—and upon the support they can gather from the general populace. However, this view tends to neglect the important international linkages (cooperative and conflictual) that have developed. For an interesting attempt to do just this see Day, John, International Nationalism: The Extra-Territorial Relations of Southern Rhodesian African Nationalists (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1968)Google Scholar. Unfortunately, Day only deals with the period before the unilateral declaration of independence.

¹⁰ On the process by which domestic racial issues are internationalized see Edmonson, Locksley, “The Challenge of Race: From Entrenched White Power to Rising Black Power,” International Journal, Autumn 1969 (Vol. 24, No. 4)Google Scholar.

¹¹ Kapil, , World Politics, Vol. 18, No. 3Google Scholar.

¹² McKay, Vernon (ed.), African Diplomacy: Studies in the Determinants of Foreign Policy (New York: Frederick A. Praeger [for the School of Advanced International Studies, Johns Hopkins University], 1966), p. 7Google Scholar.

¹³ Zartman, I. William, “The Politics of Boundaries in North and West Africa,” The Journal of Modern African Studies, 08 1965 (Vol. 3, No. 2), p. 163CrossRefGoogle Scholar. See the same author's International Relations in the New Africa, pp. 105–119.

¹⁴ Prescott, J. R. V., The Geography of Frontiers and Boundaries (Chicago: Aldine Publishing Co., 1965), chapter 5Google Scholar.

¹⁵ Prescott, p. 109.

¹⁶ See Zartman, I. William, “The Foreign and Military Politics of African Boundary Problems,” in Widstrand, (ed.), pp. 80–86Google Scholar.

¹⁷ On the Ivory Coast-Ghana dispute see Touval, Saadia, “The Sources of Status Quo and Irredentist Policies,” in Widstrand, (ed.), p. 111Google Scholar; Zartinan, pp. 112–113; Thompson, W. Scott, Ghana's Foreign Policy, 1957–1966 (Princeton, N.J: Princeton University Press, 1969), pp. 87–89, 244–245, 315, 334CrossRefGoogle Scholar. On the Togo-Ghana dispute see Austin, Dennis, “The Uncertain Frontier: Ghana and Togo,” The Journal of Modern African Studies, 06 1963 (Vol. 1, No. 2)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; W. Scott Thompson, pp. 81–87, 229–237, 308–316, 367–369; Zartman, pp. 111–112; Prescott, pp. 135–139; and Welch, Claude, The Dream of Unity: Pan-Africanism and Political Unification in West Africa (Ithaca, N.Y: Cornell University Press, 1966), chapters 2 and 3Google Scholar.

¹⁸ The literature on this conflict, which involves Somalia's relations with bodi Ethiopia and Kenya, is very extensive. For the most part there is no apparent disagreement over the root cause of the conflict although in their recommendations for a solution each author displays his personal preference for either the Somali or the Ethiopian and Kenyan cause. See in particular Bayne, E. A., Four Ways of Politics: State and Nation in Italy, Somalia, Israel, Iran (New York: American Universities Field Staff, 1965), chapter 3Google Scholar; Drysdale, John, The Somali Dispute (London: Pall Mall Press, 1964)Google Scholar; Evans, J. D. Jr, “The Dilemma of the Horn: A Study of Conflict in Northeast Africa” (unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Georgetown University, 03 1967)Google Scholar; Lewis, I. M., The Modern History of Somaliland: From Nation to State (New York: Frederick A. Praeger, 1965)Google Scholar; Prescott, pp. 139—144; Touval, Saadia, Somali Nationalism: International Politics and the Drive for Unity in the Horn of Africa (Cambridge, Mass: Harvard University Press, 1963)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Charlier, Tatiana, “A propos des conflits de frontiere entre la Somalie, I'Ethiopie, et le Kenya,” Revue francaise de science politique, 04 1966 (Vol. 16, No. 2)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Mariam, Mesfin Wolde, “The Background of the Ethio-Somalian Boundary Dispute,” The Journal of Modern African Studies, 07 1964 (Vol. 2, No. 2)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. On the Kenyan-Somali conflict in particular see Lewis, I. M., “The Problem of die Northern Frontier District of Kenya,” Race, 07 1963 (Vol. 5, No. 1)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Melamid, Alexander, “The Kenya-Somalia Boundary Dispute,” The Geographical Review, 10 1964 (Vol. 54, No. 4)Google Scholar; and Castagno, A. A., “The Somali-Kenyan Controversy: Implications for the Future,” The Journal of Modern African Studies, 07 1964 (Vol. 2, No. 2)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹⁹ On Somali irredentism see Lewis, I. M., “Pan-Africanism and Pan-Somalism,” The Journal of Modern African Studies, 06 1963 (Vol. 1, No. 2)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

²⁰ For a distinction between colonial and precolonial uti possedetis see Zartman, , “The Foreign and Military Politics of African Boundary Problems,” in Widstrand, (ed.), pp. 84–85Google Scholar.

²¹ Touval, , “Sources of Status Quo and Irredentist Policies,” in Widstrand, (ed.), p. 105Google Scholar.

²² Zartman, I. William, “A Disputed Frontier Is Settled,” Africa Report, 08 1963 (Vol. 8, No. 8), pp. 13–14Google Scholar; Zartman, p. 115; and U.S. Department of State, Office of the Geographer, International Boundary Study, 12 1963 (No. 23)Google Scholar.

²³ Tevoedjre, Albert, Pan-Africanism in Action: An Account of the UAM (Occasional Paper No. 11) (Cambridge, Mass: Center for International Affairs, Harvard University, 11 1965), pp. 30–40Google Scholar.

²⁴ See Ismael, Tareq Youssief, “U.A.R. Policy in Africa, General Conclusions and Two Case Studies” (unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, The George Washington University, 06 1967), pp. 234–283Google Scholar.

²⁵ On the Algerian-Moroccan conflict see U.S. Department of State, Office of the Geographer, International Boundary Study, 09 1961 (No. 9)Google Scholar; Reyner, Anthony S., ”Morocco's International Boundaries: A Factual Background,” The Journal of Modern African Studies, 09 1963 (Vol. 1, No. 3)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Gallagher, Charles F., “Morocco and Its Neighbors, Part II: Morocco and Algeria,” American Universities Field Staff Reports (North Africa Series), 03 1967 (Vol. 13, No. 3)Google Scholar; Touval, Saadia, “Algerian-Moroccan Boundary Dispute,” Africa Research Bulletin, 10 1966 (Vol. 3, No. 10), pp. 631—633Google Scholar; Wild, Patricia, “The Organization of African Unity and the Algerian-Moroccan Border Conflict: A Study of New Machinery for Peacekeeping and for the Peaceful Settlement of Disputes among African States,” International Organization, Winter 1966 (Vol. 20, No. 1)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Zartman, pp. 110–111. On the Mauritanian-Moroccan dispute see Ashford, Douglas, “The Irredentist Appeal in Morocco and Mauritania,” Western Political Quarterly, 12 1962 (Vol. 15, No. 4)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Gallagher, Charles, “Morocco and Its Neighbors, Part HI: Morocco and Mauritania,” American Universities Field Staff Reports (North Africa Series), 04 1967 (Vol. 13, No. 4)Google Scholar; and Zartman, pp. 110–101, 111.

²⁶ Mariam, Mesfin Wolde, The Journal of Modern African Studies, Vol. 2, No. 2Google Scholar.

²⁷ Zartman, pp. 115–116.

²⁸ Prescott, p. 109. For data on African boundaries see Hertslet, Edward, The Map of Africa by Treaty (3 vols; London: Harrison and Sons, 1909)Google Scholar; Reyner, Anthony S., “Length and Status of International Boundaries in Africa,” African Studies Bulletin, 09 1967 (Vol. 10, No. 2)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and 27 different International Boundary Studies, issued by the U.S. Department of State, Office of the Geographer.

²⁹ It is to this possibility that Andrew Kamarck points in “Economic Determinants,” in McKay, (ed.), pp. 65–66Google Scholar.

³⁰ U.S. Department of State, Office of the Geographer, International Boundary Study, 04 28, 1961 (No. 1).Google Scholar; and Zartman, pp. 113–114.

³¹ Zartman, pp. 114–115.

³² Grundy, in Widstrand (ed.), pp. 127–130.

³³ Hamilton, David, “Ethiopia—Sudan: Border Issue,” Africa Research Bulletin, 02 1965 (Vol. 5, No. 2), pp; 975–976Google Scholar.

³⁴ Zartman, p. 115.

³⁵ See Svendsen, Knud Erik, “The Economics of the Boundaries in West, Central and East Africa,” in Widstrand, (ed.), pp. 38–39Google Scholar.

³⁶ See Melamid, Alexander, “Political Boundaries and Nomadic Grazing,” Geographical Review, 04 1965 (Vol. 55, No. 2), pp. 287–290Google Scholar.

³⁷ Svendsen, in Widstrand (ed.), pp. 38–39; and Bonzon, Suzanne, “Modernisation et conflits tribaux en Afrique noire,” Revue jrancaise de science politique, 10 1967 (Vol. 17, No. 5), pp. 874—879Google Scholar. Ghana's expulsion of all “foreigners” from its territory constitutes the most recent example of such a policy. It is too early, however, to discern the implication for Ghana's foreign relations.

³⁸ Berg, Eliot J., “Economics of Migrant Labor Systems,” in Kuper, Hilda (ed.), Urbanization and Migration in West Africa (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1965)Google Scholar.

³⁹ Apart from the vast United Nations documentation there are apparently only three anthologies of collected papers that deal with the African refugee problem. See Hamrell, Sven (ed.), Refugee Problems in Africa (Uppsala: The Scandinavian Institute of African Studies, 1967)Google Scholar; Le Problème des réfugiés en Ajrique (Paris: Centre de hautes études administratives sur l'Afrique et l'Asie modernes, 1968)Google Scholar; and a series of papers, as yet unpublished, prepared for a symposium on “The African Refugee Problem,” held at St. John's University, Jamaica, New York, in 11 1967Google Scholar. For the most part, however, the contributors to these volumes have viewed refugees as the result of instability within African territories rather than as the cause of tension between them.

⁴⁰ For a description of the new 1959 agreement and the events diat preceded its establishment see “The Nile Agreement,” The Middle East Journal, Autumn 1959 (Vol. 13, No. 4), p. 422Google Scholar.

⁴¹ Zartman, p. 116.

⁴² For a review of these organizations see Stillman, Arthur, “Economic Cooperation in Africa,” Africa Report, 06 1967 (Vol. 12, No. 6)Google Scholar.

⁴³ Ali Mazrui makes this distinction between “challenges towards territorial integrity” and threats to “the security of existing regimes.” See Mazrui, Ali, “Violent Contiguity and the Politics of Retribalization in Africa,” Journal of International Affairs, 1969 (Vol. 23, No. 1), pp. 102–103Google Scholar. The usefulness of this distinction lies in die fact diat diese direats correspond to die two principles of uti posscdetis and noninterference, evolved by die OAU to protect its member states against such menaces.

⁴⁴ This category of interstate conflicts has, for die most part, been neglected. Africanists have focused on the internal disorders rather man on die international ramifications of diese events. With the exception of the continental divisions between the Brazzaville and Casablanca powers, much of die information offered below is based on die research done for my dissertation.

⁴⁵ On die Nigerian question see Nagel, R. and Radibone, R., “The OAU at Kinshasa,” The World Today, 11 1967 (Vol. 23, No. 11)Google Scholar; Whiteman, Kaye, “The OAU and the Nigerian Issue,” The World Today, 11 1968 (Vol. 24, No. 11)Google Scholar; Chime, Samuel, “The Organization of African Unity and African Boundaries,” in Widstrand, (ed.), pp. 74–77Google Scholar; and Cervenka, Zdenek, The Organisation oj African Unity and Its Charter (New York: Frederick A. Praeger, 1969), chapter 9Google Scholar.

⁴⁶ See Decraene, Philippe, “Chad at World's End,” Africa Report, 01 1968 (Vol. 13, No. 1)Google Scholar.

⁴⁷ Hamilton, David, Africa Research Bulletin, Vol. 5, No. 2Google Scholar.

⁴⁸ On the pattern of inter-African relations in die period from 1960 to 1961 see Good, Robert C., “The Congo Crisis: A Study of Postcolonial Politics,” in Martin, Lawrence W. (ed.), Neutralism and Nonalignment (New York: Frederick A. Praeger, 1962)Google Scholar; Zartman, pp. 26–34; and Austin, Dennis and Weiler, Hans N. (ed.), Inter-State Relations in Africa (Freiburg im Breisgau: Gutenbergdruckerei Robert Oberkirch, 1965)Google Scholar. For the period 1964–1965 see Zartman, pp. 34–41; and LeVine, Victor T., “The Nouakchott Conference: New Directions for French-Speaking Africa?” Africa Report, 03 1965 (Vol. 10, No. 3)Google Scholar.

⁴⁹ Relations between Ghana, Guinea, and the United Arab Republic on the one hand, and die Kasavubu government, on the other, deteriorated rapidly after Lumumba's capture although geographical considerations restricted die conflict to a largely diplomatic one. See Gerard-Libois, J. and Verhaegen, Benoit, Congo 1960 (Brussels: Centre de recherche et d'information socio-politique [C.R.I.S.P.])Google Scholar, and Verhaegen, Benoit, Congo 1961 (Brussels: Centre de recherche et d'information socio-politique)Google Scholar.

⁵⁰ In contrast to the larger continental divisions which provoked a considerable volume of literature, the more limited bilateral conflicts have received far less attention. The best source of information remains the annual, as well as the special, volumes published by C.R.I.S.P. on the Congo. See in particular Congo 1964: Political Documents of a Developing Nation, compiled by C.R.I.S.P., published by Princeton University Press, 1966Google Scholar; Congo 1965 (Princeton, N.J: Princeton University Press, 1967)Google Scholar; Verhaegen, Benoit, Rebellions ati Congo (Kinshasa: Institut de recherches economique et sociales, 1967)Google Scholar; and “Elémente du dossier relatif au difféent end entre la République du Congo et le Royaume du Burundi,” Travaux ajricaines, 12 1964 (No. 39)Google Scholar. Young, Crawford makes reference to the international impact of the Congolese rebellions both in his book, Politics in the Congo: Decolonization and Independence (Princeton, N.J: Princeton University Press, 1965), pp. 587—601CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and in his article, “The Congo Rebellion,” Africa Report, 04 1965 (Vol. 10, No. 4)Google Scholar.

⁵¹ The only article that deals in any significant way with the international ramifications of the Rwanda disorder is that of Segal, Aaron, “Rwanda: The Underlying Causes,” Africa Report, 04 1964 (Vol. 9, No. 4)Google Scholar.

⁵² Grundy, in Widstrand (ed.), pp. 127–130; and Pike, John G., Malawi: A Political and Economic History (New York: Frederick A. Praeger, 1968)Google Scholar.

⁵³ See the unique study of Thompson, W. Scott as well as the Ghanaian military government's publications, Nkrumah's Subversion in Africa (Accra: Ghana Information Services, 1966)Google Scholar and Nkrumah's Deception of Africa (Accra: Ghana Ministry of Information, 1967)Google Scholar.

⁵⁴ Nkrumah's failure at intervention reflects for the most part the ineffectiveness of interventionist policies throughout the continent. For a general treatment of their counterproductiveness see Zartman, I. William, “Intervention among Developing States,” Journal of International Affairs, 1968 (Vol. 22, No. 2)Google Scholar.

⁵⁵ On the continental implications see LeVine, , Africa Report, Vol. 10, No. 3Google Scholar, and Thompson, pp. 365–389. On specific bilateral conflicts, in addition to references in Thompson's book, see Touval, Saadia, “The Organization of African Unity and African Borders,” International Organization, Winter 1967 (Vol. 21, No. 1), pp. 120–122CrossRefGoogle Scholar, on the Ghana-Upper Volta dispute; Sklar, Richard L., “Nigerian Politics: The Ordeal of Chief Awolowo, 1960–65,” in Carter, Gwendolen M. (ed.), Politics in Africa: 7 Cases (New York: Harcourt, Brace and World, 1966)Google Scholar on the Ghana-Nigeria dispute; and Zartman, pp. 98, 114–115, on die Niger-Ghana dispute (which included initially a dispute between Niger and Dahomey).

⁵⁶ See Thompson, W. Scott, “New Directions in Ghana,” Africa Report, 11 1966 (Vol. 11, No. 8)Google Scholar.

⁵⁷ On the impact of the Ghanaian coup at the OAU see Austin, Dennis, “Notes of the Month: Ghana and the OAU,” The World Today, 04 1966 (Vol. 23, No. 4)Google Scholar.

⁵⁸ McKay (ed.), pp. 6–7.

⁵⁹ For an extended discussion of this matter see Zartman, pp. 53–54, 65; and Matthews, , in The Dean's Papers, Vol. 3, pp. 231–233Google Scholar.

⁶⁰ See Ismael.

⁶¹ See DuBois, Victor D., “A Note on French-Influenced West Africa,” American Universities Field Staff Reports (West Africa Series), 05 1963 (Vol. 6, No. 5)Google Scholar.

⁶² See Foltz, William, “Early Failure of Pan-Africanism; The Mali Federation, 1959–60,” in Carter, (ed.), and Foltz, William, From French West Africa to the Mali Federation (New Haven, Conn: Yale University Press, 1965)Google Scholar.

⁶³ See Gus Liebenow, “Which Road to Pan-African Unity? The Sanniquellie Conference, 1959,” in Carter (ed.).

⁶⁴ See Baulin, Jacques, The Arab Role in Africa (Harmondsworth, United Kingdom: Penguin, 1962), chapter 9Google Scholar.

⁶⁵ On this point see Chisiza, D. K., “The Oudook for Contemporary Africa,” The Journal of Modern African Studies, 03 1963 (Vol. 1, No. 1)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁶⁶ On this point see Zartman, I. William, “Africa as Subordinate State System in International Relations,” International Organization, Summer 1967 (Vol. 21, No. 3), especially p. 559CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁶⁷ On the OAU in general and its particular contribution to order in Africa see Boutros-Ghali, Boutros, International Conciliation: The Addis Ababa Charter, 01 1964 (No. 546)Google Scholar; Austin, Dennis and Nagel, Ronald, “The Organization of African Unity,” The World Today, 12 1966 (Vol. 22, No. 12)Google Scholar; and McKay, Vernon, “Cooperation for Order in Africa,” Current History, 03 1966 (Vol. 50, No. 295)Google Scholar; and Cervenka, chapter 4.

⁶⁸ For an excellent treatment of the background history to this resolution see Touval, , International Organization, Vol. 21, No. 1Google Scholar.

⁶⁹ On the negative impact of tribal separatism see Mazrui, Ali A., Journal of International Affairs, Vol. 23, No. 1, pp. 89–105Google Scholar; and Touval, in Widstrand (ed.), pp. 104–108.

⁷⁰ On the importance of the assassination of President Sylvanus Olympio in the development of this paragraph in the Charter see Mazrui, , Journal of International Affairs, Vol. 23, No. 1, pp. 103–104Google Scholar.

⁷¹ On the Accra assembly see Louchheim, Donald H., “The OAU Assembly in Accra,” Africa Report, 12 1965 (Vol. 10, No. 11), pp. 35–36Google Scholar.

⁷² For a detailed discussion of the commission see Austin, and Nagel, , The World Today, Vol. 22, No. 12, p. 524Google Scholar; and Markakis, John, “The Organization of African Unity: A Progress Report,” The Journal of Modern African Studies, 10 1966 (Vol. 4, No. 2)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁷³ Contrast the rosier picture painted by Wild, Patricia in International Organization, Vol. 20, No. 1, pp. 18–36CrossRefGoogle Scholar, with that of Touval in International Organization, Vol. 21, No. 1, pp. 105–110Google Scholar.

⁷⁴ Touval, , International Organization, Vol. 21, No. 1, p. 119Google Scholar.

⁷⁵ Ibid., p. 122.

⁷⁶ Africa Report, 01 1967 (Vol. 12, No. 1), p. 37Google Scholar.

⁷⁷ See Congo 1965, p. 275.

⁷⁸ Austin, , The Journal of Modern African Studies, Vol. 1, No. 2, p. 144Google Scholar.

⁷⁹ Zartman, p. 93.

⁸⁰ See Castagno, A. A., The Journal of Modern African Studies, Vol. 2, No. 2, p. 182Google Scholar.

⁸¹ On the OAU's role in peaceful settlement see Touval, , International Organization, Vol. 21, No. 1Google Scholar; Zartman, in Widstrand (ed.), p. 95; and Wild, , International Organization, Vol. 20, No. 1, p. 36Google Scholar.

⁸² Aside from the OAU other regional bodies have acted as mediators. Notably, the Conseil de l'Entente (originally constituted in 1959 by die Ivory Coast, Upper Volta, Niger, and Dahomey and to which was added die Republic of Togo in 1966) provided a forum for the settlement of the NigerienDahomean dispute (January 1965) as did the African-Malagasy Union in the case of the dispute between Gabon and Congo (Brazzaville) in November 1962.

⁸³ For an account of these events see Touval, , International Organization, Vol. 21, No. 1, pp. 105–110Google Scholar; Wild, , International Organization, Vol. 20, No. 1, pp. 18–36CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and “Algerian-Moroccan Border Conflict Flares into Open Warfare,” Maghreb Labor Digest, 12 1963 (Vol. 1, No. 12), pp. 1–9Google Scholar.

⁸⁴ See Touval, , International Organization, Vol. 21, No. 1, pp. 111–117Google Scholar.

⁸⁵ On the 1965 attempt see ibid., p. 117; on the role of President Kaunda see Legum, Colin and Drysdale, John, Africa Contemporary Record: Annual Survey and Documents, 1968–69 (London: Africa Research Limited, 1969), pp. 624–625Google Scholar.

⁸⁶ The most distinctive characteristic of African conflicts has been their nonviolent nature. Fairly frequent in number, African conflicts have been limited in intensity. The research I have done elsewhere tends to support this view which was first expressed by Zartman in respect to North and West Africa in Zartman, pp. 88–91.

⁸⁷ See Wild, , International Organization, Vol. 20, No. I, pp. 18–36CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Touval, , International Organization, Vol. 21, No. 1, pp. 111–112Google Scholar.

⁸⁸ See McKay, , Current History, Vol. 50, No. 295, p. 133Google Scholar.

⁸⁹ On the French agreements see Crocker, Chester A., “France's Changing Military Interests,” Africa Report, 07 1968 (Vol. 13, No. 6)Google Scholar; McKay, , Current History, Vol. 50, No. 295, p. 133Google Scholar; and Zartman, PP. 93–94. For examples of the restraining influence that these forces have exercised see Crocker, , Africa Report, Vol. 13, No. 6, p. 24Google Scholar; Austin, Dennis, The Journal of Modern African Studies, Vol. 1, No. 2Google Scholar; and Zartman, in Widstrand (ed.), p. 99.

⁹⁰ On the size and quality of African armies see Wood, David, The Armed Forces of African States (Adelphi Papers, No. 27) (London: Institute for Strategic Studies, 04 1966)Google Scholar; Colin Legum and John Drysdale, pp. 716–719; and Lee, J. M., African Armies and Civil Order (London: Institute for Strategic Studies, 1969), table 2, p. 5Google Scholar.

⁹¹ Foltz, in McKay (ed.), p. 71.

⁹² Gutteridge, William, “Rhodesia: The Use of Military Force,”The World Today, 12 1965 (Vol. 21, No. 12)Google Scholar.

⁹³ See Zartman, in Widstrand (ed.), pp. 94–95.

⁹⁴ For a discussion of this point see my “Patterns” in The Dean's Papers, Vol. 3, p. 243. Levine, Victor T., Political Leadership in Africa (Stanford, Calif: The Hoover Institution on War, Revolution and Peace, 1967), questionnaire 2, No. 4, p. 70Google Scholar, offers some evidence to support this view.

⁹⁵ For examples of displacement see Ashford, Douglas E., Western Political Quarterly, Vol. 15, No. 5Google Scholar; and Zartman, p. 112.

⁹⁶ On the general question of displacement see my forthcoming article, “Domestic and Inter-State Conflicts in Africa,” International Journal, Summer 1970 (Vol. 25, No. 3)Google Scholar. With one or two obvious exceptions displacement does not seem to have been used as a policy by African leaders. The most obvious reason would appear to be that the domestic gains expected would more than likely be offset by the costs of pursuing such a course of action.

⁹⁷ On this point see Robert C. Good, “State-Building as a Determinant of Foreign Policy in the New States,” in Martin, (ed.); and Grundy, Kenneth W., “Africa in the World Arena,” Current History, 03 1967 (Vol. 52, No. 307), pp. 129–131Google Scholar. Contrast this view with that of Zartman that “much intra-African and extra-African foreign policy has litde to do with domestic needs or purposes.” See Zartman, , “Characteristics of Developing Foreign Policies,” in Lewis, (ed.), p. 184Google Scholar.

⁹⁸ The United States and UN Peacekeeping: A View toward the 1970's, prepared by the Browne and Shaw International Studies Division for the office of the Assistant Secretary of Defense for International Security Affairs, November 1968, p. 90.

⁹⁹ Pool, Ithiel de Sola, “The International System in the Next Half Century,” Daedalus, Summer 1967 (Vol. 96, No. 3), p. 933Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁰ It is on such a basis that the Browne and Shaw study (pp. 88–91) made their predictions. See also die appendix to this study entitled The Saranac Papers and, in particular the paper by Russell J. Bowen, and others, “Trends in Local Conflict.”

¹⁰¹ On this new realism of the insurgents see Legum, Colin, “Guerrilla Warfare and African Liberation Movements,” Africa Today, 08 1967 (Vol. 14, No. 4)Google Scholar.

¹⁰² On this forecast see Grundy, in Widstrand (ed.); and the Browne and Shaw study, pp. 88–89.

¹⁰³ Kapil's view that with the exception of Somalia and Morocco the seeds of a major territorial conflict do not exist is shared by most of the authors writing in this field. See Kapil, , World Politics, Vol. 18, No. 3Google Scholar; Touval, in Widstrand (ed.); and Zartman, in Widstrand (ed.), pp. 96–97.

¹⁰⁴ Zartman,Ibid., p. 97; Lewis, I. M., “The Referendum in French Somaliland: Aftermath and Prospects in the Somali Dispute,” The World Today, 07 1967 (Vol. 23, No. 7)Google Scholar; and Touval, , International Affairs (London), Vol. 42, No. 4Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁵ The dangers involved in what Zartman (Ibid., p. 100) calls “border difficulties” are probably very restricted though most authors seem to think they are likely to occur frequently. See the concluding section by Carl Widstrand in Widstrand (ed.), pp. 179–180.

¹⁰⁶ See Matthews, , in The Dean's Papers, Vol. 3, pp. 245, 247Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁷ Ibid., pp. 247–248.