^{page 358 note 1} For a more detailed account of Socialism in the Nord see Baker, Robert P., A Regional Study of Working-Class Organization in France: Socialism in the Nord, 1870–1924 (Unpublished Doctoral Dissertation, Stanford University, 1966).Google Scholar

^{page 358 note 2} For the economic history of the Nord, see Association Française pour l'avancement des sciences, Lille et la région du Nord en 1909 (Lille, 1909)Google Scholar; Blanchard, Raoul, La Flandre; étude géographique de la plaine flamande en France, Belgique et Hollande (Paris, 1906)Google Scholar; Fohlen, Claude, L'Industrie textile au temps du Second Empire (Paris, 1956)Google Scholar; Gendarme, René, La Région du Nord; essai d'analyse economique (Paris, 1954)Google Scholar; Wrigley, Edward A, Industrial Growth and Population Change; A Regional Study of the Coalfield Areas of North-West Europe in the Later Nineteenth Century (Cambridge, 1961)Google Scholar. A recent study of one region within the Nord has been made by Fruit, René, La Croissance économique du pays de Saint-Amand (Nord), 1668–1914 (Paris, 1963)Google Scholar. A more detailed bibliography may be found in Gillet, M. and Bouvier, J., “Orientation bibliographique sur l'histoire économique et sociale de la région du Nord aux XIXe et XXe siècles”, in: Revue du Nord, XLIX (1967), pp. 367–74.Google Scholar

^{page 359 note 1} For the working-class movement in the Nord before 1870 see Aguet, Jean-Pierre, Les Grèves sous la monarchic de juillet (1830–1847) (Geneva, 1954)Google Scholar; Chanut, A. et al. , “Aspects industriels de la crise: le département du Nord”, in: Société d'histoire de la révolution de 1848, Aspects de la crise et de la dépression de l'économie française au milieu du XIXe siècle, 1846–1851 (La Roche-sur-Yon, 1956), pp. 93–141Google Scholar; Courtéoux, Jean-Paul, “Naissance d'une conscience de classe dans le prolétariat textile du Nord? 1830–1870”, in: Revue économique, VIII (1957), pp. 114–39CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Fohlen, Claude, “Crise textile et troubles sociaux: le Nord à la fin du Second Empire”, in: Revue du Nord, XXXV (1953), pp. 107–23.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

^{page 359 note 2} Changed in the early 1890's to Parti ouvrier français (POF).

^{page 359 note 3} Quoted in Goldberg, Harvey, The Life of Jean Jaurès (Madison, Wisconsin, 1962), p. 478.Google Scholar

^{page 359 note 4} Wohl, Robert, French Communism in the Making, 1914–1924 (Stanford, California, 1966), p. 435.Google Scholar

^{page 360 note 1} Willard, Claude, Le Mouvement socialiste en France (1893–1905), Les Guesdistes (Paris, 1965), p. 588.Google Scholar

^{page 360 note 2} Ibid., p. 242.

^{page 360 note 3} See Drachkovitch, Milorad M., Les Socialismes français et allemand et le problème de la guerre, 1870–1914 (Geneva, 1953), p. 81, especially note 4.Google Scholar

^{page 360 note 4} Le Réveil du Nord (Lille), September 17, 1901, p. 2Google Scholar: 4; Willard, , Les Guesdistes, p. 555.Google Scholar

^{page 360 note 5} Le Réveil du Nord, June 30, 1902, p. 2: 5Google Scholar; Le Travailleur (Lille), July 14, 1901, p. 3: 1Google Scholar; Willard, , Les Guesdistes, p. 242.Google Scholar

^{page 360 note 6} Wohl, , French Communism in the Making, p. 15.Google Scholar

^{page 360 note 7} Lockwood, Theodore D., “A Study of French Socialist Ideology”, in: Review of Politics, XXI (1959), p. 411.Google Scholar

^{page 361 note 1} In dealing with Socialist movements, most historians have identified Socialists on the basis of policy positions or ideologies; for a. recent example, see Fiechter, Jeatn-Jacques, Le Socialisme français: de l'affaire Dreyfus à la grande guerre (Geneva, 1965)Google Scholar. But, as Nettl has pointed out in a recent article, such analytical methods are often overcomplicated and arbitrary, because often Socialist “groups” have no real existence beyond the issue being investigated or because public ideological statements do not always reflect the true motivations of Socialist activity. See Nettl, Peter, “The German Social Democratic Party, 1890–1914 As a Political Model”, in: Past and Present, XXX (1965), p. 71.Google Scholar

^{page 361 note 2} See Archives départementales du Nord (Lille) (hereafter referred to as ADN), M154/61, police reports Tourcoing, February 3, 1884Google Scholar and Lille, , September 21, 1886Google Scholar; Le Cri du travailleur (Lille), April 13, 1890, p. 1Google Scholar: 2, May 4, 1890, p. 3:Google Scholar 4, and May 11, 1890, p. 1:1.Google Scholar

^{page 361 note 3} See Willard, Claude, La Fusillade de Fourmies (Paris, 1957).Google Scholar

^{page 362 note 1} Lafargue, Laura to Engels, Friedrich, November 19, 1893, Correspondance (Paris, 1959), III, pp. 238, 313–14.Google Scholar

^{page 362 note 2} Le Réveil du Nord, December 13, 1901, p. 1Google Scholar: 1 and September 3, 1905, p. 2: 5; L'Egalité (Roubaix), April 23, 1906, p. 3: 3Google Scholar. Such statements negate the assertions by Guesde's critics (see Goldberg, , The Life of Jean Jaurès, p. 257Google Scholar) that Guesde repudiated democracy during the Millerand controversy. In linking revolution to democracy, Guesde was following Marx himself, who at Amsterdam in 1872 said, “…we do not deny that there are countries, such as America, England, and – if I understand your institutions correctly – Holland, where the workers can attain their goal by peaceful means.” Quoted in Landauer, Carl, European Socialism; A History of Ideas and Movements (Berkeley, California, 1959), I, p. 133.Google ScholarLockwood, , “A Study of French Socialist Ideology”, p. 408Google Scholar points out that the term “revolution” now has such a communist cast that it is difficult to understand the broad Socialist meaning of the word as defined at the end of the nineteenth century by Guesde and his followers.

^{page 362 note 3} Le Réveil du Nord, September 25, 1906, p. 3: 1.Google Scholar

^{page 363 note 1} Vandenbussche, Robert, Le Radicalisme dans le département du NordGoogle Scholar; naissance et essor d'un mouvement politique (1870–1905) (Diplôme d'études supérieures, Faculté des lettres, Université de Lille, 1964), pp. 23–26Google Scholar. See also Bouju, Paul-M. et al. , Atlas historique de la France contemporaine, 1800–1965 (Paris, 1966), p. 118.Google Scholar

^{page 363 note 2} Conversion and persuasion are not, of course, mutually exclusive. What is meant here is the difference between persuading those who were already on the “left” and therefore willing to listen (i.e., the Radicals) and attracting those who had previously been unwilling or unable to listen and could only be persuaded after they had been enticed into organizational activities below the level of the political party.

^{page 363 note 3} Le Cri du travailleur, February 2, 1889, p. 3: 1Google Scholar; Delory, Gustave, Aperçu historique sur la Fédération du Nord, 1876–1920 (Lille, 1921), p. 69.Google Scholar

^{page 364 note 1} For the Socialist coopératives in the Nord, see ADN, M455/1 and M456/41; Le Cri de l'ouvrier (Lille), January 18, 1885, p. 1: 1Google Scholar; Le Travailleur, January 16, 1887, p. 2: 3Google Scholar; Devaux, Auguste, Les Sociétés coopératives de consommation dans le Nord et principalement dans l'arrondissement de Lille (Lille, 1907), pp. 35–41Google Scholar; Gaumont, Jean, Histoire générate de la coopération en France (Paris, 1924), II, p. 27Google Scholar; Marlière, Gustave, La Coopération dans le Nord et le Pas-de-Calais (St. Amand-les-Eaux, 1933), pp. 20–29.Google Scholar

^{page 364 note 2} Le Cri du travailleur, March 30, 1890, p. 4: 1Google Scholar; Willard, , Les Guesdistes, pp. 138–39.Google Scholar

^{page 364 note 3} Le Travailleur, March 13, 1895, p. 3:1.Google Scholar

^{page 364 note 4} In this sense the POF in the Nord resembled the German Social Democratic party. See Nettl, , “The German Social Democratic Party, 1890–1914 As a Political Model”, p. 74.Google Scholar

^{page 364 note 5} The absence of intellectuals may be attributed to the industrial climate of the Nord and to the attractions of Paris. The only Guesdist intellectual of any fame in the Nord was Bracke (a pseudonym for Alexandre Desrousseaux), a well-known classicist who was born in the St. Sauveur district of Lille. However, Bracke lived in Paris after 1898.

^{page 365 note 1} Ghesquière in Le Travailleur, October 12, 1907, p. 2: 1Google Scholar. For this concept of “education” see Ghesquière's speech to the Epernay Congress of 1899, in Guesde Archives, Internationaal Instituut voor Sociale Geschiedenis, Amsterdam, 300/7.

^{page 365 note 2} ADN, M39/2, dossier “Delory”; Le Réveil du Nord, May 19, 1896, p. 1: 1Google Scholar; Delory, Aperçu historique sur la Fédération du Nord, passim.

^{page 365 note 3} Lebas, born in 1878 into a Socialist textile workers' family at Roubaix, was better educated than most militants, for his parents had sacrificed to send him to an école primaire supérieure. See Piat, Jean, Jean Lebas (Paris, 1964), p. 7.Google Scholar

^{page 365 note 4} In the 1906–1914 period over ninety per cent of the leading militants at Lille and Roubaix were born in the Nord, and over seventy per cent of the leaders at Lille were born in Lille. More detailed statistical information concerning the militants of the Nord Fédération may be found in Baker, A Regional Study of Working-Class Organization in France, Appendix VIII.

^{page 366 note 1} Ligou, Daniel, Histoire du socialisme en France, 1871–1961 (Paris, 1962), p. 205.Google Scholar

^{page 366 note 2} Lévy, Louis, Comment ils sont devenus socialistes (Paris, 1932), pp. 64–65.Google Scholar

^{page 366 note 3} Guesde Archives, IISG, 288/8. See also Appendix I.

^{page 366 note 4} Gaumont, Jean, Au confluent de deux grandes idées; Jaurès coopérateur (Paris, 1959), p. 59.Google Scholar

^{page 366 note 5} See the description by Compère-Morel in Le Travailleur, October 12, 1902, p. 2: 1Google Scholar; Marlière, , La Coopération dans le Nord et le Pas-de-Calais, p. 41Google Scholar. The Guesdists at Lille also founded a brewery, the Avenir.

^{page 367 note 1} Devaux, , Les Sociétés coopératives de consommation, pp. 134, 183Google Scholar; Marlière, , La Coopération dans le Nord et le Pas-de-Calais, p. 34.Google Scholar

^{page 367 note 2} Speech given by the director of the Socialist cooperative of Houplines, quoted in Bulletin mensuel de la Fédération des coopératives de la région du Nord (Lille), February, 1906, p. 8:2.Google Scholar

^{page 367 note 3} Statement by the Roubaisian delegation, in Parti ouvrier français, Fédération du Nord, Compte-rendu du XXVIIIme congrès régional tenu à Caudry le 5 août 1900 (Lille, 1900), p. 23.Google Scholar

^{page 367 note 4} Bulletin mensuel de la Fédération des coopératives, December, 1909, p. 1:1.Google Scholar

^{page 367 note 5} See letter of Delory in Premier congrès national et international de la coopération socialiste tenu à Paris les 7, 8, 9, et 10 juillet 1900 (Paris, 1900), pp. 86–87Google Scholar, and the speech of Bracke in Parti Socialiste (S.F.I.O.), 7e congrès national tenu à Paris les 15 et 16 juillet 1910, compte-rendu sténographique (Paris, n.d.), p. 170.

^{page 368 note 1} L'Ouvrier textile (Lille), January 1, 1908, p. 1: 1Google Scholar and Le Travailleur, March 14, 1908, p. 2:1.Google Scholar

^{page 368 note 2} Ghesquiere, Henri in Parti socialiste (S.F.I.O.), Fédération du Nord, Compterendu officiel du He congèds départemental tenu à Somain, le 30 septembre 1906 (Lille, 1906), p. 39.Google Scholar

^{page 368 note 3} Ghesquière, in Le Travailleur, February 10, 1906, p. 1:3.Google Scholar

^{page 368 note 4} From Delory's speech in the Pas-de-Calais, printed in L'Egalité, January 23, 1906, p. 1:1Google Scholar; see also L'Egalité, January 17, 1906, p. 3:1.Google Scholar

^{page 369 note 1} Le Réveil du Nord, April 14, 1906, p. 2:1.Google Scholar

^{page 369 note 2} Le Travailleur, April 28, 1906, p. 1:2.Google Scholar

^{page 369 note 3} From a speech by Guesde at Roubaix printed in Le Réveil du Nord, September 17, 1901, p. 2:4.Google Scholar

^{page 369 note 4} Le Travailleur, July 14, 1901, p. 3:1.Google Scholar

^{page 370 note 1} See speeches of Delory printed in Le Réveil du Nord, June 2, 1896, p. 2:3Google Scholar, July 14, 1896, p. 2:6,Google Scholar and October 20, 1897, p. 1:6. See also Lafargue, Paul to Engels, , February 23, 1893Google Scholar, and Lafargue, Laura to Engels, , March 6, 1893, Correspondance, III, pp. 259, 265–66.Google Scholar

^{page 370 note 2} Vandenbussche, , Le Radicalisme dans le département du Nord, pp. 118–19.Google Scholar

^{page 370 note 3} Le Réveil du Nord, May 20, 1900, p. 1: 1Google Scholar, August 8, 1903, p. 3:4Google Scholar, May 25, 1905, p. 1:3Google Scholar, and October 24, 1905, p. 2:4.Google Scholar

^{page 371 note 1} “L'Evolution de la gauche s'opérait moins par addition que par substitutions, fait classique de toute l'histoire politique française qui rend le mouvement plus apparent que réel: simulacres de changement; masques de la stabilité.” Quoted from Perrot, Michelle, “Les Socialistes français et les problèmes du pouvoir, 1871–1914”, in: Annie Kreigel and Michelle Perrot, Le Socialisme français et le pouvoir (Paris, 1966), p. 87.Google Scholar

^{page 371 note 2} Although Socialist votes increased, Guesde was defeated at Roubaix and no POF deputy was elected from the Nord.

^{page 371 note 3} The pro-Dreyfus position in the Nord was led by Delesalle and supported by moderate Socialists rather than by the Guesdist leadership. See Le Réveil du Nord, January 21, 1898, p. 1:3 and February 16, 1898, p. 1:3.Google Scholar

^{page 371 note 4} For an identification of Socialist positions on the basis of attitudes toward “isolation from” or “penetration of” existing society see Nettl, “The German Social Democratic Party, 1890–1914 As a Political Model”, passim.

^{page 372 note 1} Goldberg, , The Life of Jean Jaurès, pp. 314–16.Google Scholar

^{page 372 note 2} For the textile strikes of 1903 and 1904 see Le Réveil du Nord, October 24, 1903, p. 1:3Google Scholar, October 26, 1903, p. 3:1Google Scholar, and November 28, 1903, p. 2:5Google Scholar; Le Travailleur, October 15, 1903, p. 1:1Google Scholar and October 18, 1903, p. 2:1Google Scholar; L'Ouvrier textile, November, 1903, p. 1:3Google Scholar; Levasseur, Emile, Salariat et salaires (Paris, 1909), pp. 284–85Google Scholar; Willard, , Les Guesdistes, p. 569.Google Scholar

^{page 372 note 3} Jaurès's official position during the Socialist schism was that Socialist unity would be more easily achieved when the prejudices created by Guesdist propaganda in the Nord were dissipated. See Le Réveil du Nord, October 8, 1900, p 1:1Google Scholar. Jaurés led Independent Socialist speakers into the Nord in 1900 and again in 1903, and the possible effectiveness of these sorties frightened the Guesdists. See Cartegnies, to Delory, , March 20, 1903, Guesde Archives, IISG, 348/6.Google Scholar

^{page 373 note 1} Jaurès emphasized shrewd political alliances with enlightened bourgeois parties over strong discipline as the means to attain Socialist progress. See Le Réveil du Nord, May 20, 1900, p. 1:1.Google Scholar

^{page 373 note 2} Applied uniformly, this ruling was in practice more crippling to the followers of Guesde than to those of Jaurès.because of the weakness of Guesdism at Paris. See Parti socialiste (S.F.I.O.), 3e congrès national tenu à Limoges les ler, 2, 3, et

^{page 373 note 4} novembre 1906, compte-rendu analytique (Paris, n.d.), pp. 74–81; Le Réveil du Nord, July 21, 1906, p. 3:3.Google Scholar

^{page 374 note 1} Le Travailleur, November 9, 1907, p. 1:2.Google Scholar

^{page 374 note 2} L'Humanité (Paris), February 7, 1910, p. 1:1.Google Scholar

^{page 374 note 3} See the debate over L'Humanité at the SFIO congress of 1907 in Parti socialiste (S.F.I.O.), 4e congrès national tenu à Nancy les 11, 12, 13, et 14 août 1907, compte-rendu sténographique (Paris, n.d.), pp. 91–113.

^{page 374 note 4} Parti socialiste, 3e congrès national, Limoges, 1906, pp. 92, 186.Google Scholar

^{page 374 note 5} By 1910 Jaurès had been converted to the idea of a politically neutral cooperative movement, as espoused in France by Charles Gide and his followers. See Gaumont, , Au confluent de deux grandes idéesGoogle Scholar; Jaurès coopérateur, p. 99.Google Scholar

^{page 375 note 1} Parti socialiste, 7e congrès national, Paris, 1910, p. 128.Google Scholar

^{page 375 note 2} Verecque, Charles to Guesde, , November 9, 1906Google Scholar, Guesde Archives, IISG, 387/2.

^{page 375 note 3} Parti socialiste, 3e congrès national, Limoges, 1906, p. 74, 81Google Scholar; Le Réveil du Nord, July 21, 1906, p. 3:3Google Scholar. See also the letter of the Roubaisian Guesdist Lefebvre, Henri to Guesde, , November 5, 1906, Guesde Archives, IISG, 387/1.Google Scholar

^{page 375 note 4} Delory, in Travailleur, Le, October 12, 1907, p. 2:1.Google Scholar

^{page 376 note 1} Parti socialiste (S.F.I.O.), lie congrès national tenu à Amiens les 25, 26, 27, et 28 Janvier 1914, compte-rendu sténographique (Paris, n.d.), p. 23Google Scholar.

^{page 376 note 2} In 1911, after a debate over Jaurès's editorship of L'Humanit6, a large minority of 147 mandated delegates (40 per cent) opposed a resolution urging the replacement of Jaurès by an editorial board. See Parti socialiste (S.F.I.O.), Fédération du Nord, Compte-rendu officiel du Vllme congrès départemental tenu à Valenciennes, le 2 avril 1911 (Lille, 1911), pp. 48–49.Google Scholar

^{page 376 note 3} See Appendix I.

^{page 377 note 1} Delory and Ghesquière were both elected as deputies from Lille after 1906 (Delory had also been elected in 1902) but only with the aid of suburban votes and Radical-Socialist support on the second ballot. See Appendix II for electoral results.

^{page 377 note 2} See Appendix III.

^{page 377 note 3} Bulletin mensuel de la Fédération des coopératives, August, 1909, p. 2:2Google Scholar; Marlière, , La Coopération dans le Nord et le Pas-de-Calais, p. 41.Google Scholar

^{page 378 note 1} See the statement by the Lille textile leader Collen, Richard in Le Travailleur, March 17, 1908, p. 2:1.Google Scholar

^{page 378 note 2} ADN, M626/31; L'Ouvrier textile, October 1, 1909, p. 2:1Google Scholar; Le Travailleur, October 30, 1909, p. 2:4 and December 25, 1909, p. 2:3.Google Scholar

^{page 378 note 3} In the early years the Guesdists had placed great emphasis on oral communi cation and direct contact between the Socialist militant and the worker through songs, tavern talks, meetings, festivals, and parades. After 1900, however, the Guesdists slowly realized that these means were not sufficient to attract members to the Socialist party, since speeches were soon forgotten and many potential Socialists did not frequent Socialist taverns or go to meetings where speeches could be heard. The party press and electoral circulars were therefore given more prominence in the Socialist propaganda scheme. See Fédération du Nord, Congrès départemental du 27 septembre 1914, rapport de la commission administrative de la Fédération, Guesde Archives, IISG, 456/16.

^{page 379 note 1} Parti socialiste de France, Fédération du Nord, Compte-rendu du XXXIIIe Congrès régional tenu à Lille, le 3 juillet 1904 (Lille, 1904), pp. 25–28.Google Scholar

^{page 379 note 2} Parti socialiste (S.F.I.O.), Fédération du Nord, Compte-rendu du IXe congrés départemental tenu à Lille, le 29 septembre 1912 (Lille, 1912), p. 33.Google Scholar

^{page 379 note 3} See Bulletin, mensuel de la Fédération des coopératives, August, 1907, p. 2:3.Google Scholar

^{page 379 note 4} A single copy of this regional edition, dated September 17, 1911 be found in the Archives nationales (Paris) (hereafter referred to as AN), F⁷ 13609, 49.

^{page 379 note 5} L'Egalité, March 6, 1906, p. 3:2.Google Scholar

^{page 379 note 6} Le Travailleur, October 30, 1909, p. 1:1.Google Scholar

^{page 380 note 1} Ibid., August 24, 1912, p. 1:1.

^{page 380 note 2} Hilaire, Y. M., “Les Ouvriers du Nord devant l'église catholique (XIXe et XXe siècles)”, in: Le Mouvement social, LVII (1966), p. 193Google Scholar and Rollet, Henri, L'Action sociale des Catholiques en France (1871–1914) (Paris, 1958), II, pp. 223–26.Google Scholar

^{page 380 note 3} L'Ouvrier textile, February 1, 1908, p. 1:1.Google Scholar

^{page 381 note 1} See statement of Delory in Parti socialiste (S.F.I.O.), Fédération du Nord, Compte-rendu officiel du Vlllme Congrès départemental tenu à Lille, le 4 février (Lille, 1912), p. 5.

^{page 381 note 2} Bulletin mensuel de la Fédération des coopératives, December, 1909, p. 4:1.Google Scholar

^{page 381 note 3} Wrigley, , Industrial Growth and Population Change, p. 74.Google Scholar

^{page 381 note 4} Belgians, who had played a pioneering role in the organization of Socialism in the Lille arrondissement, by the 1890's no longer immigrated to France but rather settled on the Belgian side of the border, where the cost of living was lower and from where it was possible to commute daily to work in the French textile factories. See Lentacker, F., “Les Frontaliers beiges travaillant en France: caractéres et fluctuations d'un courant de main d'œuvre”, in: Revue du Nord, XXXII (1950), pp. 48–51.Google Scholar

^{page 382 note 1} On the mentality of textile workers, see ADN, M599/1, police report Armentières, January 30, 1906Google Scholar; Belleville, Pierre, Une Nouvelle classe ouvrière (Paris, 1963), p. 110Google Scholar; Petitcollet, Maurice, Les syndicats ouvriers de l'industrie textile dans l'arrondissement de Lille (Lille, 1907), pp. 188–89.Google Scholar

^{page 382 note 2} At both Lille (1896–1904) and Roubaix (1892–1902, 1912–14) the Socialists were limited by financial considerations and by the hostility of the central government. See ADN, M151/21, police report Lille, November 29, 1898Google Scholar; de Lille, Ville, Conseil municipal, Procès-verbaux des séances, 1896, pp. 227, 522, 568, 620, 648Google Scholar; Pierreuse, Robert, La Vie ouvrière a Roubaix de 1890 à 1900 (Diplôme d'études supérieures, Faculté des lettres, Université de Lille, 1957), pp. 141–142.Google Scholar

^{page 383 note 1} See remarks by Ghesquière, in Le Travailleur, January 31, 1914, p. 1:1.Google Scholar

^{page 383 note 2} In 1912 minority representation in the delegation to national congresses was finally conceded by Guesdist leaders of the Nord Fédération. See Fédération du Nord, Compte-rendu officiel du VHIme Congrès départemental, Lille, 1912, pp. 28, 40–52.Google Scholar

^{page 383 note 3} By 1913 François Lefebvre, the Socialist mayor of Denain, had organized a neutralist Fédération Nord-Sud of cooperatives located in the southern arrondissements of the department, including important coopératives in Caudry and Denain; this Fédération became a departmental rival to the Guesdist Federation of cooperatives. See Marlière, , La Coopération dans le Nord et le Pas-de-Calais, pp. 30–32, 48–49Google Scholar; Prache, Gaston, Cambrésis, terre cooperative (Paris, 1963), p. 46.Google Scholar

^{page 384 note 1} In 1913 Guesdists and anarcho-syndicalists of the CGT established a Union départementale des syndicats. While the CGT accepted the Guesdist leadership of St. Venant, its first secretary, for the departmental union, the Guesdists accepted the reality of CGT trade unionism in the Valenciennes and Douai arrondissements, where anarcho-syndicalist union leaders remained dominant in the metal and building trades. For this evolution see AN, F⁷ 13609, report 313, January 17, 1913 and report 294, February 10, 1914; ADN, Alpha 2176, police report Lille, May 28, 1913Google Scholar and RM 4173, police report Lille, June 29, 1914; Le Réveil du Nord, February 21, 1910, p. 2:1.Google Scholar

^{page 384 note 2} In 1910 and 1911 the Guesdists and the CGT united against the pension law and the high cost of living, in 1912 and 1913 they were joined by Jaurès's reformists in campaigns against militarism and the three-year military service law. The Guesdists were not always enthusiastic about these campaigns, but arranged working-class unity to pre-empt their rivals in the Lille arrondissement and to control the protest movements there. See ADN, RM 4173, police report Valenciennes, December 2, 1912 and Alpha 2176Google Scholar; Lefebvre, H. to Guesde, , March 8, 1913Google Scholar, Guesde Archives, IISG, 439/2; Le Travailleur, December 21, 1912, p. 1:1Google Scholar; Delory, , Aperçu historique sur la Fédération du Nord, pp. 211–12.Google Scholar

^{page 385 note 1} L'Ouvrier textile, January 1, 1912, p. 2:1.Google Scholar

^{page 385 note 2} It was not inevitable that reformism be linked to loose organization. Annie Kriegel has pointed out: “En soi, un parti-société n'est pas nécessairement un agent de dissociation révolutionnaire de la société établie; ce peut en être simple-ment un agent de structuration pluraliste. Ce fut le cas précisément des partis socialistes scandinaves, beige, allemand de la II Internationale qui, bien avant les partis communistes de type bolchevik, surent se transformer en puissances sociales autonomes.“ Quoted from Kriegel, Annie, “Les Communistes français et le pouvoir”, in: Kriegel and Perrot, Le Socialisme français et le pouvoir, p. 106.Google Scholar

^{page 385 note 3} See Le Réveil du Nord, December 20, 1896, p. 1:3Google Scholar; Le Travailleur, December 8, 1904, p. 2:3Google Scholar; Willard, Claude, “Contribution au portrait du militant Guesdiste dans la seconde moitié du XIXe siècle”, in: Le Mouvement social, XXXIII–XXXIV (1960–1961), p. 60.Google Scholar

^{page 386 note 1} In 1914 an important militant at Roubaix, F. Louis, was nominated for a state honor, causing a great tumult among the Guesdists. Delory investigated at Paris to discover the source of the nomination; at an open meeting the mem bers of the Roubaix section decided that Louis would decline the nomination. See ADN, Alpha 2262, police report Lille, February 23, 1914Google Scholar.

^{page 386 note 2} Ideology functioning to insure a party's “identity” is emphasized by Nettl, , “The German Social Democratic Party, 1890–1914 As a Political Model”, p. 80.Google Scholar

^{page 386 note 3} For example, Delory was blocked when he tried to change the anti-clericalism of the Nord Fédération. See Le Travailleur, July 10, 1909, p. 2:1Google Scholar, July 17, 1909, p. 2:1, and July 24, 1909, p. 1:1.

^{page 386 note 4} This refusal to consider real organizational and theoretical problems was signaled by the demotion of the outspoken Verecque, who in 1911 was criticized by Ghesquière for his anti-SFIO attitude and in 1912 replaced as editor of the Travailleur. See Verecque, to Guesde, , November 24, 1910Google Scholar, Guesde Archives, IISG, 413/2; Le Travailleur, April 22, 1911, p. 1:1Google Scholar, April 29, 1911, p. 2:1Google Scholar, and August 5, 1911, p. 1:3.Google Scholar

^{page 386 note 5} Such events at the arrest of Delory during the textile strikes of 1880, the role of Delory in stimulating the writing of the Internationale, the fight (later called an assassination attempt) between Ghesquière and local patriotic gangs in 1896 all became part of the working-class folklore of the Nord. See (for examples which could be multiplied many times over) Le Travailleur, July 9, 1910, p. 1:1 and La Bataille (Lille), April 23, 1922, p. 1:1.