1. We can cite as an example the recently created archives of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the National Archives.

2. In addition, there were registers in which governmental or administrative documents, in complete texts or in summarized form existed. Religious authorities also kept records of all transactions or contracts that were certified by them.

3. See Adamiyat, Fereydoun, Andisheh-yi taraqqi va hokumati qanun/The Politics of Reform in Iran (1858-1880), (Tehran, 1972), pp. 502–503.Google Scholar

4. See the customs files of the Amin al-Zarb Archives, especially the registers kept by the customs officials of Gilan.

5. Relying on the archives of Amin al-Zarb, we have been able to establish with certainty some facts relating to the life of Jamal al-Din Afghani during his last visits to Tehran. See I. Afshar and A. Mahdavi, Documents inedits concernant Seyyed Djamaloddin Afghani (Tehran, 1963) [in Persian].

Recently, H. Pakdaman and M. Rezvani, both of the University of Tehran, have initiated new studies of the Tobacco Revolution (1890-1891) and the Revolution of 1906, respectively. They have undertaken these projects in collaboration with the author, and they have found information relevant to their research in the Amin al-Zarb Archives.

6. The documents dated before 1865 in the Amin al-Zarb Archives were those which were preserved to clarify documents bearing a later date.

7. Sara-ye Amir, sometimes called Sara-ye Dawlat, still exists under the name of Sara-ye Amir.

8. In fact, the offices were closed but not abandoned; it was only in 1928 that they were vacated. Haji Muhammad Husayn Amin al-Zarb had saved all his papers until the end of his life. Although of less importance than the earlier documents, the archival materials left by him from the beginning of 1910, could yield important information about a number of subjects, especially about the events that took place in Iran following the First World War. Until the present, we have only consulted a small fraction of these materials. For a brief biography of Haji Muhammad Hasan and Haji Muhammad Aqa, see Bamdad, Dictionary of National Biography of Iran (Tehran, 1966) [in Persian], Vol. III, pp. 348–362Google Scholar, and Vol. I, pp. 129, ff. See also the review yaghma (July 1962), “Recollections of Haji Muhammad Husayn Amin al-Zarb” [in Persian].

9. For the famine of 1871-1872, see the Mashhad correspondence; for that of 1898-1899, see the file on the “Price Control Council”; for the difficulties in supplying Tehran's bread in 1906-1907, see the file of the Bread Society.

10. For the cholera outbreaks from 1890 to 1892 and from 1902 to 1903, as well as for other epidemics (Diphtheria, small-pox), see the letters sent by the provincial correspondents that relate the facts in detail.

11. See the “Tobacoo Concession” file.

12. See the file entitled “Mirza Riza.”

13. See the files of Ali Asghar Amin al-Sultan and of Amin al-Dawlah.

14. For the 1906 revolution and its aftermath till 1909, see the file “Constitutional Revolution” and the references contained therein.

15. For these reforms in general see, F. Adamiyyat, op. cit.; for the reforms relating to commercial jurisdiction, see the dossier, “Majles-e Tejarat” (Council on Commerce), containing over 1200 documents from the years 1883 to 1885.

16. The merchants felt free to change their traditional garb and to move from their traditional quarters to other residential districts. For the social life of women, see the files of Furugh al-Dawlah, Taj al-Saltaneh, and Afsr al-Saltaneh, all Qajar princesses.

17. We can cite as an example the papers of Mashhadi Hasan Tehrani, called Islambulchi, who died in Amul, and those of Mohammad Javad Isfahani, a cousin of Haji Muhammad Hasan Amin al-Zarb, who died in Moscow. For their correspondence, see Afshar and Mahdavi, op. cit., pp. 94, 96.

18. In the course of this summary examination, we were able to separate and reclassify all the documents that were related to the last visits of Jamal al-Din to Iran. See Afshar and Mahdavi, op. cit., pp. 91-144. All of the documents mentioned in this work are presently in the Library of the Iranian Parliament.

19. See especially the file of “Council of Commerce.”

20. The division into four columns was neither required nor generally observed.

21. See the notes of H. Muhammad Hasan directed to Amin al-Sultan; the letters from Marseilles of Muhammad Isfahani (July 1891); and an article, in the form of a letter, from Haji Muhammad Husayn Aqa (Moscow, 1905), relating his impression of the Russian situation in a style reminiscent of Afghani.

22. A title confirmed by the letters sent to him.

23. He had continuous financial relations with Mirza Husayn Khan Sepah-Salar and Yusuf Khan Mustawfi al-Mamalik. He was also the banker for both Amin al-Sultans.

24. The documents studied confirm the existence of three treasuries under Nasir al-Din Shah: the financial treasury, under the direct authority of the sovereign, was designed to receive revenues from various sources and to pay out funds destined for the expenses of the Crown; the arms treasury was reserved for receiving funds allotted to the Ministry of War and for the payment of the soldiers. The operations of these two treasuries were carried out by banker-changers, either appointed or not appointed and thus independent (Haji Muhammad Hasan was among the latter). The third was the private treasury of the shah in which were stored the crown jewels and cash funds remitted to the shah as “presents.” They were stored in the vaults of a pavilion situated in the northern part of the Gulistan Palace, the entry to which was sealed off during periods of absence of the ruler. (This is confirmed by a note of Amin al-Sultan, the son.)

25. The customs duties were collected either at the frontier (at the rate of 5 percent ad valorem), or at the entrance to the cities (properly speaking, this was a city toll collected by the government), according to the animal load or the weight of certain products like silk. On this subject, see the file of the customs, the daily accounts of the customs in Tehran. The revenues derived from the customs of the entire territory were farmed out to the Amin al-Sultans, who then leased them out to general tax farmers, and the latter repeated the same process down to the local level.

26. This method of operation, which was prevalent during the period under study, was also carried out by any banker-changer or merchant.

27. This operation was often difficult when it was impossible to find the promissory notes in the relevant locality. Later, the local branches of the Imperial Bank refused to transfer funds for the same reason.

28. See below, the section of the article devoted to commercial correspondence.

29. See parts (a) and (b) of section concerned with miscellaneous correspondence.

30. He also used the funds that he accepted as deposits on sight, or on account with an interest stipulation.

31. Most of these were in Tehran during the reign of Nasir al-Din Shah. After his assassination, they were replaced by the Azerbayjanis who had been part of the heir apparent's entourage in Tabriz.

32. Haji Muhammad Hasan was also connected to them by marriage.

33. They were inscribed at the conclusion of papers drawn up by him or by an employee, and always bore his seal. The large number of diverse order bills, exchange bills, and payment orders, attest to the widespread financial activity of Haji Muhammad and Haji Muhammad Husayn Aqa.

34. The predominance of English and Russian banks made itself felt on the market from this year, at the same time that a diminution of commercial activities and a contraction of private resources became apparent, principally as a result of the lethargic state of the Iranian economy in general.

35. Examples: allocations and pensions in kind awarded by the state and private individuals, collection of taxes in kind, salaries paid in kind, the exchange of one kind of product for another.

36. See below, the section on monetary documents.

37. Individuals with lower income would also approach the sarrafs in the bazaar to obtain credit on their future pension titles or allocations.

38. A profession whose secrets, habits, and vocabulary were only known by its initiates.

39. F. Adamiyyat, op. cit., p. 316.

40. These are to be found in the dossier of Amin al-Dawlah.

41. On these questions, see the dossier Zarrab Khanah (The Mint), the dossiers of Amin al-Sultan, as well as correspondence with the provinces (especially for the years 1896 and 1897, concerning putting copper coinage into circulation).

42. See in particular the letters of Haji Muhammad Hasan to the Amin al-Sultans, father and son, and their replies, as well as the minutes or letters of Haji Muhammad Hasan addressed to Nasir al-Din Shah.

43. See in particular the dossier of the Assembly charged with verifying the inscriptions of silver coins.

44. See the dossier of the pecuniary ransom imposed on Haji Muhammad Hasan (1897).

45. We can cite as an example the occasion of the Tobacco Monopoly, and then the assassination of Nasir al-Din Shah, when he was accused of having had prior knowledge of Mirza Riza Kirmani's intentions.

46. In 1887, in order to exploit the iron mines located in the vicinity of Amul, Haji Muhammad Hasan undertook a long trip to Europe and gave orders to purchase the necessary materials (in Belgium) for the construction of a blast furnace and a stretch of rail that was to link the mining region with a small port on the Caspian. After having obtained the authorizations and the support of the shah, and having completed most of his project, he encountered difficulties with the local authorities and was forced to abandon the undertaking as the support of the shah waned.

47. To the same effect, see also the dossier of the advice on commerce.

48. An undated letter, but one that perhaps could be placed between 1882 and 1886. This letter has been published by M. Bamdad, op. cit., Vol. II (Tehran, 1966), p. 13.

49. Amina Aqdas (died July 31, 1891). In this note she claims that Mirza Riza's sister-in-law was her secretary. There is a possibility that she continued to visit the court after the death of her mistress.

50. The Sipah Salar (Mirza Husayn Khan), the Mustawfi al-Mamalik (Yusuf Khan) and, later, Amin al-Dawla and ^˓Ayn al-Dawlah.

51. It has been said that he was illiterate, but this can be taken as an unfounded calumny; we have found several papers of a confidential nature, in an unusual handwriting, that were written by him.

52. It is interesting to compare the Amin al-Sultan's letters with, for example, those of the governorprince of Isfahan (Zil al-Sultan), full of protestations of friendship, or with the sugar-coated notes of Amin al-Dawlah, both of whom were known for their lack of sympathy for Haji Muhammad Hasan.

53. Addressed to Haji Muhammad Husayn Aqa, whom he calls “my dear child.”

54. The bank that was to be founded according to the proposition of the first Iranian legislature; it never went beyond the status of a project.

55. Mustawfi al-Mamalik (Yusuf) combined the functions of minister of finance and prime minister until the end of his life (April 1886). Both of the Amin al-Sultans had held various ministries, and Amin al-Sultan, the son, who became prime minister after Mustawfi al-Mamalik, was also minister of finance.

56. However, by the end of the reign of Nasir al-Din Shah, more were being removed from office.

57. We can note the dossiers of I'tizad al-Dawlah and Mu'ayyar al-Mamalik, which underline their love of luxury, and the dossier of ^˓Ali Akbar Khan, the customs farmer, which points to his greed.

58. After 1886, he was appointed as governor in different provinces, including Khurasan and Fars, several times. He died in 1900.

59. They elucidate, for example: the annual nature of the tax-farming contracts; the temporary appointment of the governors and the state tax farmers; the necessity of the tacit or express renewal of the appointment of the officials either at the end, or at the beginning of the year; the opening of negotiations for these appointments; the pomp and ceremony surrounding the official reception of the imperial firman, accompanied by presents that the shah would send in return for those received by him.

60. Certain letters sent from the provinces take account of these facts either directly or in an allusive manner. For example, the purchase and storage of the wheat crop by the governor of Fars caused the price of bread to rise (see the dossier of Muhammad Shafi' of Shiraz). There are also letters addressed to Haji Muhammad Hasan asking for his intervention.

61. They were called the viziers of the city or the provinces in which they resided.

62. See the dossier of Mu^˓tamin al-Sultan.

63. Mushir al-Mulk (Habib Allah, died 1891), who was imprisoned and perhaps poisoned by the prince, Zil al-Sultan.

64. Merchants, banker-changers, ambulatory changers, wholesale or retail merchants, bank messengers, intermediaries, bureaucratic functionaries, accountants, artisans, etc.

65. In addition to most of the marriage contracts and contracts regarding immovable goods, where the intervention of the religious authorities was required, certain other transactions were also authenticated by them, such as transactions involving movable goods (merchandise, etc.), whether for ready cash or on account, the acknowledgment of debts, transactions involving the provision of services (certain representatives or employees of Haji Muhammad Hasan were engaged by authenticated certificates), etc. This practice, with the exclusion of the first two types of contracts, seems to have gradually fallen into disuse by 1875.

66. There are numerous letters of thanks sent by the mullahs to Haji Muhammad Hasan or his son for their generosity on such occasions.

67. Haji Muhammad Hasan was the testamentary executive for one of his colleagues, a fabric merchant who was originally from Isfahan (Haji Muhammad Bazzaz).

68. We should recall the Tobacco Monopoly (1891) and the Revolution of 1906, during which these two groups acted in conjunction with one another. See the dossiers bearing the titles “Monopoly” and “Mashrutiyyat.”

69. Amali al-Saduq, in heliograph (Tehran, 1883): Behar al-Anwar by Muhammad Baqir Majlisi, 25 volumes, heliograph (Tehran, 1885-1897). The dossiers concerning these two works contain information about their printing expenses.

70. Haji Muhhal ^˓Ali Khan (died September 1888). His dossier contains many letters and notes.

71. Mirza Hasan Khan Shirazi Mujtahid (died January 1895), known in particular for his famous fetva condemning the use of tobacco (1891).

72. Because of the refining, processes.

73. Such as Tabataba'i, Bihbihani, and Nuri. The letters of the latter reveal the difficulties he had at the end of his life.

74. Muhammad ^˓Ali Pirzadah (died 1901), who was the author of a travelogue published in two volumes in Tehran in 1963-1964, was a friend of Haji Muhammad Hasan and his son, Muhammad Husayn Aqa, and was in correspondence with them. See the photostat of one of his letters to Haji Muhammad Husayn Aqa in the introduction to the work mentioned above (on p. lix, note i, read Haji Husayn Aqa for Haji Muhammad Hasan).

In the same connection, we can point to Haji Sayyah, less literate than the preceding figure, but the author of a book of memoirs (Tehran, 1967). He died at the age of 92, on September 25, 1925. He was a Freemason and a friend of Jamal al-Din, Haji Muhammad Hasan and his son, and was the fellowprisoner of Mirza Riza.

75. For instance, the dervishes of Prime Minister Mustawfi al-Mamalik, who was very interested in alchemy (as evidenced by the books of his library, which was bought by Haji Muhammad Hasan). Amin al-Sultan, the son, also had a number of dervishes and mystics in his entourage, who profited from his generosity (see his dossier and his account books).

76. Numerous monthly or annual allocations were accorded to necessities of all kinds during this period by well-to-do people. The list and receipts of those who held this type of pension constitute voluminous dossiers. See also the Amin al-Sultan's account books, as well as the dossier, “Family of Isfahan.”

77. Jamal al-Din also complained of this in a letter postmarked Kirmanshah; see our work cited above, document 78.

78. Mentioned above. On his imprisonment and the end of his life, see the dossiers of Muhammad Ja'far, Zil al-Sultan, and Mushir al-Mulk Ansari, all from Isfahan (1891-1892).

79. In this connection, see a letter from the wife of Mirza Riza on the occasion of his deportation to Qazvin (the dossier of Mirza Riza).

80. First they would mortgage, and then frequently sell (sale with faculty of redemption).

81. This break has been a stumbling block to the young generation when they attempt to study the type of archives presented in this article.

82. For a list of the artisan shops in Isfahan, see the dossier of Mirza Ibrahim Varith.

83. See the dossier of the Amul railroad for the difficulties of transit through Russia.

84. Haji Muhammad Hasan had permanent representative in Shahrud and Bandar Gaz, as well as in Astarabad.

85. It began under Nasir al-Din Shah and reached its height in the first quarter of the twentieth century.

86. Perhaps, in spite of himself; on one page of his diary, cited here as his memoirs, he declares, “We did not dare raise our head, such was the crowd.”

87. At the end of the reign of Nasir al-Din Shah, three people stood out for their influence, the number of their clients, and their rivalry: Amin al-Sultan, the son (Prime Minister), Amir Kabir (Kamran Mirza, Minister of War), and Amin al-Dawlah (^˓Ali Khan), who formerly bore the title Amin al-Mulk and who was President of the Imperial Council, Minister of the Post, and the private secretary of the ruler.

88. Even the peasants formed part of this network through the intermediacy of the proprietors of their villages.

89. Haji Muhammad Hasan, who was in the circle of Amin al-Sultan and had obtained the concession to construct a road to Mazandaran, found that some muleteers who declared they were proteges of Amir Kabir (Kamran Mirza) refused to pay the foll levied for this road.

90. With the exception of the nomadic tribes.

91. This modernism was visible in attire, in the architecture of the buildings and their decor, in painting, and even in the novels of the period.

92. Four groups of mustawfis were well known in Tehran: the ^˓Ali Abadis, the Ashtianis, the Garakanis, and the Tafrishis, each of which was named for its region of origin, but was also linked by family ties.

93. In the beginning of 1910, the different administrations, in the modern sense of the term, were organized and directed by this class of functionary.

94. As a consequence of their commercial relations with, and their travel to, neighboring western countries, especially Russia. There were also a great number who visited these countries while making the pilgrimage to Mecca. Haji Muhammad Hasan and his son, in addition to the pilgrimage, had visited the great European countries many times.

95. See the dossiers, “Advice on Commerce,” the “Monopoly,” and “Mashrutiyyat.” There were many deputies to the first legislature who did not hold their seats again to the second. After the period that we are dealing with, the bazaar movements had less dynamism.

96. The concession of the Tobacco Monopoly, in which the authorities had placed so much hope, ended in failure and turmoil. At the same time, a cholera epidemic decimated a large part of the population and ravaged many regions. (See the letters of Ghulam ^˓Ali Saravi of Sari and Muhammad Shafi^˓ of Shiraz, among others.)

97. It has been said that he had had the bags containing the money (bags of white canvas for silver, and of red or green taffeta for gold) arranged by a mirror trick in such a way as to make them appear more numerous.

98. The vases of gold taken from the Treasury were allegedly sent to be melted down. Malevolent people recount that they were directed to a newly appointed minister so that they would not be spent.)