¹ Other works of art of Shalmaneser III are known, but they do not show scenes of historical narrative. For example: fragments of wall paintings from Fort Shalmaneser, preserving a fish-cloaked genius and parts of a sacred tree ( Oates, D., “Excavations at Nimrud (Kalhu), 1962”, Iraq 25 (1963), 29–30 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; it is unclear whether painted fragments of officers in procession belong to the reign of Shalmaneser or, as is more likely, to the period of restoration of the fortress by Esarhaddon: Oates, D., “Fort Shalmaneser—An Interim Report”, Iraq 21 (1950), 119 Google Scholar; see, however, Winter, I.J., “Royal Rhetoric and the Development of Historical Narrative in Neo-Assyrian Reliefs”, Studies in Visual Communication 7 (1981), 23)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; a glazed brick panel from Fort Shalmaneser ( Reade, J. E., “A Glazed Brick Panel from Nimrud”, Iraq 25 (1963), 38–47, Pl. IXCrossRefGoogle Scholar); rock carvings (most recently, on the west bank of the Euphrates in Turkey, in Taşyürek, O. A., “A Rock Relief of Shalmaneser III on the Euphrates”, Iraq 41 (1979), 47–53, Pls. XV–XVICrossRefGoogle Scholar); and free-standing sculptures of the king (e.g., the Kurkh Monolith (BM 118884, in Smith, S., Assyrian Sculpture in the British Museum from Shalmaneser III to Sennacherib (London, 1938), Pl. IGoogle Scholar); the Kurba'il Statue from Nimrud (IM), in Kinnier-Wilson, J. V., “The Kurba'il Statue of Shalmaneser III”, Iraq 24 (1962), 90–115 CrossRefGoogle Scholar).

Further, there are traces of a monumental building, perhaps a palace, built by Shalmaneser in the centre area of the Nimrud citadel, where Layard found part of a pair of winged bull colossi, inscribed with a text of Shalmaneser; the Black Obelisk; and several stone slabs, of which the lower part preserved “sculpted gigantic figures, carrying the usual square vessel and sacred flower ( Layard, A. H., Nineveh and its Remains, Vol. II (London, 1848), 25 Google Scholar). The site, now called Shalmaneser's Building, has since been investigated by a Polish mission, under the direction of Sobolewski, R. (“The Shalmaneser Building in the Central Area of the Nimrud Citadel”, AfO, Beiheft 19 (1982), 329–40Google Scholar). Although other relief carvings of genies, and underrated stone slabs have been discovered in the new excavations, no findings of orthostats with scenes of historical narrative have been reported.

² See esp. Winter, , Studies in Vis. Comm. 7 (1981), 2–38 CrossRefGoogle Scholar, for a discussion (with definitions) of narrativ in general, with special emphasis on the throneroom reliefs from the Northwest Palace of Assurnasirpal II at Nimrud. Winter's work on Assurnasirpal's reliefs has stimulated many of my ideas on the art of Shalmaneser, and first inspired me to examine his monuments with the question of programme in mind. For a case study of narrative in Sumerian art, now see id., “After the Battle Is Over: The Stele of the Vultures and the Beginning of Historical Narrative in the Art of the Ancient Near East”, in H. L. Kessler and M. S. Simpson, eds., Pictorial Narrative in Antiquity and the Middle Ages (National Gallery of Art, Washington, D.C., 1985., 11–34. Earlier studies of pictorial narrative include Güterbock, H. G., “Narration in Anatolian, Syrian and Assyrian Art”, AJA 61 (1957), 62–71 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Perkins, A., “Narration in Babylonian Art”, AJA 61 (1957), 54–62 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

³ Bands I–XIII (BM 12465–124663) publ. in King, L. W., Bronze Reliefs from the Gates of Shalmaneser, King of Assyria B.C. 860–825 (London, 1915; henceforth BG)Google Scholar. The remaining bands, N (= BG, band IX), O and P, are divided between Istanbul, the Louvre, the British Museum, Boston, Baltimore, and (formerly) the de Clerq collection: illustr. in Unger, E., Die Wiederherstellung des Bronzetores von Balawat (Arch. Inst, des Deutschen Reichs, Ath. Mitt. 44, 1920), Pls. I, IIGoogle Scholar. (See also: Rassam, H., Asshur and the Land of Nimrod (New York, 1897), 200–20Google Scholar; Birch, W. de Gray and Pinches, T. G., The Bronze Ornaments of the Palace Gates of Balawat (London, 1902)Google Scholar; Unger, E., Zum Bronzetor von Balawat (Leipzig, 1912)Google Scholar; Güterbock, H. G., AJA 61 (1957), 67–8, Pl. 22CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Oates, D., “Balawat (Imgur Enlil): The Site and its Buildings”, Iraq 36 (1974), 173–8CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Reade, J. E., “Narrative Composition in Assyrian Sculpture”, Bagh. Mitt. 10 (1979), 64–9, 70–2Google Scholar. The date of the gate is commonly based on the visual reference in band XIII to the campaign in Aštamaku (BG, Pls. LXXII–LXXVII), dated in the annals to year 11 (annals inscription IM 54669: Cameron, G. G., “The Annals of Shalmaneser III, King of Assyria: A New Text”, Sumer 6 (1950), col. III.1Google Scholar).

⁴ Zum Bronzetor von Balawat and Ath. Mitt. 44 (1920), 96 Google Scholar, based on the assumption that the door posts, cut from tree trunks, tapered slightly towards the top so that the greater the circumference of that part of the band encircling the door post, the lower the original placement of the band on the gates. Unger's reconstruction is followed by Güterbock, , AJA 61 (1957), Pl. 22CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and Reade, , Bagh. Mitt. 10 (1979), 71 Google Scholar. Barnett, R. D. follows another, unexplained scheme (Assyrian Palace Reliefs, London, 1960, 25)Google Scholar. The present reconstruction in the British Museum, arranged by Barnett, follows still another system (see Reade, loc. cit., 71 note 45). Although Unger's reconstruction is convincing, the problem still needs some future thought, since the post-circumference of some of the damaged bands is not known, especially bands N and P.

⁵ Luckenbill, D. D., Ancient Records of Assyria and Babylonia, Vol. 1 (Chicago, 1927; henceforth, ARAB), §614Google Scholar; Güterbock, , AJA 61 (1957), Pl. 22CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Reade, , Bagh. Mitt. 10 (1979), 71 Google Scholar.

⁶ Such a system is especially intriguing in light of Winter's study of the throneroom reliefs of Assurnasirpal II, in which was demonstrated the pre-existence of a highly selective decorative programme ( Studies in Vis. Com. 7 (1981), 2–38 Google Scholar). Winter has even entertained the notion of a geographical arrangement of the reliefs around the throneroom, but the evidence is incomplete (ibid., 19–20). Nonetheless, it is the concept of a conscious decorative programme in the reliefs of Assurnasirpal II, in general, that sets the precedent for a similar situation in the art of Shalmaneser III.

⁷ De Clercq, Schlumberger, Istanbul: illus. in Unger, , Ash. Mitt. 44 (1920), Pl. IIGoogle Scholar.

⁸ Bagh. Mitt. 10 (1979), 71 Google Scholar.

⁹ ARAB, §§ 608, 620. There are various editions of the annals of Shalmaneser. In general, the most reliable and most complete edition is the one most contemporary to the event recorded; on this, see Olmstead's, seminal article, Assyrian Historiography: A Source Study (New York, 1916)Google Scholar; and now Levine, L. D., “Manuscripts, Texts, and the Study of the Neo-Assyrian Royal Inscriptions”, in Fales, F. M., ed., Assyrian Royal Inscriptions: New Horizons in literary, ideological, and historical analysis (Papers of a symposium held in Cetona (Siena); Rome, 1981), 59–61 Google Scholar. The various editions of Shalmaneser's annals are reviewed by Schramm, , EAK II, 70–90 Google Scholar.

It was Winter's argument for correspondence between the reliefs of Assurnasirpal II and the wording of his annals ( Studies in Vis. Comm. 7 (1981), 14–15 Google Scholar) that inspired me to look at Shalmaneser's annals for clues to identifying bands O and P of the Balawat gate.

¹⁰ E.g., BG, Pl. XXXIV = band VI. See also Winter, , Studies in Vis. Comm. 7 (1981), 15 Google Scholar; Wäfler, M., Nicht-Assyrer neuassyrischer Darstellungen (Alter Orient und Altes Testament, No. 26; Neukirchen-Vluyn, 1975)Google Scholar.

¹¹ Bagh. Mitt. 10 (1979), 71 Google Scholar. On the battle at Qarqar, see the references in Na'aman, N., “Two Notes on the Monolith Inscription of Shalmaneser III from Kurkh”, Tell Aviv 3 (1976), note 18, p. 97 Google Scholar. To these may be added: Hallo, W. W., “From Qarqar to Carchemish: Assyria and Israel in the Light of New Discoveries”, BA 23 (1960), 34–41 Google Scholar; Astour, M. C., “The Partition of the Confederacy of Mukiš-Nuhašše-Nii by Suppiluliuma: A Study in Political Geography of the Amarna Age”, Or. 38 (1969), 412 Google Scholar; Brinkman, J. A., “A Further Note on the Date of the Battle of Qarqar and Neo-Assyrian Chronology”, JCS 30 (1978), 173–5Google Scholar. The Assyrian city of Qarqar may now be identified with the site of excavations by the American School of Oriental Research at Tell Qarqur in the Orontes Valley, Syria: Lunquist, J. M., “Damascus: Iron II Found at Tell Qarqur”, ASOR Newsletter 35 (1984), 1–3 Google Scholar.

¹² Cf., ARAB, §611.

¹³ E.g., ARAB, §§600, 601, 606. See also Na'aman, , Tell Aviv 3 (1976), 89–97 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹⁴ Cf., ARAB, §600.

¹⁵ Unger, , Ath. Mitt. 44 (1920), 96 Google Scholar. Also based on the following, additional sources: tables in King, , BG, 9 (= ARAB, §613)Google Scholar, Güterbock, , AJA 61 (1957), Pl. 22CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and Reade, , Bagh. Mitt. 10 (1979), 91 Google Scholar; a map showing the location of ninth century sites in the west, in Tadmor, H., “Azriyau of Yaudi”, Scripta Hierosolymitana 8 (1961), 242 Google Scholar; discussions of geography in Forrer, E., Die Provinzeinteilung des assyrischen Reiches (Leipzig, 1920)Google Scholar, Parpola, S., Neo-Assyrian Toponyms (Neukirchen, 1970)Google Scholar; and for regions in the east, Levine, L., Geographical Studies in the Neo-Assyrian Zagros (Toronto, 1974)Google Scholar; and, finally, the general order of campaigns in the annals, especially in the Monolith Inscription, recording events up to year 6 (ARAB, §§ 595–611), and the Bronze Gate inscription (ARAB, §§ 616–25; more recently published, with notes in Michel, E., “Die Assur-texte Salmanassars III (858–824); Balawat Inschrift”, WO 2, 5/6 (1959), 408–17Google Scholar; id., WO 4, 1 (1967), 29–37).

¹⁶ On the identification of Gilzanu see: Levine, , Geographical Studies, 120 Google Scholar; Reade, , “Hasanlu, Gilzanu and Related Considerations”, AMI 12 (1979), 175–8Google Scholar.

¹⁷ I am grateful to Nadav Na'aman for reminding me of this aspect of summary texts. See Grayson, A. K., “History and Historians of the Ancient Near East: Assyria and Babylonia”, Or. N.S. 49 (1980), 150–5Google Scholar.

¹⁸ ARAB, §§685–92, esp. 686 and 690; see also Lehmann-Haupt, C. F., Materialien zur alteren geschickte Armeniens und Mesopotamiens, Abhandlungen der königlichen Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften zu Göttingen (Berlin, 1907)Google Scholar.

¹⁹ ARAB, §596.

²⁰ The text was engraved on two bands which originally ran vertically down the juncture between the two doors: ARAB, §§616–25, and, more recently: Michel, , WO 2, 5/6 (1959)Google Scholar; WO 4, 1 (1967), 29–37 Google Scholar.

²¹ Winter, , Studies in Vis. Comm., 7 (1981), 14–21, 34 note 18Google Scholar.

²² ARAB, §§616–25. See also Cameron, , Sumer 6 (1950), 7 Google Scholar.

²³ While the reading of the Standard of Ur is relatively straight forward, the Warka Vase and the Stele of the Vultures present more difficulty—but they too, have been convincingly read from bottom to top; cf. Winter, , “After the Battle is Over …”, 19 Google Scholar; see also idem, Studies in Vis. Comm. 7 (1981), 11–12. The images are published in Moortgat, A., The Art of Ancient Mesopotamia (London, 1969): Warka Vase, Pl. 19Google Scholar; Standard, Pl. 260; Stele, Pls. 118–121 = Winter, “After the Battle is Over …”, Figs. 1–2.

²⁴ Winter, , Studies in Vis. Comm. 7 (1981), figs. 4, 5, slabs 19a, 19b, p. 14 Google Scholar.

²⁵ Schapiro, M., “On Some Problems in the Semiotics of Visual Art: Field and Vehicle in Image-Signs”, Semiotica 1 (1969), 230–1CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

²⁶ Ibid, 231.

²⁷ See Lambert, W. G., “The Reigns of Assurnasirpal II and Shalmaneser III, An Interpretation”, Iraq 36 (1974), 108 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Tadmor, H., “Assyria and the West: The Ninth Century and its Aftermath”, in Goedicke, H. and Roberts, J. J. M., eds., Unity and Diversity: Essays in the History, Literature, and Religion of the Ancient Near East (Baltimore, 1975), 36–40 Google Scholar; and Levine, L., “East-West Trade in the Late Iron Age: A View from the Zagros”, Le plateau iranien et l'Asie centrale des origines à la conquête islamique: leurs relations à la lumière des documents archéologiques (Colloques internationaux du C. N. R. S., 567, Paris, 1977), 173–6Google Scholar.

²⁸ Levine, , “East-West Trade …”, 176 Google Scholar. Assyrian trade with the east along the northerly route seems to have been flourishing in this period, if we can judge by the evidence from Hasanlu IVB in northwestern Iran, excavated by a joint team of the University of Pennsylvania, the Metropolitan Museum of Art, and the Archaeological Service of Iran, under the general direction of Dyson, R. H. Jr. See Muscarella, O. W., The Catalogue of Ivories from Hasanlu, Iran (Philadelphia, 1980), Cat. Nos. 280–293 (“Assyrian Ivories”), pp. 200–2, 210–17Google Scholar. For a general bibliography of the Hasanlu excavations, see Dyson, R. H., “Problems of Protohistoric Iran as Seen from Hasanlu”, JNES 24 (1965), 213–17Google Scholar.

²⁹ I owe this observation to an unpublished seminar report by John Russell, given at the University of Pennsylvania, 1981. On the geography of Balawat, see Oates, , Iraq 36 (1974), 173–4CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

³⁰ See Hallo, , BA 23, (1960), 37–41 Google Scholar; Tadmor, , Scr. Hier. 8 (1961), 239–46Google Scholar; Lambert, , Iraq 36 (1974), 108 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Tadmor, , “Assyria and the West …”, 36–40 Google Scholar; Levine, , “East-West Trade …”, 175–6Google Scholar.

³¹ On the political structure of the Syrian states, see especially Tadmor, , Scr. Hier. 8 (1961), 239–48Google Scholar.

³² See, e.g., the Monolith Inscription: ARAB, §§600–10, with its concentration on campaigns in the west.

³³ For year 6: Monolith Inscription, ARAB, §611; for years 10 and 11: IM 54669, Cameron, , Sumer 6 (1950), col. II. 61–7, III. 4–9Google Scholar. See also Brinkman, , JCS 30 (1978), 173–5, and note 20 aboveGoogle Scholar.

³⁴ Including the fact that he fought the same alliance in his tenth (849), eleventh (848), and fourteenth (845) years. See Hallo, , Bibl. Arch. 23 (1960), 40 Google Scholar; Elat, M., “The Campaigns of Shalmaneser against Aram and Israel”, IEJ 25 (1975), 25–9Google Scholar; Tadmor, , “Assyria and the West…”, 36 Google Scholar.

³⁵ In her discussions of both the throneroom reliefs of Assurnasirpal and the Sumerian Stele of the Vultures, Winter has articulated this “affective” property of art, especially state art, whereby monuments are “active agents in projecting particular responses in reception” (“After the Battle is Over …”, 28); and Studies in Vis. Comm. 7 (1981), esp. 21–22 Google Scholar, where the overall message of the battle reliefs of Assurnasirpal (the king's role in maintaining Assyrian power through military conquest and tribute) are described as “propaganda, designed to manipulate social forces.” See also, in general, Reade, J. E., “Ideology and Propaganda in Assyrian Art”, in Larsen, M. T., ed., Power and Propaganda (Copenhagen, 1979), 329–43Google Scholar.

³⁶ Although speculative, it is tempting to consider the intended audience of the gate imagery, and its role in the visual plan. We know from the gate of Assurnasirpal II, also discovered at Balawat, that Shalmaneser's father collected tribute at this site from as far west as Suhu on the middle Euphrates; this is clear from one particular band on which the tributaries and the temple are labelled ( Oates, J., “Balawat: Recent Excavations and a New Gate”, in Harper, P. O. and Pittman, H., eds., Essays on Near Eastern Art and Archaeology in Honor of Charles Kyrle Wilkinson (New York, 1983), Fig. 5, pp. 44–5Google Scholar). If we may apply this evidence to the reign of Shalmaneser and suggest that he, too, collected tribute from the west at Balawat (despite its location east of Nimrud), it would be tempting to view the decoration on his Gate, with its concentration on victories in the west, as having been coded specifically for a western audience.

³⁷ Iraq Museum. Excavations were conducted by the British Institute of Archaeology in Iraq under the direction of D. Oates. The major publications include: Oates, D., “The Most Spectacular Discovery to be Made in Fort Shalmaneser: The King's Throne Base and its Vivid Reliefs”, ILN (12 1, 1962), 879–81Google Scholar, including dimensions and archaeological context; idem, Iraq 25 (1963), 10–16, Pls. II–VII; Hulin, P., “The Inscriptions on the Carved Throne-Base of Shalmaneser III”, Iraq 25 (1963), 48–69 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Mallowan, M. E. L., Nimrud and its Remains, Vol. II (London, 1966; henceforth N&R II), 444—50, Figs. 369–71Google Scholar of base in situ and details of relief carvings. Further discussion may be found in Brinkman, J. A., A Political History of Post-Kassite Babylonia 1158–722 B.C. (Rome, 1968), 196–202 Google Scholar. The date of the Base has been derived from the long inscription on the upper surface, which refers to the thirteenth crossing of the Euphrates: Hulin, op. cit., 53, 1.34. Mallowan incorrectly states that the throne base was carved before the Bronze Gates (N&R II, 450).

³⁸ Patina is the correct reading for Hattina: Tadmor, , “Assyria and the West …”, 45 note 10Google Scholar.

³⁹ The tributaries are identified in epigraphs along the upper edge of each panel: Hulin, , Iraq 25 (1963), 11.48–49CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁴⁰ Tadmor, , “Assyria and the West …”, 37–8Google Scholar.

⁴¹ Winter, , Studies in Vis. Comm. 7 (1981), 20 Google Scholar.

⁴² Detail of panel published in N&R II, p. 447. The subject is identified in a short, separate inscription (or epigraph) carved along the rear border of the base: Hulin, , Iraq 25 (1963), 55, 11.45–47CrossRefGoogle Scholar, where, however, the short text is considered as part of the main inscription (cf. ibid., folding plate opposite p. 69). For a review and interpretation of the historical evidence, see Brinkman, , Political History, 196–202 Google Scholar.

⁴³ E.g., Oates, , Iraq 25 (1963), 22 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; N&R, 446.

⁴⁴ Also noted by Brinkman, (Political History, p. 196 note 1199)Google Scholar, and Reade, (“Ideology and Propaganda in Assyrian Art”, 333)Google Scholar. For corroborating, textual evidence of an alliance between Assyria and Babylon in this period, see Brinkman, loc. cit., 193 and note 1198. Also see Munn-Rankin, M., “Diplomacy in Western Asia in the Early Second Millennium B.C.”, Iraq 18 (1956), 86 CrossRefGoogle Scholar, on the phraseology regarding treaties and the shaking of hands.

⁴⁵ The Babylonian king is not dressed in Assyrian garb (“to show dependence to Assyria”), as Oates has stated ( ILN (12 1, 1962), 879 Google Scholar). The differences in costume may be summarized as follows:

Babylonian king (facing right) Assyrian king (facing left)

pointed hat cylindrical fez with

triangular cone on top

waist length (?) hair shoulder-length hair

plain headband ribbing along edge of headband

no bands extending down bands extending down

back back

no volutes on scabbard volutes on scabbard

robe split in front robe overlaps in front

tabs at edge of robe fringes at edges

no embroidery at hem or embroidery at hem and

belt belt

hem of outer robe ends hem of outer robe reaches

above under-tunic ankles

— slightly taller staff (perhaps, in this one case, intended to give Shalmaneser some degree of visual priority)

⁴⁶ The representation of officials in Neo-Assyrian reliefs, including the possible relationship between the rank of an individual and his costume, scale, position before the king, and gesture, among other attributes, is the subject of my M.A. thesis ( A Study of Types of Officials in Neo-Assyrian Reliefs: Their Identifying Attributes and their Possible Relationship to a Bureaucratic Hierarchy, Columbia University, 1981 Google Scholar).

⁴⁷ Hulin has previously compiled this information ( Iraq 25 (1963), notes to 1.48, p. 65 Google Scholar). For years 2 and 6, see the Monolith Inscription: ARAB, §§600, 610 (for Hattina, now read Patina; see note 38 above). For year 11 see annals IM 54669: Cameron, , Sumer 6 (1950), col.III. 12–15Google Scholar.

⁴⁸ Silver, gold, tin, horses, cattle, sheep, blue wool, woollen and linen garments.

⁴⁹ Bronze Gate annals inscription: ARAB, § 623.

⁵⁰ Cameron, , Sumer 6 (1950), col.II.55–7, III.21–3Google Scholar.

⁵¹ Cf. the battle scenes decorating the throne base of Sargon II ( Loud, G., Khorsabad I: Excavations in the Palace and at a City Gate (OIP 38; Chicago, 1936), 66, Figs. 79, 80Google Scholar), conveying a very different message about Assyrian military power.

⁵² “Assyria and the West …”, 36; see, e.g., ARAB, §601.

⁵³ Tadmor, , “Assyria and the West …”, 36 Google Scholar); see, e.g., Grayson, A. K., Assyrian Royal Inscriptions 2 (Wiesbaden, 1976), §§573, 579Google Scholar.

⁵⁴ E.g., Winter, , Studiesin Vis. Comm. 7 (1981), Figs. 2, 6, 7, 10, 13, and pp. 2–38 CrossRefGoogle Scholar, where it is argued that this development is tied to the expansion of the empire in the ninth century B.C.

⁵⁵ Grayson, , ARI, 2, § 652Google Scholar. Winter has discussed the extended titulary of Assurnasirpal, noting its parallelism with the roles of the king represented in the throneroom reliefs, and even with the organization of the images ( Studiesin Vis. Comm. 7 (1981), 21–2Google Scholar.

⁵⁶ See p. 81 above.

⁵⁷ Shalmaneser simply refers to the building as an ekallu (É.GAL), palace: Laessoe, J., “A Statue of Shalmaneser III from Nimrud”, Iraq 21 (1959), 38, 1.1CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Hulin, , Iraq 25 (1963), 52, 1.1CrossRefGoogle Scholar). It is called an ekal (É.GAL) māšarti by Esarhaddon ( Borger, R., Die Inschriften Asarhaddons Königs von Assyrien (AfO Beiheft 9; Graz, 1956), 34, 1.42)Google Scholar, who records that he rebuilt the ekal māšarti of Shalmaneser at Kalah, and also by Sennacherib ( Luckenbill, D. D., The Annals of Sennacherib (OIP 2; Chicago, 1924), 128, 1.48Google Scholar). On the function of the ekal māšarti, see CAD, s.v. māšartu, and the description in the Esarhad-don prism from Nineveh (Nebi Yunus): Heidl, A., “A New Hexagonal Prism of Esarhaddon (676 B.C.),” Sumer 12 (1956), 27, 1.32Google Scholar. For a discussion and plan of Fort Shalmaneser, see: N&R II, 368–456 (esp. p. 376 on the function); Oates, D., “The Excavations at Nimrud (Kalhu), 1961”, Iraq 24 (1962), 1–25 CrossRefGoogle Scholar. On the ekal māšarti at Nineveh, cf. Turner, G., “Tell Nebi Yunus: The Ekal Māšarti of Nineveh”, Iraq 32 (1970), 68–85 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁵⁸ BM 118885. The epigraphs and annals inscriptions are published in ARAB, §§ 555–93 and, more recently, in Michel, , “Die Assur-Texte Salmanassars III (858–824); Salmanassar Obelisk”, WO 2, 2 (1955), 137–57Google Scholar; id., WO 2, 3 (1956), 221–33. The monument is dated by the last recorded event in the inscription, in year 31. For the history at the end of the reign, especially the weakening position of the king, the rising power of his turtan, Daian-Aššur, and the rebellion within Assyria in year 32, see Lambert, , Iraq 36 (1974), 108 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁵⁹ On the history of discovery, and the recent excavations in the central area by the Polish Mission, see Sobolewski, R., “The Shalmaneser III Building in the Central Area of the Nimrud Citadel”, AfO, Beiheft 19 (1982), 330–40, esp. 336 and Figs. 1–3, 9Google Scholar.

⁶⁰ On the location of Gilzanu, see note 16 above.

⁶¹ See Astour, M., “841 B.C.: The First Assyrian Invasion of Israel”, JAOS 91 (1971), 383–9Google Scholar; Elat, , IEJ 25 (1975), 31–5Google Scholar.

⁶² Porada, E., “Remarks About Some Assyrian Reliefs”, An. St. 33 (1983), 15–16 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁶³ There are some indications that a similar, geographical agenda may have operated in other reigns, as well; see, for example, Sargon II's throne base (note 51 above). However, in general, we are forced to compare the free standing monuments of Shalmaneser with the large scale palace orthostats of other Assyrian rulers, which may not be a valid comparison. What is needed is the complete publication and an analysis of the bronze gates of Assurnasirpal II from Balawat (see Oates, , “Balawat: Recent Excavations and a New Gate”, 40–7Google Scholar).

⁶⁴ For this identification of the Sea of Nairi, see Levine, , Geographical Studies, 20 Google Scholar.

⁶⁵ ARAB, §685.

⁶⁶ ARAB, §607, 588. See Reade, , AMI 12 (1979), 175 Google Scholar.

⁶⁷ Reade, , AMI, 175 Google Scholar. For evidence of the importance of horses in the Assyrian empire, see the “Horse Reports” from the Kuyunjik archive, compiled by Postgate, J. N., Taxation and Conscription in the Assyrian Empire (Studia Pohl, Series Maior 3; Rome, 1974), 7–18 Google Scholar; and Fales, , Notes on Some Nineveh Horse Lists (Assur I, 3; Malibu, 1974)Google Scholar.

⁶⁸ Annals from Assur: Safar, F., “A Further Text of Shalmaneser III, from Assur”, Sumer 7 (1951), 19, col.III.45–IV.15)Google Scholar; and comments by Elat: IEJ 25 (1975), 31–4Google Scholar.

⁶⁹ See Astour, , JAOS 91 (1971), 384 Google Scholar; Tadmor, , Scr. Hier., 249 Google Scholar.

⁷⁰ The issue of trade in the Neo-Assyrian empire is complex, especially because there is a lack of specific references to trade in the Assyrian royal inscriptions ( Oppenheim, A. L., “Trade in the Ancient Near East”, V International Congress of Economic History, Leningrad, August, 1970, Moscow, 1970, 1–36 Google Scholar). Oates even argues that Assyria did not support itself by trade in this period, but rather by the collection of tribute from subject territories ( Studies in the Ancient History of Northern Iraq, London, 1968, 52 Google Scholar). However, as Winter points out, the receipt of tribute and the practice of trade are not mutually exclusive: North Syria in the Early First Millennium B.C., with special reference to ivory carving (unpub. Ph.D. dissertation, Columbia University, 1973), 435 Google Scholar, where she reviews the evidence supporting Assyrian trade with North Syria in this period (pp. 432–7). For further discussion, see Tadmor, , “Assyria and the West …”, 36–40 Google Scholar; Winter, I. J., “Carchemish ša Kišad Puratti ”, An. St. 33 (1983), especially 186–90Google Scholar. As to the east, Levine attributes Assyrian military activity in the Zagros to the protection of important trade routes (“East-West Trade in the Late Iron Age …”, 171–84).

⁷¹ See Landsberger, B., Die Fauna des alten Mesopotamien nachder 14. tafel der série HAR-ra = Hubullu (Leipzig, 1934), 143 Google Scholar; Michel, , WO 2, 3 (1956), 141, note 5Google Scholar; Garelli, P., “Muṣur”, in Pirot, L. et al., eds., Dictionnaire de la Bible, supp. 5 (Paris, 1957), cols. 1468–74Google Scholar; Tadmor, H., “Que and Muṣri”, IEJ 11 (1961), 143–50Google Scholar; Wäfler, , Nicht-Assyrer neuassyrischer Darstellungen, 175 Google Scholar.

⁷² Brinkman, , Political History, 183 note 1127, 186–7, 201 note 1236Google Scholar; see also Michel, , WO 2, 3 (1956), 143 note 11Google Scholar.

⁷³ Years 2, 6, 11 (see note 47 above), and 28 (note 74 below).

⁷⁴ Silver, gold, lead, copper, iron, ivory (ARAB, § 585). For more recent publications of the text, see note 58 above.

⁷⁵ Page 81.