Hostname: page-component-6d856f89d9-nr6nt Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-07-16T06:14:01.209Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false
  • English
  • Français

The conquest of the holy city of Nineveh and the kingdom of Nurrugûm by Samsî-Addu*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  07 August 2014

Nele Ziegler
Get access Rights & Permissions [Opens in a new window]

Extract

To speak about Nineveh from the perspective of the archives of Mari may seem rash: the Middle Euphrates is a long way from the banks of the Tigris. Yet the importance of Nineveh and its shrine was such that several texts found at Mari mention it as what must then have been a religious metropolis.

During the period when Mari was under the dominion of Samsî-Addu, his son, Yasmah-Addu, sat on its throne. He was primarily responsible for affairs in the west, but personally participated in the military campaign marked by the fall of Nineveh and received numerous letters informing him of military events related to this event. Even after the conquest of Mari, when Yasmah-Addu had left the area, news of Nineveh and its surroundings went on arriving at the capital of the Middle Euphrates and continued to do so more sporadically in the era of Zimrî-Lîm.

I would like first to present the data relevant to the geography and toponymy of the kingdom of Nurrugûm, to which Nineveh belonged at that time, and then to reconstruct the campaign that led to the fall of Nineveh and the complete annexation of the kingdom. I will end with some remarks on the famous commemorative inscription placed by Samsî-Addu in the temple Emenue at Nineveh.

Type
Research Article
Information
IRAQ , Volume 66: Nineveh. Papers of the XLIXe Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale, Part One , 2004 , pp. 19 - 26
Copyright
Copyright © The British Institute for the Study of Iraq 2004 

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

Footnotes

*

Translated from the French by Mark Weeden. Principal abbreviations:

FM [I]: J.-M. Durand (ed.), Florilegium marianum. Recueil d'études en l'honneur de M. Fleury, Mémoires de NABU 1 (Paris 1992)

FM III: D. Charpin and J.-M. Durand (eds.), Recueil d'études à la mémoire de Marie-Thérèse Barrelet, Florilegium marianum III, Mémoires de NABU 4 (Paris 1997)

FM V: D. Charpin and N. Ziegler, Mari et le Proche-Orient à l'époque amorite: essai d'histoire politique, Florilegium marianum V, Mémoires de NABU 6 (Paris 2003)

FM VI: D. Charpin and J.-M. Durand (eds.), Recueil d'études à la mémoire d'André Parrot, Florilegium marianum VI, Mémoires de NABU 7 (Paris 2002)

LAPO 16–18: J.-M. Durand, Les documents épistolaires du palais de Mari I–III, Littératures anciennes du Proche-Orient 16–18 (Paris 1997–2000)

ShA 1: J. Eidem and J. Laessoe, The Shemshara Archives 1. The Letters, Historisk-fllosofiske Skrifter 23 (Copenhagen 2001)

ShA 2: J. Eidem, The Shemshara Archives 2. The Administrative Texts, Historisk-filosofiske Skrifter 15 (Copenhagen 1992)

References

1 Cf. the remarks of Durand, J.-M., “Différentes questions à propos de la religion”, MARI 5 (1987) 611–22, esp. 614–15Google Scholar section 4: “Eštar, Reine des Dieux?”. Collation of ARM VII 79: 4 Google Scholar showed that the goddess Eštar of Ninet was venerated in the palace of Mari at the end of the reign of Yasmah-Addu. This goddess was already known thanks to text OBTR 200: 6. See also ARM XXVI/1 192: 16, a letter of Eštar of Ninet to Zimrî-Lîm. J.-M. Durand was astonished to see this goddess, whose temple was near Ekallâtum, encouraging the king of Mari. But the context is that of the war against Elam, in which Išme-Dagan participated on the same side as Hammu-rabi of Babylon and Zimrî-Lîm; see Charpin, D., “Prophètes et rois dans le Proche-Orient amorrite: nouvelles données, nouvelles perspectives”, FM VI, pp. 7–38, esp. 23–4Google Scholar.

2 Durand, J.-M., “Villes fantômes de Syrie et autres lieux”, MARI 5 (1987) 199–234, esp. 224 Google Scholar.

3 See Finkelstein, J. J., “Cuneiform Texts from Tell Billa”, JCS 1 (1953) 111–76, esp. 116–17Google Scholar for the identification of Tell Billa with Šibanibe.

4 Lafont, B., ARM XXVI/2, p. 476 Google Scholar: “Les lettres ARM XXVI/2 517 et 518 la mettent en relation avec le Tigre, lors des opérations du Turukkéen Zaziya qui semble s'en servir comme point d'appui pour mener ses attaques. Ninêt se trouve donc peut-être à l'un des points du franchissement du fleuve (puisque les Turukkéens viennent normalement de Transtigrine pour attaquer différentes zones de la rive droite du fleuve). Or selon D. Oates, ‘Nineveh lies on one of the best, certainly the most frequented of the Tigris crossings’. Il est donc tentant de mettre en relation Ninêt et Ninive”. See the new restoration of ARM XXVI/2 517: 1′–2′ by Marti, L. in FM VI, p. 544 Google Scholar, which confirms Lafont's conclusions.

5 Yuhong, Wu, “The Localization of Nurrugum and Ninet = Ninuwa”, NABU 1994/38 Google Scholar.

6 See Ziegler, N., “Le royaume d'Ekallâtum et son horizon géopolitique”, FM VI, pp. 211–74, esp. 225 fn. 53Google Scholar.

7 Not taken into account by Beckman, G., “Ištar of Nineveh Reconsidered”, JCS 50 (1998) 1–10 Google Scholar.

8 Cf. Groneberg, B., RGTC 3, pp. 178–9Google Scholar.

9 Durand, J.-M., MARI 5, p. 224 Google Scholar: “il est possible qu'il y ait là deux façons linguistiques différentes de dénommer la même ville, l'une avec le suffix féminin (+ l'éthnique?) -atum; l'autre avec le suffix -a des noms géographiques, employé généralement dans tout le nord de la Mésopotamie OB”.

10 The fact that certain toponyms use rare signs in a more or less systematic fashion is not in itself surprising. For the regions of the Middle Tigris, one need only recall the existence of different writings for Aššur, (cf. RGTC 3, pp. 25–6Google Scholar, not forgetting that numerous instances from the archives of Mari have been published since then: see in particular for the unusual spelling of ARM XXVI/1 102 and 103, noted by J.-M. Durand, ibid. p. 269, and Guichard, M., NABU 1995/81 Google Scholar). Note similarly that the town of Kalhu (Nimrud) was generally called Kawalhu or Kamilhu in the Old Babylonian period, but recently a rare phonetic spelling kàl-hu-ú ki was found in ARM XXVI/2 494 (FM VI 81): 27 by Marti, L., “Notes sur l'histoire d'Išme-Dagan”, FM VI, pp. 541–4, esp. 544 Google Scholar.

11 See the third part of this paper, below.

12 Oates, D., Studies in the Ancient History of Northern Iraq (London 1968) 31 and 39 Google Scholar. Reade, J. credits Oates, D. with the idea that the town of Nurrugûm might be identified with Mosul (RIA 9, p. 396a)Google Scholar, but Oates was not so explicit (loc. cit.).

13 Eidem, J., Iraq 47 (1985) 101 and fn. 84CrossRefGoogle Scholar: “the land seems to have covered an area on both banks of the Tigris north of Ekallātum, perhaps including Niniveh, the town itself probably lay east of the river”.

14 Joannès, F., FM [I], p. 88 Google Scholar; see also 87 fn. 3: “La ville de Nurrugum … contrôle un district qui s'étend des bords du Tigre jusqu'aux environs de l'ancienne ville d'Apqum (actuel Tell Abu Marya), c'est-à-dire la région à l'Est de la chaîne du Sinjar”.

15 A. 813 (unpub.): (25) ù at-ta ti-de ki-ma a-la-nu-ú (26) ša ma-a-at nu-úr-ru-gim ki a-na e-bi-ir-tim (27) ul-li-tim-ma ka-lu-šu ik-ta-mi-is.

16 Nurrugûm and Nineveh would then be a pair formed of a political capital and a religious metropolis, as in the case of Ekallâtum and Aššur, and doubtless also Qabra and Urbil (Arbila). For a similar comment, cf. Eidem, J., ShA 1, p. 22 Google Scholar. The case of Arrapha seems different, however, because the sanctuary of the Storm God and the political capital were both situated at Arrapha.

17 Cf. ARM I 124 (LAPO 17 518). The conquest of Šibânum is mentioned at the same time as that of Nineveh and the surrounding country.

18 Cf. ARM I 92 (LAPO 17 530) and A. 2494 + (unpub.).

19 Talmuš was north of Nineveh; its location is not yet assured.

20 A. 4197 (unpub.): (12) ma-a-at nu-úr-ru-gim°ki (13) egir kur-i (…). The passage is cited in FM V, p. 135.

21 Cf. the maps of D. Oates, op. cit. (note 12) 14, and perhaps also Ziegler, N., FM VI, p. 224 Google Scholar.

22 For a tentative location see Ziegler, N., FM VI, p. 274 Google Scholar fnn. 302–3 and the map on p. 267.

23 For a general treatment see FM V.

24 Eidem, J., ShA 1, p. 22 n. 30Google Scholar; see FM V, p. 97.

25 See FM V, p. 90.

26 ShA I 64: (5) m ni-ip-ra-am iš-tu ˹ma˺-ha-ar (6) m sa-am-si-dIM il-li-kam-ma (7) um-ma šu-ú-ma ṭe 4-mu-um ma-li m sa-am-si-dIM i-pu-/la-an-ni (8) ma-di-iš! ša ha-di-im ù uruki ar-ra-ap-ha-/am ki (9) iṣ-ṣa-ba-at ù a-na qa-ba-ra-e ki (10) m sa-am-si-dIM i-ta-ši (11) ù ma-ra-šu m iš-me-d da-gan (12) [i]t-ti ša-˹bi˺-im 1 šu-ši li-mi (13) a-na nu-úr-ru-gi-im ki la-wi-[i]m ( 14) iš-t˹a˺-p˹a˺-ar.

27 See Abrahami, Ph., “La circulation militaire dans les textes de Mari: la question des effectifs”, in Charpin, D. and Joannès, F. (eds.), La circulation des biens, des personnes et des idées dans le Proche-Orient ancien, Actes de la XXXVIIIe Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale (Paris, 8–10 juillet 1991) (Paris 1992) 157–66Google Scholar.

28 See in detail FM V, p. 92.

29 A. 2728 (LAPO 17 515).

30 ARM I 124 (LAPO 17 515): (4) i-na pa-ni-tim (5) aš-šum da-am 7-di-im (6) aš-pu-ra-°[k]um (7) i-na-‹an-na› ši-ba-na-am ki (8) ni-ne-et ki (9) ù ma-a-tam ka-la-ša (10) a[ṣ]-ṣa-ba-at (11) l[u-ú h]a-de-et.

31 M. 8898 (unpub.).

32 For the treatment of special prisoners, see ARM IV 63 (LAPO 18 1034). Otherwise, numerous Nurrugean soldiers were enrolled on the spot in military activities against the Ya'ilânum; this is shown by unpublished texts like A. 4329+ and A. 4422.

33 A. 4422 (unpub.): (21) m iš-me-d[da-gan ṣa-ba-ṣu] (22) ù ša a-˹na˺ é-[kál-la-tim ki] (23) i-ti-qú ú-ul a-mu-[ur-ma] (24) ki-a-am iq-bu-˹nim˺ (25) um-ma-mi ṣa-bu-um ma-du-um-ma (26) a-na é-‹kál›-la-tim ki i-ti-iq (27) ù iš-me-d da-{gan x}-gan (28) ni-ne-et ki ú-te-še-er (29) mi-im-ma ‹ṣa-ba›-am i-na li-ib-bi {x} (30) a-lim ni-n[e-et]ki (31) ú-ul ‹i›-[zi]-ib.

34 The events of the war against the Ya'ilänum remain difficult to assess; see most recently FM V, pp. 93–4.

35 ARM I 8 (LAPO 17 679): (5) aš-šum dumu-meš ya-i-xsla-nim ša ma-ah-ri-ka (6) tu-ša wa-ar-ka-nu-um ša-li-mu-um (7) ib-ba-aš-ši-ma i-na qa-tim ku-ul-la-šu-nu aq-bi (8) i-na-an-na mi-im-ma sa-li-mu-um (9) it-ti ya-i-la-nim ù-ul i-ba-aš-ši (10) ša ṣa-ba-ti-šu-ma a-da-ab-bu-ub (11) dumu-meš ya-i-la-nim ma-la ma-ah-ri-ka (12) a-hu-né-e i-ba-aš-šu-ú (13) wu-e-er-ma i-na mu-ši-im-ma li-mu-tu (14) ma-aṣ-ṣa-ar-tum na-'a 4-du-um ù ú-ku-ul-lu-um (15) la ib-ba-as-ši (16) qú-bu-ri li-pu-[š]u-šu-nu-ši-im-m[a] (17) li-mu-tu ù i-na qú-bu-ri li-iq-[qé-eb-ru].

36 A. 3304 (unpub.): (5) um-ma-na-t[u]-ia (6) ˹a˺-na ma˹a˺-[at n]u-ru-gi-im ki (7) ih-ha-ab-ta-a-ma (8) i-na a-bu-ul nu-˹ru˺-gi-im ki (9) ip-pa-al-sí-ha-ma (10) še-em ˹ša˺ i-t[a-a]-a[t nu-ru-gi-im]ki (11) ir-ṭú-ub […](12) mdumu-d[IM dumu ya-i-la-nim] (13) qa-du-[um ga-ma-ar-ti] (14) ṣa-bi-š[u ip-hu-ur-ma] (15) a-na giš-[tukul-meš e-pé-ši-im] (16) m iš-me-d da-˹gan˺ [iṭ-hi-šum] (17) mdumu-dIM dumu ya-i-la-[nim] (18) lú-meš ru-bu-šu (19) ù ṣa-˹bu˺-[um] ˹ka˺-lu-šu di-ik (20) 1 lû ˹û-ul˺ ú-ši (21) wa-ar-ki ṭup-pí-ia an-ni-im (22) ṭe 4-em nu-úr-ru-gi-im ki (23) a-ša-ap-pa-ra-kum (24) hu-du.

37 This was so significant as to be used as a “year-name” by the scribe of the contract ARM VIII 11 (Cf. Charpin, D., “Noms d'année et éponymes à Mari”, NABU 1992/30 Google Scholar).

38 See the summary by Eidem, J., ShA 1, pp. 49–51 Google Scholar, also FMV, pp. 97–101.

39 ARM X 107 (LAPO 18 1089): (17) ki-ma be-lí-ia nu-r[u-ga-am ki] (18) iṣ-ba-at ù da-a[m 7-da-am] (19) i-d[u]-uk-ma šu-ma-a[m iš-ša-ki-in] (20) d da-gan ù il-ka s[a it-ti-ka] (21) iz-za-az-[zu] (22) ta-pu-ut-ka li-il-li-ku-ma.

40 Cf. FM V, p. 101.

41 ARM I 60 (LAPO 17 672): (24) te-re-tum sa an-ni-ke-e-em û-še-pi-šu (25) ma-di-iš ša-al-ma (26) ši-i]r šu-mi-im it-ta-ad-da-a (27) [ṭe]4-e-em na-ak-ri-im ša-a-ti (28) ˹û˺-u[lt]a-ha-aṭ-ṭì (29) [te-re-tu]m i-id-di-ka-ma (30) [da-am 7-da]-šu-nu ta-da-ak (31) ù [li-it-ka ta-ša-a]k-ka-an (32) ṣa-ba-ka [ku-ṣû]-ur (33) i-na še-eb-qí-im [û-ul t]a-al-la-ak.

42 Three letters of this Šaššarânum have been published to date: ARM V 61 (LAPO 17 512), ARM V 62 (LAPO 17 513) and ARM XXVI/1 175. The letter ARM V 43 (LAPO 17 522) shows that the population of his district was able to take refuge in Apqum (Tell Abu Mariya) and Zanipâ. If these two towns were then part of the district of Šaššarânum and if this district kept to the frontiers of the old kingdom of Nurrugûm, one would have to suppose that the territory dependant on Nurrugûm extended beyond the Jebel Atshan (see above). Note that Šaššarânum could have been a native of the neighbouring region, if his name is indeed connected to that of Tharthar, as I proposed in FM VI, p. 248 fn. 179.

43 See already above, fn. 32.

44 Thus 2,000 Nurrugean soldiers were sent to combat the rebellious Turukkeans according to ARM I 90 (MARI 5, p. 170, LAPO 17 497).

45 See ARM XVI/1, p. 25; add ARM XXI 130: 3 (IV-ZL 5[=4′]); ARM XXII 284: 152 (XII-ZL 1, Addu of Aleppo); FM III 60: 63 (30-X-ZL 1, Kahat), 95: 6″ (1-XII-ZL 1, Kahat) and 100: 7 (1-XII-ZL 1, Kahat), as well as T. 340: 11 (unpub., [x]-XI-ZL 1, Kahat). For the chronology of the year “Kahat” see most recently FM V, pp. 170–5.

46 TEM III: vii 15–34 (20-XI-ZL 1, Kahat) ( Birot, M., RA 49 [1955] 15–31 Google Scholar) with parallels.

47 One series of texts describing Yasmah-Addu's entourage reveals the presence of soldiers of foreign origin, such as people of Šinamum and Gutians ( Lafont, B., “Le ṣâbum du roi de Mari au temps de Yasmah-Addu”, in Durand, J.-M. and Kupper, J.-R. [ed.], Miscellanea Babylonica. Mélanges offerts à Maurice Birot [Paris 1985] 161–79Google Scholar). This series of texts dates from the eponymate of Ikkupiya, two years before the conquest of Nurrugûm. Thus it was later that Yasmah-Addu included people from this country in his escort.

48 See most recently the edition of Grayson, A. K., Assyrian Rulers of the Third and Second Millennia BC (to 1115 BC), RIMA 1 (Toronto 1987) 51–5 No. 2Google Scholar.

49 ARM I 7 (LAPO 16 187): (4) giš-gišimmar giš-šu-úr-mìn ù giš-az (5) ša iš-tu qa-ṭá-[n]im ki ub-lu-nim (6) i-na ṣü-up-r[i-i]m ki ša-ki-in (7) m ma-ši-ia ù lü-meš ták-lu-tim it-ti-šu (8) a-na ṣú-up-ri-im ki ṭú-ru-ud-ma (9) giš-gišimmar giš-šu-ûr-min ù giš-az (10) a-na 3-šu li-zu-zu (11) ša-lu-uš-ti giš-gišimmar giš-su-ûr-mìn ù giš-az (12) a-na é-kál-la-tim ki (13) ša-lu-uš-tam a-na ni-nu-wa-a ki (14) ù ša-lu-uš-tam a-na šu-ba-at-d en-líl ki (15) šu-bi-il. I suppose that the sign giš-gišimmar was used by mistake; cf. the commentary by Durand, J.-M., LAPO 16, p. 323 Google Scholar.

50 See also the prudent opinion of Veenhof, K. R.: “This building operation is perhaps reflected in the Mari letter ARM 1, 7, which deals with the transport of trees/logs to N.” (RIA 9, p. 434a)Google Scholar.

51 ARM I 7 (LAPO 16 187): (15) giš ri-qí; it is true that aromatics are attested in foundation deposits of the beginning of the first millennium (cf. CAD R 370a), but such an interpretation seems unlikely here.

52 RIMA 1 52–3 No. 2 col. i (1) ˹dutu-ši-d˺iškur (2) da-núm (3) lugal kiš (4) ša-ki-in den-líl (5) ensi2 d a-šur 4 (6) na-ra-am dinanna (7) bi-tum é-me-nu-è (8) ša i-na qa-qar é-maš-maš (9) bi-tim la-bi-ri (10) ša ma-an-iš-ti-šu (11) dumu šar-ru-ki-in (12) lugal a-ga-dèki (13) i-pu-šu i-na-ah-ma (14) bi-tam ša iš-tu (15) šu-lum a-ga-dè ki (16) a-di šar-ru-ti-ia (17) a-di ṣa-ba-at nu-ur-ru-gi ki (18) 7 da-a-ru i-ti-qú-ma (19) i-na a-li-ku-ut pa-ni-˹ia˺ (20) lugal ma-an-na-ma (21) la i-pu-šu-˹ma˺.

53 RIMA 1 53 No. 2 col. ii (21) na-re-e ma-an-iš-ti-šu (22) ˹ù te-em-me˺-ni-šu (23) ˹ù ?˺-[na˹ak-ki˺-ru-ma (24) [a-na maškanî]-šu-nu-ma (25) [lâ utêru]-šu-nu-ti (26) [narê]-ia (iii 1) [u temmênîya] (2) x […] (3) a-na i-[di narê]-e-šu (4) ù te-[em-m]e-ni-šu (5) lu-ú aš-˹ku˺-un.

54 For the Agadean origins of the dynasty of Samsî-Addu, see Durand, J.-M. and Guichard, M., FM III, p. 28 Google Scholar; Durand, J.-M., LAPO 17, pp. 108–9Google Scholar; and most recently Charpin, D., “Mari und die Assyrer”, in Sommerfeld, W. and Meyer, J.-W. (eds.), 2000 v. Chr. — Politische, wirtschaftliche und kulturelle Entwicklung im Zeichen einer Jahrtausendwende, CDOG 3 (Saarbrücken, forthcoming)Google Scholar

55 See FM V, pp. 149–53, and, for more details, my study: “Tilmuniter im Königreich Samsî-Addus”, in Olijdam, E. and Spoor, R. H. (ed.), Intercultural Relations between South and Southwest Asia. Studies in Commemoration of E. C. L. During Caspers (1934–1996), BAR International Series (forthcoming)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.