^{page 22 note 1} See his forthcoming account in Iraq.

^{page 22 note 2} The only material relic of his works is the fragmentary ‘statue Cabane’, now in the Museum at Aleppo; see Melanges syriens … R. Dussaud, I, opp. p. 158 Google Scholar, and also Revue d'Assyriologie, XXXI. 144 Google Scholar.

^{page 22 note 3} See Thureau-Dangin, , R.A. XXXIV. 135 Google Scholar; Albright, , B.A.S.O.R., no. 69, p. 18 Google Scholar; Dossin, , Syria, XIX. 105 Google Scholar; Parrot, ibid. 182, &c.

^{page 22 note 4} Budge-King, , Annals of the Kings of Assyria, 2 Google Scholar.

^{page 23 note 1} R.A. XXXIV. 138 Google Scholar, see also Syria, XIX. 112 fGoogle Scholar.

^{page 23 note 2} Owing to an unfortunate carelessness in writing, particularly in 998, this name could sometimes be read Šubat-Sin (EN.ZU for EN.LIL), but in other cases ‘Enlil’ seems clear, and the evidence from Mari is doubtless unambiguous. For this capital see R.A. XXXIV. 135 Google Scholar; Syria, XIX. 112 Google Scholar. There is nothing in these tablets to support a proposed identification with the city of Assur. It may be added that there is, in the Mari letters, a town named Subat-Sin ( Syria, XIX. 115)Google Scholar.

^{page 23 note 3} Iraq, IV. 180 Google Scholar.

^{page 23 note 4} In spite of the striking parallel in the name of a (later) king of Tunip found at Atshana ( Smith, S. in Antiquaries Journal, XIX. 40)Google Scholar.

^{page 23 note 5} Dossin, , Syria, XX. 105 Google Scholar, mentions but does not name sixteen limus in the business documents of Mari.

^{page 24 note 1} Langdon, , Babylonian Menologies, 30 Google Scholar.

^{page 24 note 2} Ibid. 13, 45.

^{page 25 note 1} This appears among places named in the business documents of Mari, under a ruler Iawi-il ( Syria, XX. 109)Google Scholar.

^{page 25 note 2} Deny, J. in R.H.A. 10 1936 (fasc. 25), p. 15 Google Scholar, alludes to a Turkish place-name Beli-köprü(sü), ‘“le pont de ‘oui’”? pour “le pont où l'on dit oui au Diable, tant qu'on ne l'a pas passé”,’ an explanation certainly not less recherchée than ours.

^{page 25 note 3} See above, p. 23, n. 2. As regards Ekallati, there is no reason to connect the name with an otherwise unknown town on the Euphrates ‘restored’ to this form by Forrer, , Forschungen, 11. 41, 43 Google Scholar.

^{page 25 note 4} Dossin, in Syria, XX. 109 fGoogle Scholar. Iamḫad included the town and district of Alaiaḫ (modern Atshana), where the names of its kings Iarim-Lim, Niqme …, and Ḫammurabi have lately been found; see Smith, S. in The Times, 08 22nd, 1939 Google Scholar, also R.A. xxxvi, p. 46 Google Scholar.

^{page 26 note 1} For the position of Kirḫu see Thureau-Dangin, , R.A. xxxvi. 7 Google Scholar.

^{page 26 note 2} All of these dates are in the same year, the eponymate of Adad-bani.

^{page 28 note 1} See now Jean, , Rev. d. études sémit., 1939, p. 69 Google Scholar.

^{page 28 note 2} Oppenheim, L. in A.f.O. XII. 29 ffGoogle Scholar., has suggested several identifications of this kind.

^{page 28 note 3} It is possible that the reading of this phrase should be mâr GA.DUB-bi (see R.A. XXI. 12, n. 3; XXXIV. 78; Z.A. N.F. IV. 78), in which case the meaning would be simply ‘clerks’, which, in the given contexts, would have little point. The passages require collation, at present impossible.

^{page 28 note 4} Iraq, III. 4, and IV. 92 fGoogle Scholar.

^{page 29 note 1} Here NÍG.ḪAR.RA is evidently not the same as, nor the equivalent of, sammidatum, but a coarser product, as in the examples discussed by Landsberger, in O.L.Z. 1922, 341 fGoogle Scholar. The usage of these tablets does not, however, support the explanation there offered. As fodder for oxen 6⅔ sila daily was allowed in place of the usual 3 sila of barley (compare 972 with 937, 951), so that it was evidently of less nutritive value. It was perhaps the bran.

^{page 30 note 1} Again I am not able to suggest the meaning of this; the reading seems certain. Any connexion with kurunnu is unlikely, both because of the form, and because this drink is certainly a beer made from barley, not any kind of wine (see the arguments of Poebel, Z.A. N.F. V. 148).

^{page 30 note 2} See Thureau-Dangin, , J.A. 1909, 103, n. 4Google Scholar, and R.A. XVIII. 136 Google Scholar.

^{page 30 note 3} Schorr, , Urkunden des Altbab.… Prozessrechts, 70 Google Scholar, gives some examples. Similarly there was a ‘sutu of Marduk’ (ibid, and Ḫammurabis Gesetz, VI. 1535). Both of these, and several other measures, are enumerated, in the series ana ittišu, Landsberger, , Materialien zum sumer. Lexikon, 1.34 fGoogle Scholar. The ‘interest-(scale) of the Sun-god’ is even more commonly specified (Schorr, op. cit. 66, Ḫam. Gesetz, III. 238, IV. 92, V. 121)Google Scholar.

^{page 30 note 4} Iraq, IV. 181 Google Scholar.

^{page 31 note 1} In Old-Bab. lists are found measures with similar designations though the same word is not used: see the references in Lautner, , Altbabylonische Personenmiete, 208, noteGoogle Scholar.

^{page 31 note 2} This may appear to be a negative of the preceding, ‘GU-asses’ and ‘not-GÚ asses’. But I believe that in the first case it is written GÚ and in the second GU, which of course may still be a distinction without a difference, though it is not likely. The tablets being inaccessible at the time of writing, I regret that this supposed distinction could not be verified.

^{page 31 note 3} See the Illustrated London News, Nov. 6th, 1937.

^{page 31 note 4} Stallions?

^{page 31 note 5} See the copy of this tablet.

^{page 32 note 1} This translation is uncertain—it may be a calf, cf. A.f.O. X. 26 Google Scholar, and ibid. 154, n. 66.

^{page 32 note 2} See p. 29, n. 1, above.

^{page 32 note 3} For a discussion of SILÁ.NIM see Landsberger in A.f.O. X. 155 fGoogle Scholar.

^{page 32 note 4} It is probably connected with the adjective bitrû which is applied to swine ( Landsberger, , Fauna, 14 f., 103 Google Scholar, who denies that it has anything to do with fatness).

^{page 33 note 1} See above, p. 27.

^{page 33 note 2} (SAL)KUR-ḫu-na-tum.

^{page 33 note 3} In a letter found at Mari Samsi-Adad directs his son Iasmaḫ-Adad to send to his capital the daughters of Iaḫdullim so that they may be taught singing ( Dossin, , Syria, XIX. 112 f.)Google Scholar.

^{page 33 note 4} qa-ḫi-la-tum ša şa-bi-i-im; but it is possibly a proper name. See this word (provisionally) in the list of names, where the evidence is collected.

^{page 33 note 5} At the time of writing these figures had not been fully investigated, and therefore, as the tablets were no longer available, I can but regret the inadequate treatment of this interesting topic.

^{page 34 note 1} See Schwenzner, , M.V.A.G. 1914 (3), 38 ff.Google Scholar; Lautner, , Personenmiete, 207 fGoogle Scholar.; Meissner, B., Warenpreise in Babylonien, 37 Google Scholar. Much of this material refers, however, to the hire of labourers, not to the mere upkeep of slaves.

^{page 34 note 2} Though Ḫa-bi-ra-am may be noticed.

^{page 34 note 3} Iraq, IV. 181 ffGoogle Scholar.

^{page 34 note 4} Without attempting exact statistics, which would be invalidated by doubtful cases, it may be computed that the Amorite names in this list are in proportion to the Ḫurrian about 5 to 6.

^{page 34 note 5} On the ground of probability (to be shown later), as well as of typographical convenience, the last syllable is here assumed to be phonetically -an. Certain examples which are only apparent, such as Ḫa-ab-da-AN(él), an ordinary Amorite name, and Ka-a-ia-an, La-ša-na-an (both Akkadian) have, of course, been omitted.

^{page 34 note 6} Akkadian (?).

^{page 34 note 7} Possibly Amorite (= Mutu-Awan?).

^{page 34 note 8} Ḫurrian (?).

^{page 35 note 1} R.A. XXXIV. 175 fGoogle Scholar.

^{page 35 note 2} This seems to be a name of similar construction, with -en in place of an. Note the interesting parallels to this in Ma-ki-en and Ut-te-en of the present list (Chagar Bazar).

^{page 35 note 3} G. G. Hackman, Temple Documents of the Third Dynasty of Ur from Umma (Index of Names).

^{page 35 note 4} In Bauer's list appear La-ak-ma-AN and Mu-ut-am-na-an (pp. 33, 35, and see p. 57). The second of these is perhaps compounded with the divine name Anman, which, together with another Syrian (?) god Laban, is possibly itself a member of this group; for references to these see Z.A. N.F. x. 79.

^{page 35 note 5} R.A. XXXV. 106 Google Scholar.

^{page 35 note 6} i.e. ‘the Sutaean woman’.

^{page 35 note 7} Cf. a correspondent in the Mari letters, A-bi-sa-mar ( R.A. XXXVI. 25)Google Scholar, also Bahli-samar below and the note there.

^{page 35 note 8} See Iraq, IV. 181 Google Scholar.

^{page 35 note 9} Correct Iraq, IV. 181 Google Scholar, (d.)Adad-ba(?)-ḫa.

^{page 36 note 1} In Iraq, IV. 182 Google Scholar, Ak-ku-a-ḫushould probably be be corrected to this.

^{page 36 note 2} ‘I will make prayer to him’ (i.e. the god).

^{page 36 note 3} Since this name is apparently of the common Ḫurrian type, place + ari, Aranziḫ suggests Aransuḫ or Aranzu, a name given in the Assyrian synonymlists to the Tigris, as so called in the countries of Iamutbal or Subartu (see von Soden, in Z.A. N.F. IX. 235)Google Scholar. A more definite, though perhaps less likely, suggestion would be the N. Mesopotamian district of Araziqi, where Tiglath-pileser I hunted wild oxen. This place is mentioned in a date-formula upon a tablet found at Alalaḫ (Atshana).

^{page 36 note 4} On the reading and signification of this element see Oppenheim, R.H.A., fasc. 26, pp. 58 ff.

^{page 36 note 5} Ari+Šerua (?), the Assyrian goddess (it the reading is correct).

^{page 36 note 6} Cf. Chiera, , Joint Exped. … at Nuzi, 1, no. 60, 1. 26 Google Scholar, A-ru-ma-ri.

^{page 36 note 7} On the god Asdu see Reallex. d. Assyr. 1. 166 Google Scholar. The aftu-names below are probably Ḫurrian, see Z.D.M.G. 91, 567.

^{page 36 note 8} Cf. Be-lí-a-ya-a-ba-aš below; the second component is aî abaš, ‘let me not be shamed’.

^{page 36 note 9} Cf. Buzum-kiazi, I-u-nu-BE-kiazi, and Memenkiazi below. The element kiazi is evidently the same as kiaše in the Nuzu tablets, which Oppenheim, , A.f.O. XII. 36 f.Google Scholar, regards as a divine name. A similar change is found in ḫazib for ḫašib and kuzuḫ for kušuḫ.

^{page 36 note 10} That is, awat-su.

^{page 36 note 11} May contain in the second element the name of Upi, Opis.

^{page 36 note 12} Cf. Awiš-kipa, , Awiš-naia, , Ann. Amer. Sch. Or. Res. XVI. 149 Google Scholar.

^{page 37 note 1} For Baḫli- see Bauer, T., Ostkanaanäer, 72 Google Scholar. Diri is probably the (god of the) city of Dêr, whose goddess appears in Diritum-ummi (below).

^{page 37 note 2} Samar is perhaps the same as in Abi-sapar (above) and Ḫamu-sa(m)ar (below).

^{page 37 note 3} See Iraq, IV. 182 Google Scholar, and J.A.O.S. LVIII. 469 Google Scholar. Mr. P. M. Purves has kindly furnished me with many references to the scribe of this name in the Nuzu tablets.

^{page 37 note 4} Cf. Atkal-aiabaš: ya, written PI.

^{page 37 note 5} For both elements see the Glossar of T. Bauer, op. cit.; -moraş ‘vielleicht Gottesbezeichnung’ is supported by Bunu-Ištar.

^{page 37 note 6} Cf. Attap-kiazi, Memen-kiazi, &c.

^{page 37 note 7} ‘The goddess of Dêr is my mother.’ Cf. Baḫli-diri, which stands next to Diritum-ummi in 99s, col. 4.

^{page 37 note 8} This name seems in most cases to be clearly written É-a-AN. SAG. NI. With the proposed reading I would compare the apparent writing of DI. SAG for DI.KA (sattukkum) in 971 and elsewhere.

^{page 37 note 9} Cf. Kirib-eli, Nubur-eli, Taṣal-eli, below.

^{page 37 note 10} Occurs in the forms e-la-nim, e-el-la-nim, e-ella-nu.

^{page 38 note 1} For both elements see the Glossar of T. Bauer, op. cit. In the present list cf. Ṣidqi-eputḫ.

^{page 38 note 2} This and the following name, which might be thought identical, actually occur next to each other in 982, 987, and 993.

^{page 38 note 3} Kuzutḫ may be the name of a Ḫurrian god, see Oppenheim, , A.f.O. XII. 33 Google Scholar. Kuzufe for the more usual Kušuḫ is similar to Ḫazib- for Ḫašib, and -kiazi for -kiaše.

^{page 38 note 4} Occurs in Iraq, IV. 178 tGoogle Scholar.

^{page 38 note 5} In form =

^{page 38 note 6} See above, p. 26.

^{page 38 note 7} Name of a King of Iamḫad, see above, p. 25, n. 4.

^{page 38 note 8} Possibly contains the geographical and divine name Ebih.

^{page 38 note 9} Doubtful: in each occurrence the first sign might be the determinative SAL rather than im, but the latter has some preference.

^{page 39 note 1} In this and the next name the last element may be geographical—‘the (divine) lord of —— has heard’. Šu(?)rḫjum is perhaps Širiḫum, an Elamite territory conquered by Sargon of Agade ( Poebel, , Historical Texts, 188)Google Scholar.

^{page 39 note 2} On the analogy of Diritum-ummi and Kišitumummi this might be supposed to contain a place-name. In a recently published Ḫurrian incantation from Mari (see Thureau-Dangin, , R.A. XXXVI. 17, no. 5, 1. 3)Google Scholar ni-ra-da precedes pí-di-en-ḫi-ni-da, which latter perhaps involves a place-name (ibid. 18). A town Ni-e-ra is mentioned in a fragment of the historical inscription of the Hittite king Ḫattusil III ( Götze, , M.V.A.G. Band 34, 2, p. 24, 1. 49)Google Scholar as being in the neighbourhood of the more important Nerig, and the name of a mariannu-man Ni-ru-wa-a-bi ( Weidner, , Politische Dokumente aus Kleinasien, 10, 1. 33)Google Scholar may have some connexion. [I owe these two references to Mr. S. Smith.]

^{page 39 note 3} Cf. the name of Samsi-Adad's father, Ila-kabkabu (R.A. XXXI. 191).

^{page 39 note 4} Cf. Qá-bi-él, below.

^{page 39 note 5} Followed here by Ta-şa-al-e-li.

^{page 39 note 6} Written (d.)INANNA.KIŠ.KI: cf. Diritumummi, above.

^{page 39 note 7} Cf. Nawar-kanazi, Šeḫlib-kanazi, and note on the latter.

^{page 39 note 8} Uncertain whether this is a name. It is twice followed by ša sa-bi-i-im, and might seem to designate a function ‘assembler (?) of the host’. But 993 reads (SAL.TUR)qa-ḫi-la-tum TUR.SAL şa-bi-i-im (possibly a scribal error). Cf. R.A. XXXVI. 49 (Kiḫilum)Google Scholar.

^{page 40 note 1} Written MI. NI.

^{page 40 note 2} Cf. Me-ik-ka-AN, below.

^{page 40 note 3} Cf. Attap-kiazi, Buzum-kiazi, I-u-nu-BE-ki-ia-zi.

^{page 40 note 4} This and the following two names incorporate geographical names, Abitḫ (?), Arrapḫa, Awan (?).

^{page 40 note 5} Cf. Kizi-kanazi and Šeḫlib-kanazi. The land of Naw(m)ar is an element in several Ḫurrian names.

^{page 40 note 6} See above, p. 23.

^{page 40 note 7} Cf. (perhaps) with this and the following name Na-ar-bi-AN ( Ann. Amer. Sch. Or. Res. XVI. 158)Google Scholar = Na-ar-wi-lu ( Chiera, , Joint Exped. … at Nuzi, I, no. 87, 1. 31)Google Scholar.

^{page 40 note 8} = Panammu (?).

^{page 41 note 1} i.e. tillati (‘my aid’), better than as ideogram TI.LA(ti) = balaṭi.

^{page 41 note 2} On seal-impressions the Šamaš-name is sometimes written regularly AN.UD.ŠI, but on the seal of Adad-malik (939,959) it appears as AN.sa-am-ši. The last š disappears in sa-am-si-(d.)IM-ì-lí.

^{page 41 note 3} Cf. Šadum-kešḫi. above.

^{page 41 note 4} Cf. Kizi- and Nawar-kanazi, also Oppenheim, , A.f.O. XIX. 36, n. 43 and p. 37 Google Scholar.

^{page 41 note 5} Cf. the name of a woman Tu-ul-pu-un-na-a-a in Pfeiffer, , Archives of Shilwateshub, no. 116, 1. 2 Google Scholar (also Analecta Orientalia, XII. 175)Google Scholar, and Ann. Amer. Sch. Or. Res. XVI. 164 Google Scholar.

^{page 41 note 6} Cf. E-di-en-e-li, Kirib-eli, Nubur-eli.

^{page 41 note 7} Cf. again the name of a woman Te-eš-še-en-na-a-a in R.A. XXIII. 145, no. 12 Google Scholar.

^{page 42 note 1} See R.A. XXXV. 106 Google Scholar.

^{page 42 note 2} Tupki- is a common element in Ḫurrian names, e.g. Tupkia, Tupkitilla, Tupkizza. The same is true of unap-, below.

^{page 42 note 3} Cf. Attap-kiazi, Buzum-kiazi, Memen-kiazi, and note on the first of these.

^{page 42 note 4} On the analogy of the two preceding names Ḫasam is probably an Amorite deity.

^{page 43 note 1} ‘District of Qir-Dabat’; for ḫalşum in the Mari letters see Jean, , Reinte des Études Sémitiques, 1937, 109 Google Scholar and Dossin, , R.A. XXXV. 178 Google Scholar.

^{page 43 note 2} Cf. the name of a woman Ḫi-iš-ta-i-ia-ra (Z.A. N.F. X. 134); probably a mere coincidence.

^{page 43 note 3} An Assyrian provincial centre, as yet unlocated, but in this region; see Forrer, , Provinzeinteilung, 19 fGoogle Scholar.

^{page 43 note 4} For the location of Kirḫu see now Thureau-Dangin, in R.A. XXXVI. 7 Google Scholar.

^{page 43 note 5} See 984 in the catalogue of the tablets.

^{page 43 note 6} R.A. XXXV. 184 Google Scholar; Syria, XIX. 115 Google Scholar.

^{page 43 note 6} R.A. XXXV. 182, n. 4Google Scholar; Syria, XIX. 115 Google Scholar.

^{page 43 note 8} Syria, XX. 109 Google Scholar.

^{page 43 note 9} R.A. IX. 2 f.Google Scholar; Syria, XIX. 115 Google Scholar.

^{page 43 note 10} This list is designed not only as a vocabulary of the more interesting expressions (some common words being omitted), but as a guide to the occurrences of the things represented by them.

^{page 44 note 1} This is perhaps to be read G Á rather than É, in which case the mârî always mentioned with this phrase were ‘clerks’ rather than boys at school.

^{page 44 note 2} See Meissner, , Beiträge z. assyr. Wörterbuch, I. 23 Google Scholar.

^{page 44 note 3} This reading requires collation.

^{page 44 note 4} See Piepkorn, , Historical Prism Inscriptions of Ashurbanipal, 1. 43, noteGoogle Scholar.

^{page 44 note 5} The same literal usage is found in the Mari letters, Syria, XIX. 110, n. 1Google Scholar.

^{page 44 note 6} See naqidum, below.

^{page 45 note 1} Cf. the agricultural occupation ki(u)rbanna laqatu ( Landsberger, , ana ittišu, pp. 53, 167)Google Scholar. It must be admitted, however, that ‘gathering up clods’ hardly seems practical farming.

^{page 45 note 2} In the lists names of girls are preceded by SAL. TUR.

^{page 45 note 3} Precedes names of boys in the lists.

^{page 45 note 4} An identical form is quoted from the Mari letters by Dossin, , R.A. XXXV. 113, n. 5Google Scholar.

^{page 45 note 5} References in R.A. XXXV. 9, n. 7Google Scholar.

^{page 45 note 6} See above, p. 32.

^{page 45 note 7} See A.f.O. X. 151 Google Scholar.

^{page 45 note 8} Lautner, , Altbabyl. Personenmiete, 88, n. 299Google Scholar.

^{page 46 note 1} See R.A. XXVIII. 118, n. 3Google Scholar.

^{page 46 note 2} In all cases the second sign is clearly written SAG, not KA

^{page 46 note 3} Cf. Cross, D., Movable Property in the Nusi Documents, 21, note 19Google Scholar.

^{page 46 note 4} cf. R.A. XXXV. 113, n. 5Google Scholar.

^{page 47 note 1} Salonen, A., Wasserfahrzeugein Babylonien, 15, n. 2, and p. 138 Google Scholar translates this word as ‘Kelle, Löffel’. which is not very likely in the present passage.

^{page 50 note 1} The ordinary designation of this fraction is GfN, which is found as early as the IIIrd Dynasty of Ur. See Reisner, , S.P.A.W. 1896, I. 423 Google Scholar, and Thuheau-Dangin, , Textes mathémat, babyl, 243 Google Scholar.

^{page 58 note 1} Or perhaps mârî ga-dub-bi, ‘clerks’.