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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 28 July 2016
When the Irish rebellion broke out in October 1641, Charles I was in Scotland, where, closely watched by agents of his dissident English parliament, he was attempting, by a policy of tardy retreats and unwonted largesse, to make of the Scottish kirk a pillar of the throne, and to transform wily old enemies like Argyle, Hamilton and Leslie into trusty retainers. Accordingly, when the Scottish estates—then in close liason with Westminster—suggested that the English parliament be entrusted with the management of the Irish war, Charles quickly agreed and sent a message to that effect to London.
In the house of commons, on November 1, the radicals, aware that Ireland formed a common focus of interest for the Scots, the London merchants and many of their supporters in the house, received the news of the rising with ‘smooth brows’. The well-known London interest in Ulster had long been shared by the Scots who had, indeed, attempted to supplant the Londoners in 1638. Hamilton himself appears to have fancied himself as Strafford’s successor.
1 Clarendon, , History of the great rebellion, ed. Macray, (Oxford, 1888), i. 409nGoogle Scholar.
2 Ibid.
3 Moody, T.W., The Londonderry plantation (Belfast, 1939), pp. 394-6Google Scholar.
4 Clarendon, , Rebellion, i. 411nGoogle Scholar.
5 The journal of Sir Symonds D’Ewes, ed. Coates, W.H. (New Haven, 1942), p. 121 Google Scholar.
6 Keeler, M., The long parliament (Philadelphia, American Philosophical Society, 1954), pp. 368-9Google Scholar.
7 Prendergast, J.P., ‘Some accountof Sir Audley Mervyn’ in R. Hist. Soc. Trans., n.s., iii (1874), 445-6Google Scholar.
8 D.N.B., xiv. 587.
9 Ibid., x. 772.
10 H.M.C., rep. 10, pt. 6, p. 88.
11 Ibid.
12 Moody, Londonderry plantation, pp. 304-5.
13 Ibid., pp. 281-2.
14 P.R.O., S.P. 16/539, Pt. ii, no. 248 (Cal. S.P. dom., 1625-49, pp. 671-2).
15 Whitaker, L., Journal of the house of commons, 1642-47, B.M. Add. MS 31, 116, f. 294 vGoogle Scholar.
16 R. Goodwin to Sir Thomas Barrington, 26 June 1643, Barrington correspondence, B.M. Eg. MS 2646, f. 293, d, v.
17 Keeler, Long parliament, pp. 170, 191, 292.
18 D.N.B., xx. 607-9.
19 Keeler, op. cit., p. 377.
20 Ibid., pp. 97, 186, 213, 294.
21 Keeler, Long parliament, pp. 296-7. See also Betts, John, The story of the Irish Society (London, 1913), p. 81 Google Scholar.
22 Keeler, pp. 296-7.
23 Ibid.
24 Moody, Londonderry plantation, p. 441.
25 Commons jn., ii. 304.
26 Tanner letters (Dublin, Ir. MSS Comm., 1943), p. 131.
27 D’Ewes, pp. 399-400.
28 Gardiner, S.R., History of England, 1603-42, x. 95 Google Scholar. See also Clarendon, Rebellion, i. 439 Google Scholar.
29 D’Ewes, p. 104.
30 See Moody, Londonderry plantation, pp. 355—387, 413—14.
31 P.R.O., S.P. 16/485, no. 109 (Cal. S.P. dom., 1641-3, pp. 177-81).
32 D’Ewes, pp. 203-4.
33 S. R. Gardiner, Constitutional documents of the puritan revolution, pp. 204-5.
34 Stockdale to Lord Fairfax, 3 Dec. 1641, Fairfax correspondence, ed. Johnson, G.W. (London, 1848), ii. 289 Google Scholar.
35 Lords justices to lord lieutenant, 26 Nov. 1641, P.R.O., S.P. Ire. 260/37, PP. 2, 3.
36 D’Ewes, pp. 254-5.
37 Gardiner, , Hist. Eng., x. 98 Google Scholar.
38 Carte, Thomas. The life of James, duke of Ormond (Oxford, 1851), ii. 140 Google Scholar.
39 Ibid., v. 272-3; 277, 287.
40 Gardiner, , Hist. Eng., x. 7–8 Google Scholar.
41 Clarendon, , Rebellion, i. 440 Google Scholar.
42 D’Ewes, pp. 286, n. 9, 288, n. 15.
43 Ibid. p. 293. See also P.R.O., S.P. 16/286, no. 63.
44 Lords’ jn., iv. 489.
45 Cal. S.P. dom., 164.1-3, p. 449.
46 Commons’ jn., ii. 576-7.
47 Ibid., 793.
48 Rushworth, John, Historical collections (London, 1731), v. 884 Google Scholar. See also Clarendon, , Rebellion, iii. 488 Google Scholar. Clarendon declares that ‘one hundred thousand pounds broughtin by the adventurers for Ireland had been sent in one entire sum into Scotland, to prepare and dispose that kingdom to an army to invade this’.
49 Lords’ jn., iv. 484.
50 Ibid., iv. 488.
51 Ibid., iv. 498-9.
52 Gardiner, , Hist. Eng., x. 136-51Google Scholar.
53 D’Ewes, pp. 396-7, n. 1; P.R.O.. S.P. 16/488, no. 40: Commons’ jn., ii. 370.
54 Ibid., ii. 334-5.
55 D’Ewes, pp. 283-4.
56 Commons’ jn., ii. 357-8.
57 Ibid.
58 John Lilburne, A regall tyrannie discovered, B.M., Thomasem coll., E. 370 (12), pp. 103-7.
59 D’Ewes, pp. 400-1. See also p. 396, n. 1.
60 Cal. S.P. dom., 1641-3, P. 254.
61 Lords’ jn., iv. 560-1; Rushworth, , Hist, coll., iv. 564-5Google Scholar.
62 Gardiner, , Hist. Eng., x. 152-4Google Scholar.
63 Commons’ jn., ii. 400; Lords’ jn., iv. 530.
64 T. Edmunds to Sir P. Percival. 8 Feb. 1642. H.M.C., Egmont, i, pt. 1, p. 163.
65 Commons’ jn., ii. 425.
66 Ibid., ii. 435.
67 Speech of B. Whitelocke, 17 Feb. 1642, B.M., Thomason coll., E. 200 (30).
68 Speech of John Pym, 19 Feb. 1642, B.M., Thomason coll., E. 200(13).
69 B.M., Thomason coll., E. 137 (3), P. 14.
70 A declaration of both houses, B.M., Thomason coll., E. 136(20).
71 Ibid.
72 Cal. S.P. Ire. (Adventurers), p. 310.
73 Stockdale to Fairfax, 4 Mar. 1642, Fairfax corr., ii. 379.
74 Holland to Crane, 23 Mar. 1642, Tanner letters,pp. 140-1.
75 Edmund Verney to Sir R. Verney, 29 Mar. 1642, Verney MSS, H.M.C. rep. 7, p. 435.
76 Sir John Temple to____ , 25 Apr. 1642, P.R.O., S.P. Ire., 260,no. 62.
77 Journal of Sir Symonds D’Ewes, B.M., Harl. MS 163, f. 28r.
78 Commons’ jn., ii. 544. One M.P. adventurer, Thomas Westrowe, in his will of 16 Sept. 1653, bequeathed his share to his son: ‘hopeing that if ever hee come to it, hee will not onely shew kindnesses to the pties who formerly owned that Land by seeing them provided for in a Comfortable way: but will be a servant to the good of that whole people as farr as they may be capable of it: considering the great wrath that has passed on them from the Lord allready, And that they are one flesh with us, and that our flesh hath that in it, which deserves as great a Judgement’ (P.R.O., S.P. Ire., 288, no. 279)
79 Rushworth, , Hist, coll., iv. 532 Google Scholar.
80 B.M., Thomason coll., E. 200 (38).
81 D’Ewes, B.M., Harl. MS 163, f. 38 v.
82 B.M., Thomason coll., 669, f5/5(13).
83 Ibid.
84 Rushworth, , Hist, coll., iv. 558 Google Scholar.
85 See appendix A.
86 It should, perhaps, be pointed out that the adventurers were by no, means confined to members of parliament. For an assessment of the distribution of the adventurers throughout the population as well as an account of the general problem of financial support for the campaigns in Ireland, see Hazlett, Hugh, ‘The financing of the British armies in Ireland, 1641-9’, in I.H.S., i. 21–41 Google Scholar.
87 As early as 6 Jan. 1642. See Cal. S.P. dom., 1641-3, pp. 240-1.
88 Rushworth, , Hist, coll., iv. 560 Google Scholar.
89 Clarendon, , Rebellion, ii. 34-5Google Scholar.
90 D’Ewes, B.M., Harl. MS 163, f. 74V.
91 Ibid., f. 74 v.
92 Ibid., ff. 74 v, 76 v.
93 Ibid.
94 The adventurers in the house may have hesitated to pay the first instalments of their adventures on receipt of the king’s message; if so, they were perhaps re-assured by the strong line taken by the house. At any rate, a large number of payments were made on the 16th and in the days following (see appendix A).
95 Rushworth, , Hist, coll., iv. 561 Google Scholar.
96 Lords’ jn., iv. 720.
97 Commons’ jn., ii. 468.
98 Gardiner, , Hist. Eng., x. 195 Google Scholar.
99 Commons’ jn., ii. 506, 515.
100 Ibid., p. 517.
101 See Lords’ jn., v. 15—16. See also Clarendon, , Rebellion, ii. 70 Google Scholar.
102 Lords’ jn., v. 66, 113; Commons’ jn., ii. pp. 566, 628.
103 Commons’ jn., ii. 583; Lords’ jn., v. 91. Oliver Cromwell’s connection with the Irish interest in the house and his activity in its behalf is an interesting feature of the period. On 29 December 1641, we find him putting pressure on Leicester, the lord lieutenant of Ireland, in favour of Inchiquin; a few days later he approached Leicester again and ‘commended unto him Mr Jepson and Owen Occonelle ... to be preferred in imployment in Ireland’ (D’Ewes, pp. 371-2). ‘Jepson’ was William Jephson (see above, p. 22) who was to return the compliment many years later with his famous suggestion that Oliver take the crown ( Memoirs of Edmund Ludlow, ed. Firth, C.H. (Oxford, 1894), ii. 20–21)Google Scholar. ‘Occonelle’ was the servant of Sir John Clotworthy. On 24 Feb. 1642, Cromwell was named one of the commissioners for Irish affairs (Commons’ jn., ii. 453). He was one of the first to subscribe to the Irish adventure (see appendix A, p. 47) and his relatives in the house were well represented in the list of adventurers (see Abbott, W.C., The writings and speeches of Oliver Cromwell (Cambridge, 1937), i. 119 nGoogle Scholar. On 6 June 1642 an order to enable the ‘particular captains, to make up their companies now to be raised for the defence of Ireland ’ was delivered ‘to Mr Cromwell to make perfect: with the names of the particular captains and officers’ (Commons’ jn., ii. 609). The ‘Owen Occonelle’ mentioned above was the Owen Connolly who betrayed MacMahon and Maguire. He was afterwards a sergeant in Sir John Clotworthy’s troop in Ireland.
104 Ibid., ii. 607.
105 Ibid., ii. 500-11.
106 Ibid., p. 592. See also B.M., Thomason coll., 669, f. 6/31.
107 Clode, Charles M., London during the great rebellion (London, 1892), pp. 18–21 Google Scholar.
108 Cal. S.P. dom., 1641-3, p. 345.
109 Commons’ jn., ii. 631.
110 Ibid., pp. 653, 656.
111 ‘It is well known that those forces were raised before his majesty’s commission was so much as desired . . . ’ (the king’s commissioners’ answer, 19 Feb. 1645, Uxbridge negotiations, Rushworth, Hist, coll., v. 881 Google Scholar).‘Those forces were raised for him [Wharton] before any commission demanded from us ... ’ his majesty’s answer to the two papers concerning Ireland, ibid., v. 881).
112 Clarendon, , Rebellion, ii. 360 Google Scholar.
