² Miller, D.W, ‘Irish Catholicism and the great famine’ in Journal of Social History, 9, no.1 (Fall 1975), pp 84–7CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Larkin, Emmet, ‘The devotional revolution in Ireland, 1850–75’ in A.H.R. 67, no. 3 (June 1972), p. 636.Google Scholar

³ Miller found that there were higher ratios for attendance to religious duties in towns than in rural districts. Of course, the facilities of urban parishes and their surrounding neighbourhoods were more easily accessible to a larger part of their parishioners than those of a rural parish were likely to be. The church further accommodated urban and suburban residents by adjusting mass times and rules involving working on Sundays and special church holidays to meet ‘the great alterations in the manner of conducting commerce’. W. Delaney to P. Leahy, ι June 1858 (N.L.I., Leahy papers, microfilm, p. 6005, 1858/22).

⁴ Larkin, loc. cit., p. 636; Murphy, J.A., ‘A question of identity a catholic view’ in Irish Times, 9 Jan. 1975.Google Scholar

⁵ Larkin, loc. cit., p. 636; Wm Delaney to Ρ Leahy, 1 June 1858.

⁶ Larkin, loc. cit., p. 636; see also the manuscript diary of Fr James O’Carroll of Clonoulty, Tipperary (cited hereafter as O’Carroll diary), 17 Feb. 1862 (Archbishop’s House, Thurles, Archives of Diocese of Cashel, pp 43–4).

⁷ Larkin, loc. cit., pp 639, 648.

⁸ Miller, loc. cit., pp 89–91.

⁹ Donnelly, J S., Landlord and tenant in Ireland during the nineteenth century (Dublin, 1973), p. 14.Google Scholar

¹⁰ de Beaumont, Gustave, Ireland: social, political and economic, ed. Taylor, W.G. (London, 1839), 2, 88, 90–91.Google Scholar

¹¹ Gonnell, K.H., Irish peasant society (Oxford, 1968), pp 86, 147, 150–51Google Scholar; Murphy, J.A., ‘Priests and people in modern Irish history’ in Christus Rex, 23, no. 4 (1969), pp 235–6Google Scholar; Donagh, Oliver Mac, ‘The Irish clergy and emigration during the famine’ in I.H.S., 5, no. 20 (Sept. 1947), pp 287–8Google Scholar; Brody, Hugh, Innishkillane (Harmondsworth, 1973), p. 205 Google Scholar; Laslett, Peter, The world we have lost (New York, 1965), p.9.Google Scholar

¹² De Beaumont, op. cit., pp 87–8.

¹³ It may be that part of the reason for the low mass attendance figures prior to the famine was the inability to meet the expense of supporting the clergy

¹⁴ Meagher, M.T.C., ‘Calendar of the papers of Dr Bray, Archbishop of Cashel, 1792–1820’ (N.L.I., special list, 172), preface, p. 82 Google Scholar; Murphy, J.A., ‘The financial support of the catholic clergy, 1750–1850’ in Hist. Studies, 5 (1965), pp 104–5.Google Scholar

¹⁵ The development of wedding customs in nineteenth-century Ireland is discussed in O’CarrolPs diary, 25 Feb. 1862, pp 49–50.

¹⁶ Burns, R.E., ‘Parsons, priests and people the rise of anti-clericalism, 1785–89’ in Church History, 31 (1962), pp 151–63,Google Scholar Larkin, , ‘Devotional revolution’, pp 631–5Google Scholar; Murphy, , ‘Financial support of the clergy’, pp 114–17,Google Scholar McGrath and O’Meara on behalf of the Roman Catholic inhabitants of Nenagh to M. Slattery, 3 Dec. 1849 (N.L.L, Slattery papers, microfilm, p. 6003, 1848/68).

¹⁷ Murphy, , ‘Financial support of the clergy’, pp 117–19Google Scholar; Beaumont, op. cit., pp 90–91. For the failure of government proposals to subsidise the catholic clergy in Ireland see Murphy, ‘Priests and people’, p. 245 ; and Crotty to Slattery, 14 Mar. 1842 (N.L.L, Slattery papers, microfilm, p. 6001, 1842/9).

¹⁸ James O’Carroll’s diary shows that sick calls and stations occupied a great deal of his time during the entire year

¹⁹ M. Slattery to D. O’Connell, 8 Apr. 1842 (N.L.L, Slattery papers, microfilm, p. 6001, 1842/15); Beaumont, op. cit., p. 89.

²⁰ Meagher, op. cit., p. 90.

²¹ O’Carroll diary, Dec. 1863, pp 153–4.

²² Water ford Mirror, 18 Feb. 1824.

²³ At this priest’s death in 1850 ’report said he had a great deal of money . His death was quite sudden and twelve and sixpence found in his pocket constituted his sole wealth. Priest’s money is but too often augmented at least tenfold.’ O’Carroll diary, 17 Feb. 1862, pp 44–5.

²⁴ M. Slattery to D. O’Connell, 8 Apr. 1842 (N.L.I., Slattery papers, microfilm, p. 6001, 1842/15); O’Carroll diary, 15 Mar. 1862, p. 56.

²⁵ Quoted in Connell, Irish peasant society, p. 145.

²⁶ The intimacy between priests and people often made episcopal authorities anxious for the preservation of clerical propriety. See Murphy, , ‘Priests and people’, p. 241, Google Scholar M. Slattery to M. Canty, 19 Mar. 1852 (N.L.L, Slattery papers, microfilm, p. 6004, 1852/16); O’Carroll diary, 23 Apr. 1862, p. 67

²⁷ O’Neill, Timothy P. ‘The catholic church and the relief of the poor, 1815–45’ in Archiv. Hib., 31 (1973), pp 135–6.Google Scholar

²⁸ M. Slattery to Cardinal Fransoni, 27 Jan. 1848 (N.L.L, Slattery papers, microfilm, p. 6003, 1848/5); Donnelly, J.S., The land and the people of nineteenth-century Cork (London, 1975), p. 325 Google Scholar; Tierney, Mark, Murroe and Boher: the history of an Irish country parish (Dublin, 1966), pp 66–9Google Scholar; Sayers, Peig, Peig, translated by Bryan MacMahon (Dublin, 1973), pp 31–2.Google Scholar

²⁹ Tierney, op. cit., p. 166; Tenants of Cahirciveen to Board, 13 Aug. 1888 (T.C.D., MUN/P/3/130); J. O’Leary to Bursar, T.C.D., 2 Feb. 1892 (T.C.D., MUN/P/3/21).

³⁰ O’Carroll diary, 30 Oct. 1862, p. 97 For other examples of clerical influence see Lewis, James Cornewall, On local disturbances in Ireland, and on the Irish church question (London, 1836), p. 203,Google Scholar Connell, op. cit., p. 85. The story of an early, priest-led boycott appears in the Ennis Chronicle, 26 Mar. 1825.

³¹ Akenson, D.H., The Irish education experiment (London, 1970), pp 150–54,Google Scholar Murphy, ‘Question of identity’

³² Larkin, , ‘Devotional revolution’, p. 639,Google Scholar Murphy, ‘Question of identity ’

³³ P Leahy, 1866 (N.L.L, Leahy papers, microfilm, p. 6008, 1866/ 51); Beaumont, op. cit., p. 91, Larkin, ‘Church, state and nation in modern Ireland’ in A.H.R., lxxx, no. 5 (Dec. 1975), pp 1255–7, Steele, E.D., ‘Cardinal Cullen and Irish nationalism’ in I.H.S., 19, no. 75 (Mar. 1975), pp 246–8.Google Scholar

³⁴ Murphy, , ‘Priests and people’, p. 252,Google Scholar Larkin, , ‘Church, state and nation’, p. 1248.Google Scholar

³⁵ See Tierney, op. cit., p. 60.

³⁶ Particulars of the catholic rent subscriptions in an area were to be posted ‘in, or at least near each catholic chapel, as may be permitted by the clergy . in each parish’ (Waterford Mirror, 21 Feb. 1824). For O’ConnelPs manifesto initiating the repeal agitation see Freeman’s Journal, 6 Apr. 1840.

³⁷ The Land League executive in Dublin solicited local information from ‘clergymen and others likely to supply information’ (The Nation, 8 Nov 1879). See also Freeman’s Journal, 31 Dec. 1879 and The Nation, 6 Nov. 1880.

³⁸ There is no reason to believe that the organisers of these movements were referring to civil, rather than catholic, parishes, because civil parishes did not serve a practical function in the community

³⁹ Larkin, , ‘Devotional revolution’ p. 649.Google Scholar

⁴⁰ Larkin, , ‘Devotional revolution’, pp 639–48Google Scholar; Lee, Joseph, The modernisation of Irish society, 1848–1918 (Dublin, 1973), pp 44–5,Google Scholar Steele, loc. cit., pp 239–60.

⁴¹ Larkin, , ‘Church, state and nation’, p. 1244.Google Scholar

⁴² See my ‘Irish in Lancashire’, an abstract of which appears in Irish Economic and Social History, ii (1975), PP 63–5.

⁴³ Hume, A., ‘Remarks on the census of religious worship for England and Wales’ in Transactions of the Historic Society of Lancashire and Cheshire, 12 (1859–60), p. 16.Google Scholar

⁴⁴ Engels, F., The condition of the working class in England, ed Henderson, W O. and Chaloner, W.E. (Oxford, 1958), p. 141 Google Scholar

⁴⁵ Hume, loc. cit., p. 19.

⁴⁶ Census of Great Britain, 1851 : religious worship in England and Wales, p. clix [1690}, H.G., 1852–3, lxxxix.

⁴⁷ Ibid., p. civili.

⁴⁸ See Lowe, W.J. and Haslett, John, ‘Household structure and overcrowding among the Lancashire Irish during the mid-nineteenth century’, which is to appear in Histoire Sociale-Social History, May 1977 Google Scholar

⁴⁹ ‘The Irish in Lancashire’, pp 54–63, 261–3; Diocese of Liverpool, catholic population, 1850–70 (Lancashire Record Office [cited hereafter as L.R.O.], Relatio status diócesis, 1847–96, ROL ν). By employing an original statistical concept, designated as the Widnes factor (‘Irish in Lancashire’, pp 58–61), it is possible to arrive at a minimum estimate of the actual size of the Irish community (Irish-born plus non-Irish-born) in each of the seven towns. Assuming that 85% of the Irish community professed Catholicism (an assumption validated by a sample of Irish and their religious affiliation available in Liverpool board of guardians, workhouse registers, 1855–65, Liverpool Central Library [hereafter cited as L.C.L.], annex, special collections, A–Z, vols 8–17), it is possible to estimate a minimum number of Irish catholics in each town, which can be compared with diocesan statistics on total numbers of catholics. It is reasonable to suppose that the Irish community of southeast Lancashire, in the diocese of Salford, for which no statistics are available, formed the overwhelming bulk of catholics there too.

⁵⁰ Geo. Brown, Relationem de statu religionis in hoc districtu Lan-castriensi, 11 July 1847 (L.R.O., RGLv). During the mid-nineteenth century the tremendous increase in the catholic population of the Lancashire dioceses compelled the bishops to continually request that extra priests be sent from Ireland. See Overseas correspondence, All Hallows College, Dublin, archives.

⁵¹ Bennet, John, Father Nugent of Liverpool (Liverpool, 1949), pp 15–16.Google Scholar

⁵² St Wilfrid’s Roman Catholic Church, log-book, 1847 (Presbytery, Hulme, Manchester).

⁵³ O’Dea, J., The story of the old faith in Manchester (Manchester, 1910), p. 15.Google Scholar

⁵⁴ Brock, M.E., ‘Irish immigrants in the Manchester district, 1830–54’ (B.A. thesis, University of Southampton, 1962), pt 1, ch. 3.Google Scholar

⁵⁵ See Gutman, H.G., ‘Work, culture and society in industrialising America, 1815–1919’ in A.H.R., 78,Google Scholar no 3 (June 1973), pp 531–88. For the Irish and the catholic church in America see Shannon, W V., The American Irish (New York, 1966), pp viii, 35, 136–7,Google Scholar Wittke, Carl, The Irish in America (Baton Rouge, 1956), pp 88–102 Google Scholar; Clark, Dennis, The Irish in Philadelphia (Philadelphia, 1973), pp 90–91, 94–5, 99,Google Scholar McCaffrey, L.J., The Irish diaspora in America (Bloomington, 1976), PP 8–9.Google Scholar

⁵⁶ Beaumont, Ireland, ii, 85–6.

⁵⁷ ‘The Irish in Lancashire’, pp 257–8.

⁵⁸ O’Connor Power, J., ‘The Irish in England’ in Fortnightly Review, 28 (Mar 1880), pp 411–12.Google Scholar

⁵⁹ Geo. Brown, Relationem de statu religionis, 11 July 1847.

⁶⁰ Diocese of Liverpool, Visitation (Liverpool, Preston, St Helens. Widnes), 1855, 1865 (L.R.O., RCLv).

⁶¹ Diocese of Liverpool, Attendance at mass, 1864–71 (L.R.O., Rel atio status diócesis, 1847–96, RCLv).

⁶² Burke, T. The catholic history of Liverpool (Liverpool, 1910). pp 203–4,Google Scholar Diocese of Liverpool, Attendance at mass, 1864–71.

⁶³ Diocese of Liverpool, Attendance at mass, 1873–85 (L.R.O., Relatio status diòcesis, 1847–96, RG’Lv).

⁶⁴ Diocese of Liverpool, School returns, 1858, 1864 (L.R.O., Schools religious examination and inspection returns, RGLv).

⁶⁵ In 1867 Bishop Goss, Liverpool, claimed that ‘the hearing of mass was now within the reach of all’; Visitation sermons, 1867 (L.R.O., RGLv, 3/34/210).

⁶⁶ Walker, R.B., ‘Religious changes in Liverpool in the nineteenth century’ in Journal of Ecclesiastical History, 19 (1968), p. 200.CrossRefGoogle Scholar Engels remarked in 1844 that the only exceptions to the rule of working-class religious apathy were ‘a few of the older workers… those wage earners with one foot in the middle-class camp’ and the immigrant Irish (Condition of the working class, p. 141).

⁶⁷ Larkin, , ‘Devotional revolution’, p. 651.Google Scholar

⁶⁸ Lancashire Free Press, 1 Oct. 1859 for a discussion of Lancashire attitudes toward the Irish immigrants see ‘The Irish in Lancashire’ ch. 10.

⁶⁹ The Lancashire clergy sometimes complained about the difficult} of extracting needed funds from their parishioners. See R. McCart to T. Bennet, 9 Nov 1853 (Overseas correspondence, All Hallows College, 2528); Visitation sermons of Alexander Goss, 1864-5 (L.R.O., RCLv, 3/3 3/i4? 25, 350).

⁷⁰ Geo. Brown, Relationem de statu religionis, 11 July 1847

⁷¹ Hume, A., ‘On the education of the poor in Liverpool’ in Report of the twenty-third meeting of the British Association for the Advancement of Science (1853), pp 103–6.Google Scholar

⁷² Hume, A., Condition of Liverpool (Liverpool, 1858), pp 18–9Google Scholar; School board, borough of Liverpool, Police educational census, 1871 in Proceedings of the school board, 1870–3 (L.C.L., H370 SCH), pp 162–3.

⁷³ Report of the select committee on Manchester and Salford education, pp 55–6 H.C., 1852 (499), xi, 65–6.

⁷⁴ At St Helens and Preston catholic schools managed to accommodate all school-aged children in 1871. ( Barker, T.C. and Harris, J.R., A Mersey side town in the industrial revolution: St Helens, 1750–1900, London, 1959, p. 393.)Google Scholar The question of forming a school board did not come up in Preston until 1876 (A. Hewitson, History (409 A.D.–1883 of Preston, Preston, 1883, p. 446).

⁷⁵ Hume, ‘On the education of the poor in Liverpool’, p. 106; Diocese of Liverpool, Schools religious examination and inspection returns, 1858, 1864 (L.R.O., RGLv).

⁷⁶ Diocese of Liverpool, schools religious and examination returns; Burke, , Catholic history of Liverpool, p. 190.Google Scholar

⁷⁷ Diocese of Liverpool, school returns, Whalley, C. ‘Catholic education in England, pt. 11, Salford diocese’ (Salford Central Library, unpublished typescript 1965), pp 319–25Google Scholar; Curley, T., The catholic history of Oldham (East Yorks, 1911), p. 52 Google Scholar; St John’s Roman Catholic cathedral, log-book (1869–72), 24 Apr. 1870 (Cathedral House, Salford 3). Many catholic schools participated in a government inspection and grant scheme, which was an incentive to maintain quality. For an account of the evolution of this programme see Adamson, J.W., English education, 1789–1902 (Cambridge, 1930,Google Scholar reprinted 1964), pp 34 146 202, 230–2.

⁷⁸ St John’s log-book (1860–64), 27 Jan. 1862, 16 Feb. 1862, 11 June 1863.

⁷⁹ St John’s log-book (1860–64), 24 Aug. 1862.

⁸⁰ Report from the select committee on Manchester and Salford education, pp 55–6, H.C., 1852 (499), xi, 65–6.

⁸¹ St John’s log-book (1860-64), 5, 26 Oct. 1862.

⁸² ‘It seems at times that half a dozen working men could scarcely sit in a room together without appointing a chairman’ ( Thompson, E.P., The making of the English working class, London, 1963, pp 672–3).Google Scholar

⁸³ Foster, John, Class struggle and the industrial revolution (London, 1974), p. 216 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Anderson, Michael, Family structure in nineteenth-century Lancashire (London, 1971), p. 138.Google Scholar

⁸⁴ Gosden, P.H.J.H. The friendly societies in England, 1815–75 (Manchester, 1961), pp 58–9, 117Google Scholar; Anderson, , Family structure, pp 138–9.Google Scholar

⁸⁵ Foster, op. cit., pp 217–8; Gosden, op. cit., pp 6–7

⁸⁶ Though relatively little is known about them, there were versions of the agrarian secret societies of Ireland among the Lancashire Irish; see ‘The Irish in Lancashire’, pp 345–9.

⁸⁷ During 1846–71 trade unionism had little relevance for the Lancashire Irish socially or industrially Clerical opposition in the 1830s and 184OS in part explains Irish non-participation. More important is the fact that only a very few Irishmen worked in organisable trades during the mid-nineteenth century.

⁸⁸ The indexes to the Registry of Friendly Societies for Lancashire do not reveal a single obviously Irish club that deposited their rules with the Registry up to 1875. Registry of Friendly Societies, Lancashire, 1774–1875 (P.R.O., Indexes to rules and amendments, series I, F.S.2).

⁸⁹ Head Constable Grieg to watch committee, 26 Sept. 1865 (L.G.L., Head constable’s reports to the watch committee, 252POL/2/3, no. 170, pp 209–10).

⁹⁰ For a description of an ‘indescribable’ meeting of St Patrick’s Sick and Burial Society see Liverpool Mercury, 9 Aug. 1865.

⁹¹ Bennet, , Father Nugent of Liverpool, pp 40–41.Google Scholar

⁹² Porcupine (Liverpool), 2 Mar. 1867; Superintendent Ride to Head Constable Grieg, 6 June 1866 (L.G.L.; Head constable’s reports, 352POL/2/3, no. 133, p. 161).

⁹³ Gosden, op. cit., pp 66–7.

⁹⁴ Geo. Brown, Relationem de statu religionis, 11 July 1847 ; Diocese of Liverpool, Visitation returns, 1865 (L.R.O., RGLv).

⁹⁵ Catholic Young Men’s Society, Report of the second general conferenee, 13 Oct. 1862 (Liverpool, 1862), p. 31.

⁹⁶ Ibid., pp 20–22, 24; Curley, , Catholic history of Oldham, p. 51 Google Scholar; Foster, , Class struggle, p. 245 Google Scholar; St John’s log-book (1860–64), 28 Apr., 9 June 1861.

⁹⁷ Burke, , Catholic history of Liverpool, p. 125.Google Scholar

⁹⁸ Liverpool Courier, 16 July 1851; Liverpool Mercury, 19 Mar. 1852; The Times, 17 Mar. 1856.

⁹⁹ For an account of the failure of the Free Press see ‘The Irish in Lancashire’, pp 367–70.

¹⁰⁰ Lancashire Free Press, 1 Oct. 1859; Northern Press, 9 June 1860.

¹⁰¹ For a detailed study of St Patrick’s day commemorations in Lancashire see ‘The Irish in Lancashire’ pp 355–65.

¹⁰² Porcupine (Liverpool), 30 Mar. 1861

¹⁰³ A paper entitled ‘The Chartists and the Irish Confederates in Lancashire, 1848’, based on day-to-day police reports in home office files at the P.R.O. is in preparation.

¹⁰⁴ The I.R.B, became a very powerful social, as well as political, force in urban Lancashire during the 1860s. See my ‘Lancashire fenian-ism, 1864–71 ’, which is to appear in Transactions of the Historic Society of Lancashire and Cheshire, 1977.

¹⁰⁵ Larkin, , ‘Church, state and nation’, p. 1244.Google Scholar