Article contents
Before the Abyss: Reshaping International Humanitarian Law to Suit the Ends of Power
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 19 March 2012
Abstract
In the increasingly legalized landscape in which armed conflicts are now waged, international humanitarian law has become an integral and ever more central part of military strategy. States can and do use it to gain advantage over their adversaries, but must also contend with challenges that arise when it is wielded against them. In their efforts to respond to these challenges official and unofficial advocates of State powers have advanced modes of argumentation which question the fundamental structure of international humanitarian law. This Article takes issue with one such argument that mobilizes the theologico-political principle of the “lesser-evil” to conclude that acts which are absolutely prohibited under international humanitarian law should nevertheless be deemed legally permissible when their foreseen consequences are less harmful than lawful alternatives. The Article demonstrates that this argument threatens to blur IHL's sharp boundaries and expand its zone's of elasticity thereby undermining its structural principles. More specifically, the Article maintains that the argument in question rests on exaggerated faith in the judgment of belligerent parties, that it fails on its own utilitarian logic and that it ignores deontological reasoning fundamental to international humanitarian law. The Article contends that accepting this argument would severely compromise IHL's capacity to limit violence and preserve human dignity and therefore advocates that it be rejected.
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References
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22 This statement was made in a public lecture by advocate Michael Sfard, Accountability, Impunity, the Goldstone Report and the Role of Government Lawyers, Address at Securing Compliance with International Humanitarian Law: The Promise and Limits of Enforcement Mechanisms Conference (Nov. 24, 2009).
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26 This occurred most notably during the armed conflict between Israel and Hamas forces that took place between Dec. 27, 2008 and Jan. 18, 2009, which the Israeli authorities dubbed “Operation Cast Lead.”
27 The term “asymmetric warfare” is not confined to conflicts between States and non-State actors and is used more broadly to describe any armed conflict, including conflicts between States, in which there is a significant disparity in the military might of the belligerent parties.
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34 Radicalism of this nature is likely to be masked. In this context the following statement by an unnamed Israeli “expert in international law” quoted in Dan Izenberg, , What's a Lawyer Doing in a War Zone, The Jerusalem Post Up Front Weekend Magazine, Apr. 15, 2005, at 34Google Scholar is perhaps revealing:
As long as you claim you are working within international law and you come up with a reasonable argument as to why what you are doing is within the context of international law, you're fine. That's how it goes. This is a very cynical view of how the world works. So, even if you're being inventive, or even if you're being a bit radical, as long as you can explain it in that context, most countries will not say you're a war criminal.
35 For a discussion on the possible motivations of academics defending State policies and practices, see Alvarez, José E., The Closing of the American Mind, in Proceedings of the 32d Meeting of the Canadian Council of International Law 74, 98 (2004)Google Scholar (suggesting that many leading American academics do so “simply because they want to have the ear of the prince”). For individual case studies, see Matar, Anat, Asa Kasher - How Is He Possible? 6 Mitaam 1 (2006)Google Scholar [in Hebrew]; O'keefe, Derrick, Michael Ignatieff: The Lesser Evil? (forthcoming 2010)Google Scholar. For a more general account of intellectuals' role in the service of power see, e.g., Bourdieu, Pierre, The Corporatism of the Universal: The Role of Intellectuals in the Modern World, 81 Telos 99 (1989)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
36 Alan Dershowitz has been particularly industrious in mounting such criticism against those who have accused Israel of unlawful conduct, publishing multiple newspaper articles as well as a number of books towards that end. See, e.g., Dershowitz, Alan M., The Case for Moral Clarity: Israel, Hamas and Gaza (2009)Google Scholar. Similar criticism is frequently voiced by organisations such as NGO Monitor and UN Watch which have been established specifically for the purpose of exposing alleged bias and misrepresentation of international law on the part of human rights NGOs and international organizations. See NGO Monitor, http://www.ngo-monitor.org and UN Watch, http://www.unwatch.org. Both of these organizations have themselves been accused of a political bias. See, e.g., Peratis, Kathleen, Diversionary Strike on a Rights Group, The Washington Post, Aug. 30, 2006Google Scholar; Williams, Ian, Casting the First Stone, The Guardian, Apr. 4, 2007Google Scholar.
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42 Indeed, in the article that first used the term “New Stream” to describe the approach which translated the techniques of the critical legal studies movement onto the international plane, one of the originators and most influential proponents of that approach already observed that his own position “often seems to fade quite easily into neo-conservatism.” See Kennedy, David, A New Stream of International Law Scholarship, 7 Wis. Int'l L.J. 1, 8 (1988)Google Scholar.
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47 For a selection of commentaries on this theme, see New Battlefields/Old Laws: Critical Debates from the Hague Convention to Asymmetric Warfare (Banks, William C. ed., forthcoming 2010)Google Scholar. This publication is the product of an ongoing research project called “Wew Battlefields, Old Laws,” organized jointly by the Institute for National Security and Counterterrorism (INSCT) at Syracuse University and the Institute for Counter Terrorism (ICT) at the Interdisciplinary Center (IDC) in Herzliya. See http://www.insct.syr.edu/Projects/new_battlefields_old_laws/overview.htm.
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54 Id. at 2-3. See also Paye, Jean-Claude, Global War on Liberty (Membrez, James H. trans., Telos Press, 2007)Google Scholar.
55 Standards allow for judgment to be exercised not only by the parties to the conflict, but also by third parties reviewing their actions, such as courts and humanitarian actors. See Kennedy, supra note 10, at 87-89, 103-06, 115-17. See also Cohen, Amichai, Rules and Standard in the Application of International Humanitarian Law, 41 Isr. L. Rev. 41 (2008)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, in particular, 57.
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58 See, e.g., Blum, supra note 8, at 9; Cohen, supra note 55, at 48-49.
59 Feldman, supra note 24, at 15.
60 See Blum, supra note 8, at 7. Sections C and E below posit that this is only a partial portrayal of IHL's humanitarian purpose.
61 Id. at 3.
62 These are explored id. at 39-53.
63 Id. at 5.
64 See quotation from Israeli Defense Forces, Operational Directive, Early Warning (Nov. 26, 2002) quoted in Adalah v. GOC Central Command, supra note 8, para. 5.
65 See Blum, supra note 8, at 19, referring to findings of the Israeli human rights NGO B'Tselem about Palestinian casualties in arrest operations conducted after the “Neighbor Procedure” was abandoned. Blum acknowledges that it is impossible to assess how many of these casualties might have been avoided had the “Neighbor Procedure” been implemented. The evidence she refers to is thus, highly speculative.
66 Id. at 23-24.
67 This is because it is unlikely that it would be possible to prove that torture was resorted to in order to alleviate the suffering of the enemy or that it was the least harmful means available, two of the requirements that Blum includes in her blueprint of a humanitarian necessity justification. See id. at 58 & 66.
68 Id. at 5.
69 See Additional Protocol Relating to the Protection of Victims of International Armed Conflicts, arts. 51(2), 51(4) & 52, June 8, 1977, 1125 U.N.T.S. 3 [hereinafter Additional Protocol I]. These provisions are considered reflective of customary international law and had arguably already attained customary status by the time of the atomic bombings in August 1945. See Henckaerts, Jean-Marie & Dosweld-Beck, Louise, Customary International Humanitarian Law, Volume 1: Rules chs. 1-3 (2005)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
70 Blum, supra note 8, at 28.
71 Id. at 5-6.
72 Id. at 67.
73 Id. at 58-59.
74 Id. at 63.
75 Id. at 67.
76 Id. at 65.
77 Id. at 66-67.
78 See, e.g., Nagel (1972), supra note 1, at 125. See also id. at 44.
79 See, e.g., Hartle, Anthony E., Humanitarianism and the Laws of War, 61 Phil. 109 (1986)Google Scholar.
80 See, e.g., Kennedy, supra note 56, at 1689.
81 See Derrida, Jacques, Force of Law: The “Mystical Foundation of Authoriiy” (Quaintance, Mary trans.), 11 Cardozo L. Rev. 919, 949 (1990)Google Scholar.
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84 In this these norms, largely codified in the Hague Conventions of 1899 and 1907, seem to reflect the positivist-formalist approach discussed in Part I(A) above, which dominated legal thinking at the time.
85 See, e.g., Hartle, supra note 79, at 109; Blum supra note 8, at 68. See also Reisman, W. Michael, Editorial Note, Holding the Center of the Law of Armed Conflict, 100 Am. J. Int'l L. 852 (2006)Google Scholar (arguing that jus in bello is composed of two parts – “Part A” consists of principles allowing belligerents a significant margin of appreciation while “Part B” contains a set of absoluteprohibitions).
86 For explication of the links between deontological thought and IHL rules see van Baarda, Th. A., Moral Ambiguities Underlying the Laws of Armed Conflict: A Perspective From Military Ethics, 11 Y.B. Int'l Hum. L. 3, 12–17 (2008)Google Scholar.
87 See, e.g., Geneva Convention IV, supra note 4, arts. 32 & 147.
88 See Additional Protocol I, supra note 69, arts. 48,51(2), 52 & 85(3)(a).
89 See, e.g., Geneva Convention IV, supra note 4, art. 28 and Additional Protocol I, supra note 69, article 51(7).
90 This is the case in relation to many provisions of IHL which call for the weighing and balancing of competing military and humanitarian considerations. Perhaps the most noticeable amongst the many examples to be found in the law is the provision concerning proportionality in attack codified in Articles 51(5)(b) and 57(2)(a)(iii) of Additiona1 Protocol I (supra note 69).
91 For a rigorous exposition of the lesser evil idiom, see Weizman, Eyal, Lesser Evils: Scenes of Humanitarian Violence from Arendt to Gaza (forthcoming, 2011)Google Scholar. See also Weizman, Eyal, 665/The Lesser Evil, Roundtable: Research Architecture (Aug. 7, 2008), http://roundtable.kein.org/node/802Google Scholar.
92 Blum, supra note 8, at 47.
93 Id. at 48.
94 Id.
95 Id.
96 See Hume, David, A Treatise of Human Nature Book III, Part 1, Sect. 1 (1740)Google Scholar.
97 Blum, supra note 8, at 32.
98 Id. at 45.
99 Id. at 48.
100 See id. at 29 citing Walker, J. Samuel, The Decision to Use the Bomb: A Historiographical Update, in Hiroshima in History and Memory 11, 23 (Hogan, Michael J. ed., 1996)Google Scholar.
101 See supra p. 435.
102 See infra pp. 443-46.
103 For a detailed analysis demonstrating domestic courts' limited capacity to exercise effective judicial review over security related state practice, see Kretzmer, David, The Occupation of Justice: The Supreme Court of Israel and The Occupied Territories (2002)Google Scholar.
104 Nationals of the USA and Israel, for example, are not subject to the jurisdiction of such courts.
105 See, e.g., Steiner, Henry J., Three Cheers for Universal Jurisdiction—Or Is It Only Two?, 5 Theoretical Inq. L. 199 (2004)Google Scholar; Gallagher, Katherine, Universal Jurisdiction in Practice: Efforts to Hold Donald Rumsfeld and Other High-Level United States Officials Accountable for Torture, 7 J. Int'l Crim. Just. 1087 (2009)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
106 Walzer, supra note 2, at 267-68.
107 Such measures might be financially costly to implement, but for the purposes of simplification these costs, as well as others which could arise in relation to each of the alternative options considered in the example, are ignored. As explained below, such costs would have to be figured into a utilitarian calculus and this may well give rise to problems of incommensurability.
108 Walzer, supra note 2, at 262.
109 See Brandt, R. B., Utilitarianism and the Rules of War, 1 Phil. & Pub. Aff. 145, 147 (1972)Google Scholar.
110 “Spill over effects” could also be considered from a rule-utility perspective as the introduction of an exception to IHL rules, might have the indirect effect of compromising the overall benefits derived from IHL.
111 Blum, supra note 8, at 49.
112 Id. at 50-51.
113 Id. at 51.
114 Id. at 53.
115 They might try lying about the facts, but if the facts are known it is difficult to see how they might legally defend their actions.
116 Blum, supra note 8, at 53.
117 Id. at 52. Kretzmer, supra note 103, gives reason to question Blum's expressed confidence in the HCJ.
118 A strict calculation of utilities would actually mandate a calculation that is far from straightforward. Assessing the cost of an injury, for example, would arguably require comparing the utilities of everything every injured person could have been expected to achieve if not for the injury, against the utilities they expected given the injury. At the very best, only a rough approximation of this could hope to be achieved.
119 See Blum, supra note 8, at 45-46. Blum suggests that the problem of uncertainty could be overcome by shifting the risks to the actor. However, as already noted, it is unlikely that actors invoking a lesser evil justification for violating IHL could actually be effectively challenged before a court of law. This is so both because they would have the advantage of knowledge and expertise that would make it difficult to disprove their claims and because it is doubtful that they would ever be tried before a non-partisan court.
120 A copious body of literature grapples with the calculation problems posed by the principle of proportionality sometimes suggesting how they might be overcome. See, e.g., Shamash, Hamutal Esther, How Much is Too Much? Examination of the Principle of Jus in Bello Proportionality, 2 IDF L. Rev. 103 (2005–2006)Google Scholar.
121 See, e.g., Benvenisti, Eyal, Human Dignity in Combat: The Duty to Spare Civilians, 39 Isr. L. Rev. 81, 85–87 (2006)Google Scholar.
122 See, e.g., Reisman, supra note 85.
123 See, e.g., Hartle, supra note 79, at 109. See also Orend, Brian, War and International Justice: A Kantian Perspective 4 (2000)Google Scholar. Some of the clear cut prohibitions established in the law do perhaps derive from consequetialist, or at least, non-deontological considerations. Thus, for example, a rule prohibiting the use of a certain weapon could more easily be attributed to prudence or to utilitarian considerations about minimizing human suffering than to the requirement to respect people as such. The contention here though is that those provisions of IHL that establish absolute prohibitions in relation to the treatment of persons not participating in the hostilities are informed by deontological principles and for that reason are binding irrespective of any considerations of utility.
124 In this LEA may be deviating from the pursuit of lesser evil, which may in fact require considering deontological constraints: “Determining what is a lesser evil is not solely a matter of comparing consequences. How those consequences are brought about is also important.” (quoting Alexander, Larry, Lesser Evils: A Closer Look at the Paradigmatic Justification, 26 L. & Phil. 611, 616 (2005)Google Scholar).
125 Blum, supra note 8, at 6.
126 Id. at 43.
127 Id. at 7.
128 AS illustrated in Hartle, supra note 79.
129 Id. at 39.
130 Though even a deontologist may accept that there are certain circumstances in which it may be just to resort to war, deontologists address problems of conflicting rights as conflicts between different “grounds for duty.” When facing conflicting grounds for duty, an agent must act on the more compelling of the two. See Herman, Barbara, The Practice of Moral Judgment 218 (1993)Google Scholar. While there are certainly grounds for a duty not to go to war, it is conceivable that there may be circumstances in which there are still more compelling grounds for going to war that would lead a deontologist to conclude that there is a moral duty to do so.
131 Blum, supra note 8, at 43.
132 Walzer, supra note 2, at 268.
133 See Walzer, Michael, Arguing about War 35–40 (2004)Google Scholar.
134 Nagel, supra note 1, at 126.
135 Id.
136 Kennedy, David, Apogee and Epitaph: Celebrating the 60th Anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, Keynote Address at the Minema Biennial Conference on Human Rights at Tel Aviv University (Dec. 9, 2008)Google Scholar.
137 Kennedy, supra note 10, at 16-17.
138 Blum, supra note 8, at 3.
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