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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 22 June 2011
One of the classical accounts on the coming and first establishment of Islam in Indonesia runs as follows: Already a long time before the birth of Islam a mighty stream of colonisation started from Hindustan towards Java and surrounding islands. This stream definitely dominated the culture of this area and its influence is felt until today. After part of the Hindus had accepted Islam, these Indian Muslims were active in the trade with the archipelago and part of them also settled in this area. These traders and emigrants brought Islam into the Indian Archipelago. It is true, that already before this period some other Muslim nations sought articles of trade from the East-Indies and even established small settlements there: surely there resulted no permanent religious influence from these settlements. Islam, such as received by the Indonesians, therefore already experienced a process of adaptation towards the world of Hinduism. This made it easier for this new religion to accommodate itself once again to a degenerated Hinduism. Islam in the East-Indies unmistakably shows the signs of this Indian origin.
1 Hurgmnje, C. Snouck, De Islam in Nederlandsch-Indië (Baarn 1913) 7.Google Scholar
2 Bosch, F.D.K., Selected Studies in Indonesian Archeology (The Hague 1961).CrossRefGoogle Scholar
3 Teeuw, A., Siwaratrikalpa (Leiden 1969).Google Scholar
4 Winstedt, R.O., ‘The Indian Influence in the Malay World’, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society (1944) 186Google Scholar, quoted from Liaw Yok Fang, Sejarah Kesustraan Melayu Klassik (Singapura 1982–1983) 20. I could not find a copy of JRAS 1944 in Yogyakarta and therefore I had to make a re-translation of Winstedt's statement.
5 Cf. Risalah Seminar Sedjarah Masuknja Islam ke Indonesia (without references), printed report of a Seminar, held in Medan, 17–20 March 1963, where finally was concluded by the leaders of the meetings, that Islam came to Indonesia in the seventh/eighth century of the Christian era and straight from Arabia; Hasjmy, A. ed., Serajah masuk dan berkembangnya Islam di Indonesia (Bandung 1981)Google Scholar, report of a conference, held in Banda Aceh, 10–16 July 1978 on a similar topic and with similar conclusions. The then minister for religious affairs, H. Alamsyah Ratu Prawiranegara held a speech with the title ‘Our ideas on history are still dominated by colonial presuppositions’, while the head of the organising committee held a keynote speech with the title: ‘The history, such as written down by the colonisers is poison for us’. In November 16th 1986 the Majelis Ulama (Highest council of Muslim scholars in Indonesia) published a document with the title: Amanat sejarah ummat Islam Indonesia (the lessons of history for the Muslim community of Indonesia): also here the early coming is stressed in a very strong way. These publications may indicate that strong feelings underly historical studies in this field.
6 Kern, R.A. in: Stapel, F.W. ed., Geschiedenis van Ncdcrlandsch-Indië I (Amsterdam 1938) 305–365Google Scholar and Drewes, G.W.J., ‘New Light on the Coming.of Islam to Indonesia?’, Bijdragen lot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde (BKI) 124 (1968) 433–459.Google Scholar
7 Johns, A.H., ‘Islam in the Malay World’ in: Israeli, R. and Johns, A.H. eds., Islam in Asia II (Jeruzalem 1984) 116.Google Scholar Besides the Indian theory, already mentioned above in note 3 and the Arabic theory, defended by most writers mentioned in note 5 there is even a ‘Chinese theory’, that looks for China as one of the most influential countries for the origins of Indonesian Islam. This theory was defended by Prof. Dr. Slamet Moeljono in his book, Runtuhnja keradjaan Hindu-Jawa dan timbulnja negara-negara Islam di Nusantara (Jakarta 1968), a book finally forbidden by the Indonesian government. In a much more mitigated form this influence has been pictured by H. J. de Graaf and Th. Pigeaud in their Chinese Muslims in Java in the 15th and 16th Centuries (Monash 1984).Google Scholar
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9 Dr. T. Iskandar in Leiden is now preparing a History of Malay Literature, that gives special attention to periods and their special character and not only to literary genres as was the usual way until now. Until now the major references for Malay Literature are still: Winstedt, R.O., ‘A History of Malay Literature’, Journal of the Malaysian Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society (JMBRAS) (1939–1940)Google Scholar; Hooykaas, C., Over Maleise Literatuur (Leiden 1947)Google Scholar and Fang, Liaw Yok, Sejarah Kesustraan Melayu Klassik (3rd ed.; Singapura 1982)Google Scholar; these works only incidentally provide us with notes on the origins according to periods of certain works.
10 Dr.van Ronkel, P.S., Supplement to the Catalogue of the Arab Manuscripts Preserved in the Museum of the Balavia Society (Batavia 1913)Google Scholar. This Supplement discusses 861 titles. Many of the manuscripts were collected by Snouck Hurgronje from Aceh and other areas of Indonesia.
11 Jackson, P., ‘A History of the Chishti Shaikhs’ in: Troll, C.W. ed., Islam in India, Studies and Commentaries II (New Delhi 1985) 250.Google Scholar
12 From the opening lines of the work by Hamzah Fansuri, ‘Sharabu’l ‘ashiqin’ in: Naguib al-Attas, S.M., The Mysticism of Hamzah Fansuri (Kuala Lumpur 1970) 297.Google Scholar
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14 His prose works are published and translated by Al-Attas, Mysticism; his poetry has been published in a very deficient way by Doorenbos, Geschriften. Prof. G.W.J. Drewes worked together with the late L.F. Brakel on a new edition of these poems, The Poems of Hamzah Fansuri (Dordrecht 1986). A number of his poems are also quoted and commented upon in the anonymous tracts on mysticism, published by A.H.Johns in JMBRAS 30, 2 (1957); these tracts are representing a later development, by using the systematics of the seven grades, introduced in Indonesia by the work of Burhanpuri.
15 Al-Attas, Mysticism, 9.
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20 Johns, A.H., The Gift Addressed to the Spirit of the Prophet (Canberra 1965)Google Scholar; cf. the note on the Tuhfa by Dr. P. Voorhoeve on p. 126.
21 Ibidem, 10.
22 Surely not the Ghawth Gwalior himself, as the notes on his life do not give any indication for a Meccan career. His doctrines and tariqa were also spread immediately in Indonesia. According to Trimingham, J. Spencer, The Sufi Orders in Islam (Oxford 1971) 197–198Google Scholar, the Ghawth of Gwalior adopted some yoga-technique of breath-control into a tariqa, that was an offshoot of the Shattariya-order. Muhammad Ghawth of Gwalior died in 1562/63 as an honoured mystic, although he experienced the fate of many people with new and unorthodox ideas some time: being investigated and objected by conservative ulama. In his case one of the main investigators, Shaykh Wajihuddin (d. 1588) turned to become his major pupil. Cf. Muhammad Yousuf Kokan, ‘Sufi Presence in South India’ in: Troll ed., Islam in India II, 76. On the travelling of al Burhanpuri to Mecca cf. Rizvi, History of Sufism II.
23 Johns, Gift, 5; the title of his commentary is: Al haqiqa al muwafiqa li'lshari'a.
24 Resp. Cod. CDI and Cod. CDIX.cf. Van Ronkel, Supplement.
25 Johns, Gift, 75–77; another use of this same example is to be found in Canto 1,13, pp. 35–37.
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30 Das Gupta, A.K., ‘Iskandar Muda and the Europeans’ in: Hasjmy, A. ed., Sejarah masuk dan berktmbangnya Islam di Indonesia (Bandung 1981) 42–47.Google Scholar
31 Cf. Ito, Takeshi, ‘Why did Nuruddin Ar-Raniri leave Aceh in 1054 AH?’, BKI 134 (1978) 489–491.Google Scholar
32 Cf.Baroroh Baried, ‘Shi'a Elements’.
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