¹ The fullest treatment of Glover at Lagos is given by Biobaku, S. O. (The Egba and their Neighbours, 1842–72 (Oxford, 1957), Chaps. VI and VII), who concludes (pp. 93–4) that Glover was ‘playing the role of a Clive in order to establish an African empire’, that he ‘attempted to govern Lagos as he would rule his ship’,Google Scholar and Aderibigbe, A. A. B., Expansion of the Lagos Protectorate, 1863–1900 (unpublished Ph.D. thesis, University of London, 1959), Chap. I, who suggests that Glover had a ‘stupendous import’ for later Nigeria and between 1865 and 1872 prevented Lagos from being swept away in a tide of Manchesterism.Google ScholarNewbury, C. W. (The Western Slave Coast and its Rulers (Oxford, 1961), Chaps. III and IV) notes that Glover's eight-year administration was the longest at Lagos before the 1880s, and he stresses Glover's ‘unauthorized acts’ and his ‘obstinacy’.Google ScholarDike, K. O. says that Glover and Baikie were ‘men of the front rank among the makers of Nigeria’ (Trade and Politics in the Niger Delta, 1830–1885 (Oxford, 1956), pl. 170).Google ScholarSir Burns, Alan notes Glover's role in the raising the Hausa Armed Police (History of Nigeria (London, 1929), 124).Google Scholar

² Butler, W. F., Sir William Butler, An Autobiography (London, 1911), 155, says Glover ‘was one of the most remarkable among the many remarkable persons to whose efforts are due the establishment of our Empire in Africa’.Google Scholar

³ Forster and Smith to Secretary of State, 3.viii.1872. Colonial Office files in the Public Record Office: Gold Coast Correspondence, C.O. 96/95.Google Scholar

⁴ Stanley, H. M., Coomassie and Magdala: The Story of Two British Campaigns in Africa (London, 1874), 93. Glover became known to the public through his part in the Ashanti Expedition, 1873–4, but his reputation as an African governor was made at Lagos.Google Scholar

⁵ Carter, 8.iv.1896,Google Scholar quoted in Glover, Lady E. and Sir Temple, Richard, Life of Sir John Hawley Glover (London, 1897), 98. See Aderibigbe, op. cit. for a full study of the period between Glover and Carter.Google Scholar

⁶ Details of Glover's early life and the ‘imperial’ careers of other members of his family are to be found in the Life (cited above) which Lady Glover compiled after his death, partly from an autobiographical fragment which Glover had commenced. The manuscript of this is now among the Glover Papers in the library of the Royal Commonwealth Society (consulted by courtesy of the librarian). Lady Glover was assisted by Sir Richard Temple. Although the Glover Papers have some valuable material on the Ashanti War, they consist in the main of Blue Books and file copies of Glover's official correspondence to the Foreign and Colonial Offices. There is no important new evidence in them on his Lagos career, although there are a few private letters from friends at Lagos after Glover's removal in 1872 indicating that they greatly regret that the ‘chief’ had gone.Google Scholar

⁷ Evidence that Glover volunteered is in Baikie to Foreign Office, 21.ii.1857. Foreign Office files in the Public Record Office: Consular Correspondence, Africa, F.O. 2/23, p. 90.Google Scholar

⁸ Hastings, A. C. G. (ed.), The Voyage of the Dayspring (Glover's journal of the 1857 expedition) (London, 1926), 43.Google Scholar

⁹ Crowther, S. and Taylor, J. C., The Gospel on the Banks of the Niger (London, 1859), 62, 63, 64.Google Scholar

¹⁰ Hastings, op. cit. 33–4.Google Scholar

¹¹ The title ‘Captain Glover’ was often used in the documents, but Glover's rank from 1862 was Commander. ‘Captain’ was a courtesy title which was used in addressing commanders; Glover was not gazetted Captain until 1877.Google Scholar

¹² Buxton, T. F., The African Slave Trade and Its Remedy (London, 1840), ii, 518.Google Scholar

¹³ Biobaku, op. cit. 27–46Google Scholar; Newbury, op. cit. 44–5; for a detailed analysis of the role of the missionaries and Sierra Leone emigrants,Google Scholar see Ajayi, J. F. Ade, Christian Missions and the Making of Nigeria, 1841–91 (unpublished Ph.D. thesis, University of London, 1958).Google Scholar

¹⁴ Dike, op. cit. 128.Google Scholar

¹⁵ Biobaku, op. cit. 48–63.Google Scholar

¹⁶ Hastings, op. cit. 33.Google Scholar

¹⁷ Baikie to Malmesbury, 2.iii.1859. F.O. 2/31.Google Scholar

¹⁸ The truth about Glover's early experiences in Yoruba is still obscure. From 15 February to 20 May 1858 he used the overland route when he travelled to Sierra Leone and back for supplies. He began another overland journey to Lagos on 1 June to await a new steamer, in which the expedition returned to Lagos by river. From April to July 1859 both Baikie and Glover returned to Rabba by the overland route.Google ScholarGlover, Lady, op. cit. 76,Google Scholar and Hastings, op. cit. 206, say Glover's first journey took him through Ibadan, where he was nursed in an attack of dysentery by the Hindres (Hinderers?). Both writers suggest that on the return journey Glover's employment of freed Hausas excited opposition in Lagos, and also in Abeokuta, where Glover is supposed to have escaped an armed crowd by jumping his horse through a gap in the town wall. This story does not appear in the official reports, but Baikie and Glover certainly reported that the Hausas caused trouble in Lagos and that in Abeokuta some were molested and their loads stolenGoogle Scholar (Glover to Malmesbury, 4.v.1859, and Baikie to Malmesbury, 20.vii.1859. F.O. 2/32).Google Scholar See also Pope-Hennessy to Kimberley, 15.ix.1872. C.O. 147/24.Google Scholar

¹⁹ Glover to Baikie, 20.vii.1859, encl, in Baikie to Malmesbury, 6.viii.1859. F.O. 2/32.Google Scholar

²⁰ Palmerston's full role has yet to be studied, but his interest in Lagos is shown by such comments on the F.O. files as ‘take Time by the Forelock'…‘strike while the iron is hot’, and after the annexation he said, ‘The results will amply compensate for any expense which may be incurred.’Google Scholar

²¹ Minute by Newcastle, 18.i.1862, on F.O. to C.O., 15.i.1862. Colonial Office files: Lagos Correspondence, C.O. 147/2.Google Scholar

²² Newcastle to Freeman (draft), 16.xii.1861. C.O. 147/1.Google Scholar

²³ Minute by Newcastle, 16.x.1863, on Glover to Newcastle, 10.ix.1863. C.O. 147/4.Google Scholar

²⁴ Glover described a form of domestic slavery as follows: ‘1st. A Person might be handed over as a Pledge or Security. Such person might be a sister or brother, or Townsman freeborn or slave: and such Person, if freeborn, could not be sold away for debt: and if such person or persons died while in the hands of a creditor, the death of such person or persons liquidates the debt. 2nd. the obtaining of a Person or Persons as security for a Debt may be effected by seizure accompanied by violence: security thus forcibly taken is as good as if voluntarily handed over. 3rd. A. who lives in London, owes C. who resides in Bristol. A., afraid of being pressed by C., does not visit Bristol. In time C. meets B. in Bristol, who C. knows to belong to a Family of some consideration in London. C. accordingly seizes B. for the debt owed to him by A. B. then sends to inform his family in London that he has been seized in Bristol on account of a debt owed by A. to one C. of Bristol. Upon this, the Family of B. commence proceedings against the family of A. in London, to obtain the amount which will liberate their relation B.…C. might seize a vessel or cargo, in the Bristol River, belonging to B. of London on account of A.'s debt to C. The vessel and cargo might be sold for the benefit of C. of Bristol, B. of London recovering from A. of London.’Google Scholar (Glover to Kimberley, Winchester, 27.iii.1873. C.O. 147/29.)Google Scholar

²⁵ C.O. to F.O. (draft), 10.viii.1862. C.O. 147/1.Google Scholar

²⁶ Freeman to Newcastle, 9.x.1862, and minutes by Rogers and Newcastle, 20 and 29.xi.1862. C.O. 147/1.Google Scholar

²⁷ This idea was put to the Foreign Office on 6.xii.1862, but the F.O. never replied and Newcastle let the matter drop.Google Scholar

²⁸ Minute by Rogers, 14.xii.1863, on Glover to Newcastle, 10.xi.1863. C.O. 147/4. Two years later, reading of the slave trade inland from Sierra Leone, Rogers felt that his prophecy was confirmed and he made the following declaration: ‘my moral is that if we cannot stop this we are doing no good in trying to stop the export of slaves to places where after all they are likely to be better treated than, under the pressure of legitimate trade, they are likely to be at home’, 3.iii.1864, on Admiralty to C.O. 18.ii.1864. Sierra Leone Correspondence, C.O. 267/282.Google Scholar

²⁹ C.O. to F.O. (draft), 29.xii.1863. C.O. 147/4.Google Scholar

³⁰ Law Officers to C.O., 20.ii.1864, and C.O. to F.O. (draft), 23.v.1864. CO. 147/7.Google Scholar

³¹ Minute by Cardwell, 18.ii. 1865, on Glover to Cardwell, 27. xii.1864. C.O. 147/6.Google Scholar

³² Freeman to Newcastle, 9.vii.1862. CO. 147/I.Google Scholar

³³ Ibid.Google ScholarFreeman to Newcastle, 10.ix.1862.Google Scholar

³⁴ Freeman to Newcastle, 26.ii.1863. C.O. 147/3.Google Scholar

³⁵ Ibid.Google ScholarFreeman to Newcastle, 7.ii.1863;Google ScholarGlover to Blackall, 17.i.1868,Google Scholar in Blackall to Buckingham, 30.i.1868. C.O. 147/14.Google Scholar

³⁶ Newbury, op. cit. 67–8;Google ScholarHargreaves, J. D., ‘Towards a History of the Partition of Africa’, Journal of African History, 1 (1960), 1, 102;CrossRefGoogle ScholarAkindélé, A. and Aguessy, C., ‘Contribution à l'Etude de l'Histoire de l'Ancien Royaume de Porto-Novo’, Memoirs de l';Institut Français d'Afrique Noire, xxv (1953), 75.Google Scholar

³⁷ Freeman to Newcastle, 8.iii.1863. C.O. 147/3.Google Scholar

³⁸ Ibid.Google ScholarGlover to Newcastle, 9.vii.1863, and enclosures.Google Scholar

³⁹ Text in Glover to Newcastle, 9.iii.1863. C.O. 147/4.Google Scholar

⁴⁰ Freeman to Newcastle, 9.iii.1864. C.O. 147/6.Google Scholar

⁴¹ Ibid.Google ScholarGlover to Cardwell, 29.xii.1864;Google Scholarsee Newbury, op. cit. 71–2;Google ScholarAkindélé and Aguessy, op. cit. 76–7.Google Scholar

⁴² Freeman to Newcastle, 3.vii.1862;Google ScholarFreeman to Newcastle (Confidential and Private), 10.xii.1863. C.O. 147/4.Google Scholar

⁴³ Minute by Rogers ia and Newcastle, 14.viii.1862, on Freeman to Newcastle, 3.vii.1862. C.O. 147/1.Google Scholar

⁴⁴ Epe was bombarded to coerce Possu, an adherent of Kosoko, the dispossessed King of Lagos, and the incident was of some importance for Glover in that Major Leveson, the Colonial Secretary, was wounded, thus leaving the way open for Glover's advancement in colonial service. Newcastle wrote: ‘Our governors expect from these savages the uses and conduct of civilized nations and meet their departures from them by means which we should never thus summarily take against such nations.…I have no doubt this “Chastisement ”–a favourite term on such occasions–will have a good effect for a time, but we are teaching these people how to fight and they will not forgive the death of so many of their warriors. Fear will not last long, and if we are to retain this questionable possession of Lagos we must resort to other means than bush fighting.’Google Scholar (2.v.1863 on Freeman to Newcastle, 30.iii.1863. C.O. 147/3.)Google ScholarThis incident was also mentioned in Cecil, Robert, the later Lord Salisbury's, famous attack on Palmerston's and Russell's diplomacy ‘Foreign Policy of England’ in the Quarterly Review (April 1864), 485.Google Scholar

⁴⁵ Minute by Newcastle, 15.xii.1863, on Glover to Newcastle, 6.xi.1863. C.O. 147/4.Google Scholar

⁴⁶ Minute by Elliot, 14.iii.1863, on Freeman to Newcastle, 7.ii.1863. C.O. 147/3.Google Scholar

⁴⁷ Minute by Rogers, 8.ix.1863, on F.O. to C.O. 5.ix.1863. C.O. 147/5.Google Scholar

⁴⁸ Glover to Cardwell, 29.xii.1864. C.O. 147/6;Google ScholarOrd to Cardwell, 9.iii.1865.Google ScholarParliamentary Papers: Accounts and Papers, XXXVII (1865), 311.Google Scholar

⁴⁹ For the causes of the Yoruba War, see Biobaku, op. cit. 64; Ajayi, op. cit. Chap. VI.Google Scholar

⁵⁰ Freeman to Newcastle, 4.vi.1862. C.O. 147/1.Google Scholar

⁵¹ Biobaku, op. cit. 72.Google Scholar

⁵² Ibid. 76.Google Scholar

⁵³ In a frank and most revealing minute Elliot raised some embarrassing questions: ‘How long ought a man to take before he believes himself a good judge of the relative merits of obscure African Tribes and villages? The worst of it is…the moment that we take any party into our favour we run the risk of rendering it the less deserving of that advantage. ‘We want to make use of the different Tribes as a means of extinguishing slave dealing among themselves.… While they want to use us as a means of oppressing their neighbours, and there seems to me to be a constant trial going on which shall be the tool of the other.… ‘Wherever we go in Africa, our views are as enlightened and lofty, compared with those of the barbarous peoples amongst whom we find ourselves, as those of a superior race of beings; and if we choose to employ steamers and a few disciplined troops, our influence is paramount. The apparent good is so great that it is fascinating. But still one cannot help occasionally asking oneself, where is it to end? It is also uncomfortable to reflect on the disparity between our power and our knowledge. The first is so tremendous that we can, at will, exalt or destroy, but who is to ensure us a corresponding discrimination?’Google Scholar (Minute by Elliot, 12.vii.1862, on Freeman to Newcastle, 4.vi.1862. CO. 147/1.)Google Scholar

⁵⁴ Ibid.Google ScholarNewcastle to Freeman (draft), 22.viii.1862.Google Scholar

⁵⁵ F.O. to C.O. 6.v.1864. C.O. 147/7.Google Scholar

⁵⁶ Unsent draft by Cardwell, May 1864, after Freeman to Newcastle, 9.iv.1864 (C.O. 147/6), and draft of the dispatch sent on 23.v.1864.Google Scholar

⁵⁷ See Ward, W. E. F., A History of the Gold Coast (London, 1948), 205–13; 3 Hansard, CLXXV, cols. 1950–2023.Google Scholar

⁵⁸ Hansard, CLXXV, cols. 545–52.Google Scholar

⁵⁹ Clarke complained of ‘extension of quasi-British authority and jurisdiction’ in Confidential Memo: British Possessions on the West Coast of Africa, June 1864. War Office files in the Public Record Office: W.O. 33/13, p. 1387;Google ScholarVetch, R. H., Life of Lieutenant- General Sir Andrew Clarke (London, 1905), 83;Google ScholarOrd, to Cardwell, 9.iii.1865, A & P, xxxvii (1865), 290.Google Scholar

⁶⁰ Ibid. 308–13. Glover seems to have been able to persuade Ord easily. They may already have been friends, as they both served in the Baltic campaign during the Crimean War, when Ord was Brigade Major of the British military detachment. They were certainly friends later in life.Google Scholar (See Glover, Lady, op. cit. 305–13.).Google Scholar

⁶¹ Report of Select Committee on West Africa. Parliamentary Papers, Reports from Committees, v (1865), 15.Google Scholar

⁶² Dike, op. cit. 168.Google Scholar

⁶³ Biobaku, op. cit. Chap. VIII.Google Scholar

⁶⁴ Blackall to Cardwell, 3.iii.1866,Google Scholar and Glover to Cardwell, 10.iii.1866;Google Scholarthe Egba case and Blackall's correspondence with Abeokuta is enclosed in Blackall to Cardwell, 21.viii.1866. C.O. 147/11.Google Scholar

⁶⁵ Biobaku, op. cit. 81–2.Google Scholar

⁶⁶ Ibid. 79; Ajayi, op. cit. Chap. VI.Google Scholar

⁶⁷ For the Fante Confederation movement, see Ward, History of the Gold Coast, 247–60;Google ScholarKennedy to Kimberley, 16.xii.1871. C.O. 96/89;Google ScholarKendall to Kimberley, 20.i.1872,Google Scholar and Pope-Hennessy to Kimberley, 4.iii.1872. C.O. 96/92;Google Scholar and Pope-Hennessy to Kimberley, 29.x.1872. C.O. 96/94.Google Scholar

⁶⁸ Perham, M., Lugard, ii, 586–7.Google Scholar

⁶⁹ Yonge to Buckingham, 28.x.1867 and 13.xi.1867. C.O. 147/3;Google ScholarBlackall to Buckingham, 15.xii.1867,Google Scholar and Kennedy to Buckingham, 30.x.1868. C.O. 147/14.Google Scholar

⁷⁰ Glover to Kennedy, 30.vi.1870. CO. 147/18;Google ScholarAdmiralty to C.O. 2.viii.1870. C.O.147/19.Google Scholar

⁷¹ Kennedy to Granville, 22.iii.1870. C.O. 147/17.Google Scholar

⁷² ‘After a four years' interval the Egba Government have assumed the initiative and are now endeavouring to enter into friendly communications with this Government.’ Glover, 30.x.1869, in Kendall to Granville, 11.xi.1869. C.O. 147/15.Google Scholar

⁷³ Biobaku, op. cit. 86–7;Google ScholarGlover to Kennedy, 25.iii.1871. C.O. 147/20.Google Scholar

⁷⁴ Kennedy to Kimberley, 4.x.1870. C.O. 147/18;Google ScholarGlover to Kimberley, London, 21.xii.1870. C.O. 147/19.Google Scholar

⁷⁵ Glover to Administrator-in-Chief, 7.ix.1870. CO. 147/21, chart enclosed now in P.R.O.: MR 389(5);Google ScholarGlover to Kennedy, 18.x.1871. C.O. 147/21.Google Scholar

⁷⁶ Glover to Cardwell, 7.ix.1865. C.O. 147/9.Google Scholar

⁷⁷ Glover, 4.ii.1868, in Kennedy to Buckingham, 12.ii.1868. C.O. 147/14;Google ScholarNewbury, op. cit. 90:Google ScholarAkindélé and Aguessy, op. cit. 77.Google Scholar

⁷⁸ Glover, 1.xi.1871, in Kennedy to Kimberley, 15.xi.1871. C.O. 147/21.Google Scholar

⁷⁹ Glover to Kimberley, 3.ii.1872;Google ScholarGlover to Kendall, 17.ii.1872;Google ScholarPope-Hennessy to Kimberley, 27.iv.1872. C.O. 147/23.Google Scholar

⁸⁰ In the ten years from 1864 to 1874 there were six changes of Colonial Secretary: Newcastle 1859–64, Cardwell 1864–6, Carnarvon 7866–7, Buckingham 1867–8, Granville 1868–70, Kirnberley 1870–4, Carnarvon 1874–8. The Parliamentary Under-Secretaries were: Chichester Fortescue 1859–65, W. E. Forster 1865, Adderley 1866–8, Monsell 1868–71, Edward Knatchbull-Hugessen 1871–4. snd Lowther 1874–8.Google Scholar

⁸¹ Although the 1865 Report forbade new settlements, it did not ‘amount to an absolute prohibition of measures which in peculiar cases, may be necessary for the more efficient and economical administration of the settlements we already possess’. (Resolutions of the West Africa Committee, 26.vi.1865. Reports from Committees, v (1865), 3.)Google Scholar

⁸² Cardwell to Glover (draft), 23.x.1865. CO. 147/9.Google Scholar

⁸³ Both Newbury, op. cit. 89,Google Scholar and Aderibigbe, op. cit. 38, attribute this to Carnarvon, but the addition to the dispatch for Blackall dated 21.iii.1867 (filed after Blackall to Carnarvon, 15.ii.1867, CO. 147/13) is in Buckingham's handwriting. Carnarvon had resigned Over the Reform Bill on 2 March 1867.Google Scholar

⁸⁴ Minute by Kimberley, 5.iii.1872, on Glover to Kimberley, 3.ii.1872. C.O. 147/23.Google Scholar

⁸⁵ Ibid.Google ScholarMinute by Knatchbull-Hugessen, 3.iv.1872,Google Scholar On Pope-Hennessy to Kimberley, 5.iii.1872.Google Scholar

⁸⁶ Ibid.Google ScholarMinute by Kimberley, 7.v.1872,Google Scholar on Pope-Hennessy to Kimberley, 10.iv.1872.Google ScholarSee also minute, 8.ii.1872, on Glover to Kimberley, 17.x.1871.Google Scholar

⁸⁷ For John Pope-Hennessy's career, see memorandum by Salisbury in the Carnarvon Papers, Public Record Office, Gifts and Deposits: P.R.O. 30/6/10, and Hamilton, B., Barbados and the Confederation Question, 1871–1885 (London, 1956), 44–6, and Appendix B.Google ScholarFor his ideas on education, see Pope-Hennessy to Kimberley, 28.xii.1872. C.O. 267/357.Google Scholar

⁸⁸ The Colonial Office always tried to maintain the fiction that Glover had not been recalled and produced the formula: ‘that he came home at his own request, but that his period of service as Administrator came to an end coterminously with the expiration of his leave of absence’. (Minute by Hales, 26.iv. 1873,Google Scholar on Leigh-Clare to Kimberley, 23.iv.1873. C.O. 147/29.) Hennessy's version was that Glover ‘in the best possible spirit… came to me and expressed his desire to take six months leave of absence’.Google Scholar (Pope-Hennessy to Kimberley, 15.vi.1872. C.O. 147/23.) Glover claimed that Hennessy said: ‘Captain Glover, I want neither to hear nor read anything, I know all and have heard all. Merchants, missionaries, and natives have both written and spoken, and I must tell you, you know nothing of the country, the place, or the people. It is not the slave question. It is you and your aggressive policy.’ Hennessy may well have been right, but Glover said, ‘having been made to feel that I was not wanted—indeed I could not remain—I asked for leave of absence’.Google Scholar (Glover to Kimberley, London, 7.xi.1872. C.O. 147/26.)Google Scholar

⁸⁹ Hennessy also granted Docemo, King of Lagos at the time of the cession, some stake in the government of the Colony.Google Scholar

⁹⁰ Fowler, 8.xi.1872, in Pope-Hennessy to Kimberley, 28.xi.1872. C.O. 147/2.Google Scholar

⁹¹ Minute by Knatchbull-Hugessen, 25.vii.1872,Google Scholar on Glover to Kimberley, 18.vii.1872. C.O. 147/26.Google Scholar

⁹² Minute by Herbert, 4.vi.1872,Google Scholar on Pope-Hennessy to Kimberley, 27.iv.1872. C.O. 147/23.Google Scholar

⁹³ Ibid.Google ScholarMinutes by Herbert, 3.viii.1872,Google ScholarKnatchbull-Hugessen 5th and Kimberley 6th on Pope-Hennessy to Kimberley, 25.vi.1872.Google Scholar

⁹⁴ ‘His policy is right. It is the manner of carrying it into effect which has been wrong.’ Kimberley, 15.viii.1872, on Pope-Hennessy to Kimberley, 29.vii.1872. C.O. 147/23.Google Scholar

⁹⁵ Minute by Knatchbull-Hugessen, 10.x.1872,Google Scholar on Clare, Leigh to Kimberley, 3.x.1872. C.O. 147/25.Google Scholar

⁹⁶ Ibid.Google ScholarKimberley, 12.x. 1872.Google Scholar

⁹⁷ Minute by Knatchbull-Hugessen, 27.x.1872,Google Scholar on Fowler to Kimberley, 26.viii.1872. C.O. 147/24.Google Scholar

⁹⁸ Minute by Kimberley, 16.xi.1872,Google Scholar on Hinderer to Kimberley, i.xi.1872. C.O. 147/ 26.Google Scholar

⁹⁹ Minutes by Kimberley, 24.xi.1872,Google Scholar on Glover to Kimberley, London, 7.xi.1872 (C.O 147/26) and 19.1.1873,Google Scholar On Pope-Hennessy to Kimberley, 28.xii.1872. C.O. 147/24.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁰ Minute by Knatchbull-Hugessen, 12.i.1873,Google Scholar on Goldsworthy to Kimberley, London, 4.i.1873. C.O. 147/29.Google Scholar

¹⁰¹ Minute by Kimberley, 20.ii.1873,Google Scholar on McArthur's question, 18.ii.1873. Gold Coast Correspondence: C.O. 96/104.Google Scholar

¹⁰² Minutes by Knatchbull-Hugessen, 23.11.1873,Google Scholar and Kimberley 25th on Pope-Hennessy to Kimberley, 30.xii.1872. C.O. 847/24.Google Scholar

¹⁰³ See my article ‘British Policy in West Africa: The Ashanti Expedition of 1873–74’ in The Historical Journal, v, 1 (1962), 19–46.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁴ Minute by Herbert, 4.iii.1873,Google Scholar on Pope-Hennessy to Kimberley, 5.ii.1873. C.O. 147/27.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁵ See minutes by Carnarvon, 9.iv.1874,Google Scholar and Lowther 10th on Berkeley to Carnarvon, 14.iii.1874. C.O. 147/30.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁶ Minutes by Herbert, 3.i.1871,Google Scholar on Kennedy to Kimberley, 12.xii.1870 (C.O. 147/18) and 6.ii.1872,Google Scholar on Glover to Kimberley, 17.x.1871. C.O. 147/23.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁷ 3 Hansard, ccxix, cols. 157–68.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁸ Minute by Herbert, 25.viii.1874,Google Scholar on Brothers, Banner to Herbert, 20.viii.1874. C.O. 147/30.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁹ For the Gambia exchange question, see Catala, R., ‘La Question de l'échange de la Gambie Britannique contre les comptoirs Français du Golfe de Guinée de 1866 à 1876’, Revue d'Histoire des Colonies, xxxv (1948), 114–18;CrossRefGoogle ScholarHargreaves, J. D., ‘The French Occupation of the Mellacourie, 1865–67’, Sierra Leone Studies, IX (1957), 3–15;Google Scholar and memorandum by Hemming, 20.ii.1875 in C.O. 87/107.Google Scholar

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¹¹³ Biobaku, op. cit. 70, maintains that British opinion in this period was ‘against imperialism’, that the Colonial Office ‘reflected the current British opinion, dominated by the Manchester School and which in colonial terms meant limited territories, small Governmental establishments, and above all self-sufficiency for the colonies’.Google ScholarDike, op. cit. 181, says the 1860s saw the ‘dawn of a new era’, and that within a decade of 1865‘the logic of the facts drove the British Government towards a vigorous policy of economic and political expansion not only on the coast but in the West African interior’.Google ScholarGallagher, and Robinson, (Economic History Review, VI (1953), 1) see a ‘fundamental continuity of British expansion throughout the nineteenth century’.Google Scholar

¹¹⁴ Minute by Adderley, 22.iv.1868,Google Scholar on Blackall to Buckingham, 30.i.1868. C.O. 147/14.Google Scholar

¹¹⁵ Robinson, R. and Gallagher, J., Africa and the Victorians (London, 1961), 21;Google ScholarHargreaves, J. D., ‘Towards a History of the Partition of Africa’, Journal of African History, 1, 1 (1960), 107–9.CrossRefGoogle Scholar