¹ Obviously, the literature concerning such resistance is extremely diverse. As examples, see Stevenson, R., The Nuba People of Kordofan Province: an Ethnographic Survey (Khartoum, 1984), 47–75Google Scholar; Weiskel, T., ‘Changing perspectives on African resistance movements and the case of the Baule people’, in Swartz, B. and Dumett, R. (eds.), West African Culture Dynamics (The Hague, 1980), 544–61Google Scholar; Blackburn, R., ‘In the land of milk and honey: Okiek adaptations to their forests and neighbours’, in Leacock, E. and Lee, R. (eds.), Politics and History in Band Societies (Cambridge, 1982), 283–305Google Scholar; Kenny, M., ‘Mirror in the forest: the Dorobo hunter-gatherers as an image of the other’, Africa, LI (1981), 476–95.Google Scholar Resistance can also take much less recognizable forms; the association of were-animals with peripheral groups and people in northern Cameroon and elsewhere may well be such a response – see MacEachern, S., ‘Du Kunde: processes of Montagnard ethnogenesis in the northern Mandara Mountains of Cameroon’ (unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Department of Archaeology, University of Calgary), 194–5Google Scholar; Jackson, M., Paths Toward a Clearing (Bloomington, 1989), 112–14.Google Scholar

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³ Robinson, D., The Holy War of Umar Tal (Oxford, 1985), 151–2, 351–2Google Scholar; Arhin, K. and Ki-Zerbo, J., ‘States and peoples of the Niger Bend and the Volta’, in Ajayi, J. F. Ade (ed.), UNESCO General History of Africa, Vol. 6 (Oxford, 1989), 676–9Google Scholar; Père, M., Les deux bouches: les sociétés du rameau Lobi entre la tradition et le changement (Paris, 1982).Google Scholar

⁴ See for example Cohen, R.,‘State foundations: a controlled comparison’, in Cohen, R. and Service, E. (eds.), Origins of the State: the Anthropology of Political Evolution (Philadelphia, 1978), 141–60.Google Scholar Note below that I accord a greater importance to long distance trade than does Cohen; there is abundant archaeological and historical evidence that such trade existed on the plains at the base of the mountains by the early Iron Age at least.

⁵ These works include Morrissey, S., Clients and Slaves in the Development of the Mandara Elite: Northern Cameroon in the Nineteenth Century (Ann Arbor, 1989)Google Scholar; Barkindo, Bawuro Mubi, The Sultanate of Mandara to 1902 (Stuttgart, 1989)Google Scholar; and various publications by Forkl, H., especially Die Beziehungen der zentralsudanischen Reiche Bornu, Mandara und Bagirmi sowie der Kotoko-Staaten zu ihren südlichen Nachbarn unter besonderer Berücksichtigung des Sao-Problems (Munich, 1983)Google Scholar and ‘Sozial- und Religion-geschichte der Wandalá in Nordkamerun’, in Comparative Studies in the Development of Complex Societies, ii (London, 1986).Google Scholar

⁶ For a list of Mandara Archaeological Research publications to 1989, see David, N. and Sterner, J., ‘The Mandara Archaeological Project 1988–1989’, Nyame Akuma, XXXII (1989). 5–9.Google Scholar

⁷ David, N. and MacEachern, S., ‘The Mandara Archaeological Project: preliminary results of the 1984 season’, in Barreteau, D. and Tourneux, H. (eds.), Le milieu et les hommes: recherches comparatives et historiques dans le bassin du Lac Tchad (Paris, 1988), 51–80.Google Scholar

⁸ MacEachern, , ‘Du Kunde’, 127–34Google Scholar; Hallaire, A., ‘Problèmes de développement au nord du Monts Mandara’, Cahiers O.R.S.T.O.M., série Sciences Humaines, 13 (1976), 3–22.Google Scholar The montagnard terracing system could not exist without high population densities for terrace construction and maintenance and for the elimination of animal pests.

⁹ Wilson, M., ‘Geoarchaeology and archaeological visibility in the northern Mandara Mountains and Mora Plain (Cameroon): preliminary results’, in Barreteau, and Tourneux, (eds.), Le milieu et les hommes, 9–50.Google Scholar

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¹¹ MacEachern, , ‘Du Kunde’, 46–53, 189–90Google Scholar.

¹² Fried, M., ‘On the concepts of “tribe” and tribal society’, in Helm, J. (ed.), Essays on the Problem of Tribe (New York, 1967), 15–17Google Scholar; Southall, A., ‘The illusion of tribe’, Journal of African and Asian Studies, V (1970), 1–2, 28–50Google Scholar; Kopytoff, I., ‘The internal African frontier’, in Kopytoff, I. (ed.), The African Frontier: The Reproduction of Traditional African Societies (Bloomington, 1989), 4.Google Scholar

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¹⁴ This was certainly not the only impulse toward adoption of Islam; valid social and religious contexts of conversion of course existed.

¹⁵ Denham, D. and Clapperton, H., Narrative of Travels and Discoveries in Northern and Central Africa in the Years 1822, 1823 and 1824 (London, 1826).Google Scholar

¹⁶ Leporace, T. Gasparrini, Il Mappamondo di Fra Mauro (Rome, 1956).Google Scholar It should be noted that ‘Mandara’ is the Kanuri name for the Wandala.

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¹⁹ Mohammadou, , Le Royaume, 16–21.Google Scholar This is not, of course, a practice unique to this area; see for example Isichei, E., ‘Introduction’, in Isichei, E. (ed.), Studies in the History of Plateau State, Nigeria (London, 1982), 7CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Robinson, , Holy War, 48, 84.Google Scholar

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⁴¹ Morrissey, , Clients and Slaves, 30, n. 4.Google Scholar As one British colonial official said, “… The ‘Mai’ of Mandara and the bulk of his people profess to be Mohammedans, but their professions are little more than a veneer of respectability over their original paganism…’: Tomlinson, G. J. F., ‘Report on Dikoa District of the Northern Cameroons’, Colonial Office report CO 879/118 (Correspondence relating to the territories of the Cameroons under British administration and their boundaries), number 14 (Public Record Office, Kew, 1916).Google Scholar

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⁵² Fartwa, Ibn, Kirgam, 50.Google Scholar I thus disagree with Barkindo, (Sultanate, 98)Google Scholar, who states that the attention paid to Wandala by Mai Idris Aloma (actually Ibn Fartwa) indicates that that polity was an important state.

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