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Tell It Like It Isn't: SNCC and the Media, 1960–1965

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  27 January 2014

Abstract

In recent decades, revisionist challenges to the traditional “declension hypothesis” have generated a much more nuanced and positive approach to the Black Power movement. However, attempts to explain the narrative's initial popularity have too often focussed on the latter half of the decade and blamed a media-assisted white backlash or the inflammatory rhetoric of Black Power activists. Concentrating instead on the earlier half of the decade, this article examines the media strategies of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) and demonstrates how its public approach to nonviolence and interracial organizing purposefully hid developments within the movement that were seen to be at odds with the dominant discourse. By highlighting the ways in which the early media strategies of a militant organization like SNCC strengthened and legitimized a misleading movement narrative, this article challenges scholars to be more critical of early movement rhetoric and re-examine how and why Black Power was portrayed as a fundamental break with the past.

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Articles
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 2014 

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References

1 See “Black Power Is Black Death,” New York Times, 7 July 1966 (hereafter NYT); “As Negro Militants Challenge Moderates,” NYT, 16 July 1967.

2 M. S. Handler, “Rights Unit Bars Truce in Battle,” NYT, 29 Nov. 1963; “The Politics of Frustration,” NYT, 7 Aug. 1966.

3 “Mobilization of Black Strength,” Life, 6 Dec. 1968; “Civil Rights: Ahead of Its Time,” Time, 30 Sep. 1966 (from the online archive at http://content.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,836425,00.html, accessed 19 Nov. 2013); M. S. Handler, “Wilkins Says Black Power Leads Only to Black Death,” NYT, 6 July 1966.

4 Wilkins's portent of “black death,” for example, is often cited in early works, including the first major monograph on SNCC: Carson, Clayborne, In Struggle: SNCC and the Black Awakening of the 1960s, 2nd edn (Cambridge, MA and London: Harvard University Press, 1996)Google Scholar, 220.

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44 In 1973, Leon Sigal found that 49.5% of New York Times and Washington Post articles depended on such practices. Sigal, Leon V., Reporters and Officials: The Organization and Politics of Newsmaking (Lexington, MA: D. C. Heath, 1973)Google Scholar, 115.

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52 Zellner (ibid., 208), for example, remembers one student from Talladega College believing that his hair would smell like chicken feathers because he was white.

53 Prathia Hall, “Field Report,” 8 March 1963, SNCC Papers, A.IV.155, Slide 862.

54 Bob Moses in Carmichael and Thelwell, 353–54.

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57 Ibid.

58 Ivanhoe Donaldson in Dittmer, John, Local People: The Struggle for Civil Rights in Mississippi (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1994)Google Scholar, 209. In deference to African American leadership of the movement, whites at the meeting abstained.

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67 McAdam, 103.

68 Dorothy Dewberry, “Letter to the Editor,” n.d., SNCC Papers, A.IX.131, Slide 932.

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72 Aide to Dr. King in Gene Roberts, “Whites' Role Splits Leaders of March,” New York Times, 12 June 1966.

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77 Joanne Gavin, “Position Paper: Funds-Sources and Staff Salaries,” SNCC Papers, A.VI.24, Slide 787.

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