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Connecticut Ministers and Slavery, 1790–1795

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  16 January 2009

Extract

No fanfare or stirring resolves marked the founding of Connecticut's first antislavery organization. Quietly instituted late in the summer of 1790, the Connecticut Society for the Promotion of Freedom and the Relief of Persons Unlawfully Holden in Bondage soon betrayed a lack of direction and purpose. Upon reading the newly-drafted constitution of the Society, one Connecticut minister decided, “It does not appear that the Society is of much importance as it respects its influence in this State, as there is here scarcely a claim for its exertions.” And yet, during the five uneventful years of its existence, the organization attracted a large contingent of hyper-Calvinist ministers like Benjamin Trumbull, moderate Calvinists like Yale's Ezra Stiles, and unrepentant liberal clergymen like James Dana. All of the ministers involved were Congregationalists. The Society also included a number of prominent and pious laymen and even a sprinkling of prominent and openly irreverent ones. If the Society's work is compared to the ambitious programs of sister organizations in New York and Philadelphia, however, it appears that the Connecticut Society did not do much more than enlist the moral support of religious, political, and social leaders in the state.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 1981

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References

James Essig is an Assistant Professor of American Historyat Western Maryland College,Westminster, Maryland, 21157.This article forms part of a larger study on American evangelicals and antislavery work in the eighteenth century. The larger study, still in manuscript, was awarded the Brewer Prize by the American Society of Church History.

1 H. Channing to Simeon Baldwin, 22 Nov. 1790, Box 6, Baldwin Family Papers (Yale University Library). All quotations from the Baldwin Family Papers, the Roger Sherman Collection, and the Benjamin Trumbull Papers are used by permission of the Yale University Library.

2 See Moseley, Thomas R., “A History of the New York Manumission Society, 1785–1849” (Ph.D. diss., New York Universityy, 1963)Google Scholar, and Zilversmit, Arthur, The First Emancipation (Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press, 1967), pp. 162–65Google Scholar. In The Problem of Slavery in the Age of Revolution, 1770–1823 (Ithaca: Cornell Univ. Press, 1975)Google Scholar, David Brion Davis noted that organized anti-slavery activity in New Haven was “weak and short-lived” (p. 218n).

3 See, for example, Bodo, John R., The Protestant Clergy and Public Issues, 1812–1848 (Princeton: Princeton Univ. Press, 1954)Google Scholar, and Griffin, Clifford S., Their Brother's Keepers: Moral Stewardship in the United States, 1800–1865 (New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers Univ. Press, 1960)Google Scholar.

4 Morse was born in Connecticut, and Dwight in Massachusetts; Morse later moved to Massachusetts, while Dwight eventually took up residence in Connecticut. See Morse, James King, Jedidiah Morse: A Champion of New England Orthodoxy (New York: Columbia University Press, 1939)Google Scholar, and Cuningham, Charles E., Timothy Dwight, 1752–1817 (New York: Macmillan, 1942)Google Scholar.

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6 Compare his remarks on slavery in Geography Made Easy (New Haven: Meigs, Bowen, and Dana, 1784)Google Scholar with those in The American Universal Geography (Elizabethtown: Shepard Kollock, 1789)Google Scholar.

7 Universal Geography, pp. 144–48.

8 Ibid., pp. 251, 292, 313, 347.

9 Ibid., p. 352.

10 Ibid., pp. 387, 390–91.

11 Ibid., pp. 417, 432–33.

12 See Foner, Eric, Free Soil, Free Labor, Free Men: The Ideology of the Republican Party before the Civil War (New York: Oxford Univ. Press, 1970), pp. 4749Google Scholar.

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14 Dwight, Timothy, Greenfield Hill (New York: Childs and Swaine, 1794)Google Scholar, Part I, line 158, page 15. Hereafter, all quotations from the poem will be referred to by part, line, and page number, respectively.

16 Ibid., I, 243–46, 18; I, 154–57, 15.

16 Ibid., “Notes to Part I,” 170.

17 Ibid., II, 193–94, 36–37; II, 205–06, 37.

18 Ibid., II, 209–12, 37; II, 204, 37.

19 Ibid., II, 247–48, 38; II, 253–60, 38.

20 Ibid., II, 279–83, 39.

21 Ibid., II, 319–27, 40.

22 Ibid., II, 347, 41.

23 Silverman, Kenneth, Timothy Dwight (New York: Twayne Publishers, 1969), p. 71Google Scholar.

24 Greenfield Hill, “Notes to Part II,” p. 172.

25 Ibid., “Notes to Part II,” p. 173.

26 Records of the General Association of the Colony of Connecticut (Hartford, Ct.: Case, Lockwood, and Brainard, 1888), pp. 68104, especially p. 91Google Scholar.

27 David Austin to Roger Sherman, 20 Feb. 1790, Roger Sherman Collection (Yale University Library). See also Ferm, Robert L., Jonathan Edwards the Younger, 1745–1801 (Grand Rapids, Mich.: Eerdmans, 1976)Google Scholar.

28 Quoted in Morgan, Edmund S., The Gentle Puritan: A Life of Ezra Stiles, 1727–1795 (New Haven: Yale Univ. Press, 1962), p. 315Google Scholar. In an attempt to refurbish the image of the New Divinity men, Richard D. Birdsall inadvertently pointed up their failure to attract a popular following. In Ezra Stiles versus the New Divinity Men,” American Quarterly, 17 (1965)Google Scholar, Birdsall compared the New divinity men to “the Neo-Orthodox young clergymen who flock from our divinity schools preaching the astringent doctrines of Kierkgaard, Barth, and Reinhold Niebuhr” (p. 253).

29 General Association, Records, pp. 114, 116.

30 Ibid., p. 127.

31 New Haven Gazette and the Connecticut Magazine, 9 Oct. 1788.

32 American Mercury, 1 Sept. 1788.

33 May, Henry F., The Enlightenment in America (New York: Oxford University Press, 1976), p. 122Google Scholar; Morgan, , The Gentle Puritan, p. 415Google Scholar.

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38 General Association, Records, p. 138Google Scholar. It should be noted, however, that the clergy's major offensive against infidelity was yet to come. See Nash, Gary B., “The American Clergy and the French Revolution,” William and Mary Quarterly, 3rd series, 22 (1965), 392412CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

39 Edwards, Tryon, ed., The Works of Jonathan Edward, D.D., Late President of Union College (Andover: Allen, Morrill, and Wardwell, 1842), 2, 161–62, 170Google Scholar.

40 Trumbull, , A Sermon Delivered at the Ordination of the Rev. Thomas Holt, A.M.… June 25, 1789 (Worcester, Mass.: I. Thomas, 1790), p. 31. CfGoogle Scholar. Trumbull, 's A Sermon Delivered at the Ordination of the Rev. Lemuel Tyler, A. M.… May 7, 1789 (New Haven: T. and S. Green, 1793)Google Scholar: “Make connections with ingenious and good men” (p. 18). In The Dove and Serpent: The Clergy in the American Revolution,” American Quarterly, 31 (1979)Google Scholar, Emory Elliott argues that after the Revolution, Congregational and Presbyterian clergymen used benevolent associations as vehicles to disseminate clerical wisdom, court the favor of the influential, and “reassert their importance for the general progress of the society” (p. 200).

41 Ms. copy of constitution [ca. 6 Aug. 1790], Box 6, Baldwin Family Papers.

42 The membership has been reconstructed from lists in the following collections: 20 Oct. 1790, Box 6, Baldwin Family Papers; 13 Sept. 1792, Box 7, Baldwin Family Papers; 12 Sept. 1793, Box 4, Benjamin Trumbull Papers; 11 May, 1791 in Ford, Emily E. F. and Skeel, Emily E. F., Notes on the Life of Noah Webster (New York: Kathleen Turle, et al., 1912), 2, 480Google Scholar.

43 See scattered minutes for the Society in Box 6 of the Baldwin Family Papers.

44 Purcell, pp. 325–26.

45 Theodore Dwight, Chauncey Goodrich, and Zephaniah Swift would all one day attend the Hartford Convention. Purcell, p. 292.

46 Minutes of 31 Oct. 1791, Box 6, Baldwin Family Papers; H. Channing to Simeon Baldwin, 22 Nov. 1790, Box 6, Baldwin Family Papers.

47 Elnathan Beech to Jonathan Edwards, Jr., 7 Dec. 1791, Box 6, Baldwin Family Papers; William Law and Elnathan Beech to Simeon Baldwin, 26 April 1792, Box 7, Baldwin Family Papers; Benjamin Trumbull to John Lewis, 19 March 1792, Box 7, Baldwin Family Papers.

48 Minutes of 10 Jan. 1791, Box 6, Baldwin Papers.

49 Edwards, Jonathan Jr, The Injustice and Impolicy of the Slave Trade, and of the Slavery of the Africans (New Haven: T. and S. Green, 1791), p. 28Google Scholar.

50 Swift, Zephaniah, An Oration on Domestic Slavery (Hartford: Hudson and Goodwin, 1791), pp. 8, 19Google Scholar.

51 Ibid., p. 17.

52 Dwight, Theodore, An Oration, Spoken Before the Connecticut Society for the Promotion of Freedom and the Relief of Persons Unlawfully Holden in Bondage (Hartford: Hudson and Goodwin, 1794), pp. 20, 22Google Scholar.

53 Edwards, , Injustice and Impolicy, pp. 3637Google Scholar.

54 Dwight, , Oration, pp. 1516, 1920Google Scholar.

55 The Public Records of Connecticut (Hartford: Case, Lockwood, and Brainard, 18941967), VIII, xviii, xixxxGoogle Scholar.

56 Minutes of the Proceedings of the Second Convention of Delegates From the Abolition Societies (Philadelphia: Zechariah Poulson, 1795), pp. 1819, and minutes for the next several yearsGoogle Scholar.

57 These points are elaborated in Essig, , “Break Every Yoke: American Evangelicals Against Slavery, 1770–1808” (Ph.D. diss., Yale University, 1978)Google Scholar, Chapter 2. See also Essig, , “A Very Wintry Season: Virginia Baptists and Slavery, 1785–1797,” Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, 88 (04 1980), 170–85Google Scholar.

58 Essig, “Break Every Yoke,” pp. 24–27. See also Noll, Mark A., “Observations on the Reconciliation of Politics and Religion in Revolutionary New Jersey: The Case of Jacob Green,” Journal of Presbyterian History, 54 (Summer, 1976), 217–37Google Scholar.

59 Essig, “Break Every Yoke,” Chapters 3 and 6; “A Very Wintry Season,” pp. 180–85.

60 Jordan, Winthrop D., White Over Black: American Attitudes Toward the Negro, 1550–1812 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1968), pp. 344, 373Google Scholar.

61 MacLeod, Duncan J., Slavery, Race and the American Revolution (London: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1974), pp. 3637Google Scholar; Jordan, p. 373.