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The Political Uses of Food Protests: Analyzing the 1910 Meat Boycott

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  14 October 2022

ALICE BÉJA*
Affiliation:
Sciences Po Lille. Email: alice.beja@sciencespo-lille.eu.

Abstract

In 1910, a meat boycott spread through the United States. Tens of thousands of people pledged not to eat meat for thirty days to demand lower prices and protest the practices of the Meat Trust. The movement, though its outcomes were limited, was supported by consumer organizations, labor unions, lawmakers, suffragists, and women's clubs. It thus intersected with struggles that were at the heart of the Progressive Era's reform movements. This article will explore how various organizations (labor unions, the Socialist Party, suffragists, the National Consumers League) used, or did not use, this event to further their own goals. It will argue that food protests constitute a site from which to analyze particular transformations of the protest landscape of the time, such as the rise of consumer politics; it will also show that as transversal spaces of mobilization, food protests should be studied through the significance of their object. Food, as a meeting point between the individual body and society, can epitomize the blurring of the lines between private and public that characterized Progressive reform movements.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © The Author(s), 2022. Published by Cambridge University Press in association with the British Association for American Studies

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References

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24 “The Meat Strike Started as a Labor Union Movement,” New York Times, 21 Jan. 1910; “Labor Leads in Movement,” Evening Star, 21 Jan. 1910; “League to Boycott Trusts,” New York Times, 16 Jan. 1910. The CLU was particularly involved in the movement and had contributed to developing the tool of the boycott since its foundation in 1882. Philip S. Foner, History of the labor Movement in the United States, Volume II, From the Founding of the American Federation of Labor to the Emergence of American Imperialism (New York: International Publishers, 1955), 34.

25 “75,000 in Pittsburg Join. Pledges Distributed in the Streets – Unions Lead the Boycott,” New York Times, 22 Jan. 1910.

26 The importance of this tool was manifested by early publications on its significance for the labor struggle in the United States, such as Harry W. Laidler's Boycott and the Labor Struggle: Economic and Legal Aspects, published in 1914, or Leo Wolman's The Boycott in American Trade Unions, published in 1916.

27 Philip Foner, History of the Labor Movement in the United States, Volume III, The Policies and Practices of the American Federation of Labor (New York: International Publishers, 1981), 338–41.

28 Labor Journal, 4 Feb. 1910, 1. E. L. Scharf, the president of the Anti-Food Trust League, was conscious of the legal risks involved in staging a boycott, and he painstakingly explained to a House Committee of the District of Columbia that what the league was proposing was in fact not a boycott, but a “discontinuance” of “the use of any particular food article.” In answering a question of the chairman on the difference between such proceedings and a boycott, he replied, “I have asked advice of the ablest attorneys in Washington before we went into this thing, because I was told that we might be treading on dangerous ground. This advice is to the effect that we can go on, and they said: ‘You can refuse to eat or you can agree to eat what you please, but you must not recommend to anyone not to buy from any particular concern, and not attack any enterprise that is at present a legal entity’.” Report of Hearings on H.R. 16925, To Regulate the Storage of Food Products in the District of Columbia – United States. Congress. House. Committee on the District of Columbia. Subcommittee on Investigation of Food Storage and Prices, clii.

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31 “Little Meat for Cleveland,” New York Times, 24 Jan. 1910.

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33 Glickman, A Living Wage, 7.

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56 For an analysis of suffragists’ political use of cooking, see Jessica Derleth, “Kneading Politics: Cookery and the American Woman Suffrage Movement,” Journal of the Gilded Age and the Progressive Era, 17 (2018), 450–74; and Stacy J. Williams, “Personal Prefigurative Politics: Cooking Up an Ideal Society in the Woman’s Temperance and Woman’s Suffrage Movements, 1870–1920,” Sociological Quarterly, 58, 1 (2017), 72–90.

57 Koven and Michel, 1084.

58 “Gotham Beef Party Is Active in Campaign,” Birmingham Herald, 1 Feb. 1910.

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