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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 10 January 2014
Irish historian A. T. Q. Stewart has aptly described the world inhabited by eighteenth-century Ulster Scots as one of “hidden” significance. Compared to the rise of the Ascendancy and the repression of Catholics under the penal code, the story of Ulster's Presbyterians figures as interesting, albeit less significant, marginalia. While a few studies detail the handicaps the group suffered in the years after the Williamite Settlement, their eighteenth-century experience has mainly attracted church historians interested in theological disputes, social historians charting the rise of the linen industry, and students of the '98 Rebellion exploring the ways in which a latent Presbyterian radicalism contributed to the formation of the United Irish movement. Explaining who the Ulster Scots were or how they defined themselves has not attracted much scholarly attention, an unsurprising failure given that historians have designated the eighteenth century in Ireland as the period of “penal era and golden age.”
This article argues that a new, more fully integrated approach to the study of Ireland and Britain offers possibilities for recovering the history of the Ulster Scots. Nearly twenty-five years after J. G. A. Pocock issued his “plea” for a “new British history” that would incorporate the experiences of England, Scotland, Wales, and Ireland within a single narrative by exploring the ways in which each “interacted so as to modify the condition of one another's existence,” scholars have finally responded. The new British history, with its focus on the development of a British state system, seeks to explore, according to a chief proponent, John Morrill, the ways in which “the political and constitutional relationship between the communities of the two islands were transformed” and the processes through which they gained “a new sense of their own identities as national communities.”
1 Stewart, A. T. Q., A Deeper Silence: The Hidden Origins of the United Irish Movement (London, 1993)Google Scholar.
2 See, e.g., Haire, J. L. M., ed., Challenge and Conflict: Essays in Irish Presbyterian History (Antrim, Ireland, 1981)Google Scholar; Brooke, Peter, Ulster Presbyterianism: The Historical Experience (Dublin, 1987)Google Scholar; Crawford, W. H., “Economy and Society in Ulster in the Eighteenth Century” (Ph.D. diss., Queen's University of Belfast, 1983)Google Scholar; Crawford, W. H., Domestic Industry in Ireland: The Experience of the Linen Industry (Belfast, 1972)Google Scholar; Stewart, A Deeper Silence; McBride, Ian, Scripture Politics: Ulster Presbyterians and Irish Radicalism in the Late Eighteenth Century (Cambridge, 1998)Google Scholar.
3 Bartlett, Thomas and Hayton, D. W., eds., Penal Era and Golden Age: Essays in Irish History, 1690–1800 (Belfast, 1979)Google Scholar.
4 Pocock, J. G. A., “The Limits and Divisions of British History: In Search of the Unknown Subject,” American Historical Review 87 (1982): 317CrossRefGoogle Scholar. See also Pocock, , “British History: A Plea for a New Subject,” Journal of Modern History 47 (1975): 601–21CrossRefGoogle Scholar. His plea has been answered in studies too numerous to mention, but for a view of the state of the field, see Grant, A. and Stringer, K., eds., Uniting the Kingdom? The Making of British History (London, 1996)Google Scholar; Asch, R., ed., Three Nations—a Common History? England, Scotland, Ireland and British History c. 1600–1920 (Bochum, Germany, 1994)Google Scholar; Ellis, S. and Barber, S., eds., Conquest and Union: Fashioning a British State, 1485–1725 (London, 1996)Google Scholar; and Bradshaw, B. and Morrill, J., eds., The British Problem, c. 1524–1707 (London, 1996)Google Scholar.
5 Morrill, and Bradshaw, , The British Problem, p. ixGoogle Scholar.
6 See Connolly's, Sean essay, “Varieties of Britishness: Ireland, Scotland and Wales in the Hanoverian State,” in Grant, and Stringer, , eds., Uniting the Kingdom, pp. 193–207Google Scholar, for a review of this literature.
7 Nicholas Canny has been the most vocal on these points. See his “The Attempted Anglicisation of Ireland in the Seventeenth Century: An Exemplar of ‘British History,’” in Asch, , ed., Three NationsGoogle Scholar; see also Canny, , “Irish, Scottish, and Welsh Responses to Centralisation, c. 1530–c. 1640: A Comparative Perspective,” in Grant, and Stringer, , eds., Uniting the Kingdom, pp. 147–69Google Scholar.
8 Pocock, , “British History,” p. 619Google Scholar.
9 In this essay, I follow Sean Connolly's argument in Religion, Law and Power: The Making of Protestant Ireland, 1660–1760 (London, 1992)Google Scholar that Protestant elites gained firm control of an Irish ancien régime tied together by clientage and deference by the 1660s. After the Williamite war, they sought to reassert, rather than establish, their power in the kingdom. The “long” eighteenth century in Ireland, therefore, began in 1660. See also Dickson's, DavidNew Foundations: Ireland, 1660–1800 (Dublin, 1987)Google Scholar, which similarly begins its account with the Restoration. Most eighteenth-century histories of Ireland start with the end of the Williamite War in 1691. See, e.g., Beckett, J. C., The Making of Modern Ireland, 1603–1923 (London, 1966), pp. 139–283Google Scholar; Foster, R. F., Modern Ireland, 1600–1972 (London, 1988), pp. 167–288Google Scholar; and Moody, T. W. and Vaughan, W. E., A New History of Ireland, vol. 4, Eighteenth-Century Ireland, 1691–1800 (Oxford, 1986)Google Scholar.
10 The most comprehensive examination of the relationship between churchmen and Dissenters in the eighteenth century is Beckett's, J. C.Protestant Dissent in Ireland, 1687–1780 (London, 1948)Google Scholar.
11 Morrill, John, “The British Problem,” in Morrill, and Bradshaw, , eds., The British Problem, p. 19Google Scholar.
12 Morrill, John, “The Sensible Revolution,” in The Anglo-Dutch Moment: Essays on the Glorious Revolution and Its World Impact, ed. Israel, J. (Cambridge, 1991), p. 104Google Scholar; D. W. Hayton, “The Williamite Revolution in Ireland, 1688–91,” in ibid., p. 186; Grant, Alexander and Stringer, Keith, “The Enigma of British History,” in Grant, and Stringer, , eds., Uniting the Kingdom, pp. 8–9Google Scholar; Brewer, John, The Sinews of Power: War, Money, and the English State, 1688–1783 (New York, 1989)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Colley, Linda, Britons: Forging the Nation, 1707–1837 (New Haven, Conn., 1992)Google Scholar.
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14 Cowan, Ian, “Church and State Reformed? The Revolution of 1688–9 in Scotland,” in Israel, , ed., The Anglo-Dutch Moment, pp. 163–83Google Scholar; Ferguson, W., Edinburgh History of Scotland, vol. 4, Scotland, 1689 to the Present (Edinburgh, 1968), pp. 1–10Google Scholar.
15 Tesch, P., “Presbyterian Radicalism,” in The United Irishmen: Republicanism, Radicalism, and Rebellion, ed. Dickson, D., Keogh, D., and Whelan, K. (London, 1993), p. 34Google Scholar; Ian McBride, “William Drennan and the Dissenting Tradition,” in ibid., p. 56. R. L. Greaves examines the role of the establishment in the Restoration period in “‘That's No Good Religion That Disturbs Government’: The Church of Ireland and the Nonconformist Challenge, 1660–1688,” in As by Law Established: The Church of Ireland since the Reformation, ed. Ford, A., McGuire, J. I., and Milne, K. (Dublin, 1995)Google Scholar. For the Presbyterian response, see Kilroy, P., Protestant Dissent and Controversy in Ireland, 1660–1714 (Cork, Ireland, 1994), pp. 225–43Google Scholar.
16 Boyse, J., Remarks on a Pamphlet Publish'd by William Tisdal, D.D. (Dublin, 1716), p. 15Google Scholar.
17 Memorial Relating to the Presbyterians in Ireland, Re: Imprisoning Minister in Drogheda, 1708, Wodrow Papers, T 525, Public Record Office of Northern Ireland (hereafter PRONI).
18 Petition of Francis Iredell, 25 August 1713, T 780/67, PRONI.
19 Presbyterian polemicist quoted in Tisdal, W., A Sample of True-Blew Presbyterian Loyalty in All Changes and Turns of Government (Dublin, 1709), p. 3Google Scholar. See Kirkpatrick, J., An Historical Essay upon the Loyalty of Presbyterians in Great Britain and Ireland from the Reformation to the Present Year, 1713 (Belfast, 1713)Google Scholar, for the Presbyterian plea of merit.
20 Henry Maxwell to ——, 9 April 1716, T 448/280, PRONI; Hayton, , “The Williamite Revolution in Ireland,” pp. 199–201Google Scholar.
21 McGuire, J. I., “The Church of Ireland and the ‘Glorious Revolution’ of 1688,” in Studies in Irish History Presented to R. Dudley Edwards, ed. Cosgrove, Art and Macartney, D. (Dublin, 1979), pp. 147–49Google Scholar.
22 Connolly, , Religion, Law and Power, pp. 147, 309Google Scholar.
23 Ibid., p. 33.
24 Smyth, , “The Communities of Ireland and the British State, 1660–1707,” in Morrill, and Bradshaw, , eds., The British Problem, p. 249Google Scholar.
25 Before the Revolution, England's government maintained an Irish policy of “drift.” Elizabethan and Cromwellian armies had subdued the native Irish, but effective English rule proved ephemeral and inconsistent. An Irish Parliament legislated for the country without much English interference. Only the crown, which ratified Irish bills, intervened in Irish affairs. The English Parliament, on the other hand, chose not to exercise its influence very often. See Canny, N., “The Marginal Kingdom: Ireland as a Problem in the First British Empire,” in Strangers within the Realm: Cultural Margins of the First British Empire, ed. Bailyn, B. and Morgan, P. (Chapel Hill, N.C., 1991), p. 37Google Scholar. See also Canny, , Kingdom and Colony: Ireland in the Atlantic World, 1560–1800 (Baltimore, 1988)Google Scholar; Moody, and Vaughan, , A New History of Ireland, 4:8–16, 138–39Google Scholar; Cullen, L.M.An Economic History of Ireland since 1660 (New York, 1972), pp. 34–43Google Scholar; and Hayton, , “The Williamite Revolution in Ireland,” p. 211Google Scholar.
26 Moody, T. W., Martin, F. X., and Byrne, F. J., A New History of Ireland, vol. 3, Early Modern Ireland, 1534–1691 (Oxford, 1976), pp. 397–400, 443–44Google Scholar.
27 Smyth, Jim, “‘Like Amphibious Animals’: Irish Protestants, Ancient Britons,” Historical Journal 36 (1993): 785–97CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
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29 For an extended discussion of the Scottish exodus to Ireland, see Perceval-Maxwell, M., The Scottish Migration to Ulster in the Reign of James I (London, 1973)Google Scholar; see esp. Macafee, W. and Morgan, V., “Population in Ulster, 1660–1760,” in Plantation to Partition: Essays in Ulster History in Honour of J. L. McCracken, ed. Roebuck, P. (Belfast, 1981)Google Scholar. On the growth of the Presbyterian system in Ireland, see Gillespie, R., “The Presbyterian Revolution in Ulster, 1660–1690,” in The Churches, Ireland and the Irish: Papers Read at the 1987 Summer Meeting and the 1988 Winter Meeting of the Ecclesiastical History Society, ed. Sheil, W. J. and Wood, D. (Oxford, 1989)Google Scholar; and Greaves, R. L., God's Other Children: Protestant Nonconformists and the Emergence of Denominational Churches in Ireland, 1660–1700 (Stanford, Calif., 1997)Google Scholar. On the Presbyterian church and identity, see Brooke, P., Ulster Presbyterianism, pp. 60–62, 89Google Scholar.
30 Cullen, L. M., “Population Trends in Seventeenth-Century Ireland,” Economic and Social Review 6 (1974–1975): 157–58Google Scholar.
31 Hayton, David, Ireland after the Glorious Revolution (Belfast, 1976), pp. 7–9Google Scholar.
32 Ibid. Although Sean Connolly tries to resurrect the fallen reputation of the church of Ireland, even he concedes that it “was an institution torn between an exalted vision of its potential role and a circumscribed, demoralizing, and, in places, sordid reality” (Religion, Law and Power, p. 171).
33 See 1725 session in The Presbyterian Church of Ireland, Records of the General Synod of Ulster, 1691–1820 (Belfast, 1890), 2:82–84Google Scholar.
34 Sir Joshua Dawson to Southwell, 23 January 1712–13, T 780/48, PRONI.
35 Butt Session Minutes, 12 August 1696, Union Theological College, Belfast. All session minutes detail the elaborate preparations for the Lord's Supper as well as collections taken. For a good example, see Templepatrick Session Minutes, 15 August 1693, CR 4/12B/1, PRONI.
36 Templepatrick Session Minutes, April 1705, CR 4/12B/1, PRONI.
37 Minutes of the Antrim Meeting, February 1687–88, Presbyterian Historical Society, Belfast (PHS), p. 389.
38 Daniel Mussenden's Book of Sermons and Themes, August 1704, D 1759/2B/2, PRONI.
39 Reeves Copy Book of Visitations of Armagh Made by Bishop William King, 30 August 1700, Armagh Public Library, KH II 6.
40 Gillespie, Raymond, “Dissenters and Nonconformists, 1661–1700,” in The Irish Dissenting Tradition, ed. Herlihy, Kevin (Dublin, 1995), p. 25Google Scholar. Also see Westerkamp, Marilyn, Triumph of the Laity: Scots-Irish Piety and the Great Awakening, 1625–1760 (New York, 1988), pp. 66–67Google Scholar.
41 McBride, Ian, “Presbyterians in the Penal Era,” Bullan 1 (1994): 73–86Google Scholar; Connolly, , Religion, Law and Power, pp. 161–68Google Scholar. Barnard, Toby, “The Government and Irish Dissent, 1704–80,” in The Politics of Irish Dissent, 1650–1800, ed. Herlihy, Kevin (Dublin, 1997), pp. 21, 27Google Scholar. See Kilroy for an examination of the doctrinal differences between the Presbyterian Church and the church of Ireland (Protestant Dissent and Controversy,pp. 171–203).
42 Reeves Copy Book of Visitations of Armagh Made by Bishop William King, 30 August 1700.
43 Tisdall, , A Sample ofTrue-Blew Presbyterian Loyalty, pp. 5, 23Google Scholar.
44 Copy of a Petition from the Bishop of Down to the Lords Justices of Ireland, September 1698, Wodrow Papers, T 525, PRONI; Pullein, Tobias, A Defence of the Answer to a Paper Entitled the Case of the Dissenting Protestants of Ireland (Dublin, 1697), p. 8Google Scholar.
45 The Humble Petition of the Presbyterian Ministers and People in the North of Ireland to the Lord Lieutenant, 1708, Wodrow Papers, T 525, PRONI. On the issue of marriages and other discrimination that the group faced during this period, see Connolly, , Religion, Law and Power, pp. 162–64Google Scholar; Beckett, , Protestant Dissent in Ireland, pp. 116—23Google Scholar; McBride, , “Presbyterians in the Penal Era,” p. 74Google Scholar.
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48 Moody, and Vaughan, , A New History of Ireland, 4:xlviii, 24–25Google Scholar; Kilroy, , Protestant Dissent and Controversy, p. 192Google Scholar. On the formulation of the Test Act, see Hayton, D.W., “Exclusion, Conformity, and Parliamentary Representation: The Impact of the Sacramental Test on Irish Dissenting Politics,” in Herlihy, , ed., The Politics of Irish Dissent, p. 54Google Scholar; Simms, J. G., “The Making of a Penal Law (2 Anne, c. 6), 1703–4,” Irish Historical Studies 12 (1960–1961): 105–18CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
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50 Hayton, , “Exclusion, Conformity, and Parliamentary Representation,” p. 54Google Scholar. On the High Tory assault against Ulster Presbyterianism, see Beckett, , Protestant Dissent in Ireland, pp. 60–61Google Scholar.
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52 Sean Connolly argues that the Toleration Act of 1719, which only allowed Dissenters to practice their religion openly—something they had been doing for some time—was “introduced to block any attempt at real concessions” (Religion, Law and Power, p. 175).
53 Until recently, most historians have claimed that these hardships appeared more onerous than they were in reality. Ulster Scots, or so the argument goes, used the theme of religious disability to angle for more power in the kingdom (see Beckett, Protestant Dissent in Ireland).
54 In “Presbyterians in the Penal Era,” Ian McBride takes a more idealist approach, suggesting historians should not be so suspicious of the handicaps Ulster Scots claimed they suffered.
55 Barnard, Toby, “The Government and Irish Dissent,” p. 9Google Scholar. Barnard takes a middleground approach, arguing that the application of the test alternated between “forbearance and vindictiveness” (p. 27). On the political effects of exclusion from municipal corporations, see Hayton, “Exclusion, Conformity, and Parliamentary Representation.”
56 Minutes of the Presbytery of Down, February 1714–15, PHS, p. 370.
57 Lisburn Session Minutes, 23 January 1717–18, 2 June 1720, MIC/1P/159/8, PRONI.
58 Burt Session Minutes, 22 November 1709, Union Theological College, Belfast.
59 Broadisland Session Minutes, 9 January 1705–6, CR 3/31/2, PRONI; Minutes of the Sub-Synod of Derry, 12 May 1724, PHS, p. 91.
60 Broadisland Session Minutes, 25 March 1707, CR 3/31/2, PRONI; Minutes of the Presbytery of Down, October 1708, PHS, p. 105.
61 Lisburn Session Minutes, 6 August 1716, MIC/1P/159/8, PRONI; Larne Session Minutes, 20 August 1721, MIC 1B/1A/1B, PRONI. In the congregation of Lisburn, under the strict control of Alexander McCracken, it was not unusual for the session to deal with two scandalous marriages per meeting. See the session minutes throughout 1716 and 1717, especially those for 15 August 1717 and 28 January 1717–18.
62 Burt Session Minutes, 9 July 1713, Union Theological College, Belfast.
63 Carmoney Session Minutes, 20 June 1716, MIC 1P/37/5, PRONI.
64 Templepatrick Session Minutes, 4 February 1699–1700, CR 4/12B/1, PRONI.
65 Burt Session Minutes, 22 October 1696, Union Theological College, Belfast.
66 Larne Session Minutes, 16 March 1728, MIC 1B/1A/1B, PRONI.
67 Templepatrick Session Minutes, 19 August 1706, CR 4/12B/1, PRONI.
68 Minutes of the Laggan Meeting, August 1694, PHS, p. 55.
69 Burt Session Minutes, 24 May 1703, Union Theological College, Belfast.
70 Carmoney Session Minutes, 11 January 1706–7, March 1709, MIC 1P/37/5, PRONI.
71 Larne Session Minutes, 25 July 1725, MIC 1B/1A/1B, PRONI.
72 Minutes of the Sub-Synod of Deny, 12 May 1724, PHS, p. 91.
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