¹ Burns, J. H., Lordship, Kingship, and Empire: The Idea of Monarchy, 1400–1525 (Oxford, 1992), p. 11CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

² Neale, J. E. was an influential exponent of this view. See, e.g., “The Accession of Queen Elizabeth I,” in Essays in Elizabethan History, ed. Neale, J. E. (London, 1958), pp. 52, 54Google Scholar.

³ Phillipson, Nicholas and Skinner, Quentin, eds., Political Discourse in Early Modern Britain (Cambridge, 1993), p. xiiCrossRefGoogle Scholar. Almost all the leading participants in the original discussions about better ways of studying what used to be called “the history of ideas” are represented in this book, and the very conception of the Ideas in Context series (of which this book is one) celebrates that transformation.

⁴ See, e.g., Mayer, Thomas F., “On the Road to 1534: The Occupation of Toumai and Henry VIII's Theory of Sovereignty,” in Tudor Political Culture, ed. Hoak, Dale (Cambridge, 1995), pp. 11–30Google Scholar.

⁵ The Passage of Our Most Drad Soueraigne Lady Quene Elyzabeth through the Citie of London to Westminster the Daye before Her Coronacion (London, 1558/1559Google Scholar) (hereafter cited as The Passage), in The Short Title Catalog (STC), no. 7509, sig. [Aii(v)], sig. E iiii.

⁶ Richard III's words are found in Pollard, A. F., The Reign of Henry VII from Contemporary Sources, 3 vols., University of London Historical Series, no. 1 (New York, 1967), 1:3–6Google Scholar.

⁷ See, e.g., Horrox, Rosemary, Richard III: A Study in Service (Cambridge, 1989)Google Scholar.

⁸ See Starkey, David, “Which Age of Reform?” in Revolution Reassessed: Revisions in the History of Tudor Government and Administration, ed. Coleman, Christopher and Starkey, David (Oxford, 1986), pp. 19–27Google Scholar, for a helpful introduction to the resonances of “commonweal” from the mid-fifteenth century.

⁹ For a listing of pre-Tudor proclamations, see Steele, Robert, A Bibliography of Royal Proclamations of the Tudor and Stuart Sovereigns, 1485–1714, 3 vols. (1910; reprint, New York, 1967), 1:clvii–clxxviGoogle Scholar.

¹⁰ Hughes, Paul L. and Larkin, James F., eds., Tudor Royal Proclamations, 3 vols. (New Haven, Conn., 1964–1969)Google Scholar, 20 October 1485, 1:5. On rare occasions Henry VII was styled “most dread sovereign lord,” but there appears to be no discernible pattern to these occasions.

¹¹ Quoted in Burns, J. H., The Cambridge History of Medieval Political Thought, c. 350-c. 1450 (Cambridge, 1988), p. 239CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹² Ibid., pp. 596–97.

¹³ Malory, Thomas, “The Tale of King Arthur,” in The Works of Sir Thomas Malory, ed. Vinaver, Eugène (London, 1971), p. 11Google Scholar.

¹⁴ Starkey, Thomas, A Dialogue between Pole and Lupset, ed. Mayer, T. F., Camden 4th ser., vol. 37 (London, 1989), p. 37Google Scholar.

¹⁵ I am grateful to Barry Collett for his generous discussion of this point.

¹⁶ See, generally, Brewer, D. S.et al., eds., Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, of the Reign of Henry VIII, 24 vols. (London, 1862–1932), 1:22, 309, 317–18Google Scholar.

¹⁷ Machiavelli, N., “The Prince,” in The Prince and The Discourses, ed. Lerner, M. (New York, 1950), p. 63Google Scholar.

¹⁸ Hughes, and Larkin, , eds., Tudor Royal Proclamations, 2 August 1492Google Scholar, proclamation mustering troops in Kent, 1:30–31; 10 March 1502, proclamation restricting retaining in Kent, 1:55–56.

¹⁹ Ibid., 23 April 1509, confirming final pardon by Henry VII, pp. 79–81.

²⁰ Ibid., 20 November 1509, pp. 83–84.

²¹ Ibid., 4 November 1512, proclamation preparing for war against France, pp. 94–99.

²² For a discussion of the roles of a father in promoting both the whole family and individual family interests, see Sablonier, Roger, “The Aragonese Royal Family around 1300,” in Interest and Emotion: Essays on the Study of Family and Kinship, ed. Medick, Hans and Sabean, David Warren (Cambridge, 1984), pp. 210–39Google Scholar; Hughes, and Larkin, , eds., Tudor Royal Proclamations, 23 November 1514, 1:125–26Google Scholar.

²³ Hughes, and Larkin, , eds., Tudor Royal Proclamations, 11 November 1534, proclamation ordering punishment of grain hoarders, 1:221–22Google Scholar; 18 August 1544, proclamation pricing armor, 1:337–38; 1546, proclamation enforcing statutes of sewers, vagabonds, 1:377.

²⁴ Ibid., 31 January 1547, proclaiming accession of Edward VI, 1:381; for one of many examples of the “conciliar” form, see proclamation of 23 May 1549, “ordering punishment of enclosure rioters,” 1:461–62; 9 March 1551, proclamation enforcing statutes for abstinence on Fridays, Saturdays, and during Lent, 1:510–12; 22 April 1551, proclamation adjourning Trinity Term, 1:512–14; 20 May 1551, proclamation ordering destruction of seditious bills against Privy Council, 1:522–23.

²⁵ Ibid., 19 July 1553, accession proclamation, 2:3.

²⁶ Ibid., 20 August 1553, proclamations ordering reform of gold and silver coin, 2:8–9; 1 September 1553, announcing payment of Edward VIs debts, renouncing subsidy, 2:9–10.

²⁷ Ibid., 17 November 1558, proclamation annoucing the accession of Queen Elizabeth, 2:99

²⁸ MacCullough, Diarmaid, “Bondsmen under the Tudors,” in Law and Government under the Tudors: Essays Presented to Sir Geoffrey Elton on His Retirement, ed. Cross, Claire, Loades, David, and Scarisbrick, J. J. (Cambridge, 1988), pp. 91–109CrossRefGoogle Scholar. See also SirSmith, Thomas, “Of Bondage and Bondmen,” in De Republica Anglorum (London, 1583), bk. 3, pp. 107–15Google Scholar.

²⁹ Hayward, John, A Treatise of Union of the Two Realms of England and Scotland (London, 1604), p. 17Google Scholar.

³⁰ Any work on representations of Tudor monarchs must start with Anglo, Sydney, Spectacle, Pageantry and Early Tudor Policy (Oxford, 1969)Google Scholar. As well as Wilson, Jean, Entertainments for Elizabeth (Woodbridge, 1980)Google Scholar, other fundamental works include those of King, John N., including Royal Tudor Iconography: Literature and Art in an Age of Religious Crisis (Princeton, N.J., 1989)Google Scholar, “Queen Elizabeth I: Representations of the Virgin Queen,” Renaissance Quarterly 43, no. 1 (Spring 1990): 30–74CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and “The Royal Image, 1535–1603,” ed. Hoak, , Tudor Political Culture. Other recent works include Carol Levine, The Heart and Stomach of a King (Philadelphia, 1994)Google Scholar; McClure, Peter and Williams, Robin Headlam, “Elizabeth I as a Second Virgin Mary,” in Renaissance Gentlewomen in Print, ed. Haselkorn, Anne M. and Travitsky, Betty S. (Amherst, Mass., 1990)Google Scholar; and Berry, Philippa, Of Chastity and Power: Elizabethan Literature and the Unmarried Queen (New York, 1989)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

³¹ For discussions of such competing versions of the monarch, see, e.g., Frye, Susan, Elizabeth I: The Competition for Representation (New York, 1993)Google Scholar. Hackett, Helen, Virgin Mother, Maiden Queen: Elizabeth I and the Cult of the Virgin Mary (Basingstoke, 1995)Google Scholar, shows an admirable awareness of the shifting forms of representations of Elizabeth. Another noteworthy recent discussion of the changing representations of Elizabeth, and the political strategies behind them, is Doran, Susan, “Juno versus Diana: The Treatment of Elizabeth's Marriage in Plays and Entertainments, 1561–1581,” Historical Journal 38, no. 2 (1995): 257–74Google Scholar. See also Doran, Susan, Monarchy and Matrimony: The Courtships of Elizabeth I (London, 1996)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

³² Nichols, J. G., ed., Chronicle of the Grey Friars of London (London, 1852), p. 79 and noteGoogle Scholar.

³³ Nichols, J. G., ed., The Diary of Henrv Machyn, Citizen and Merchant-Taylor of London from A.D. 1550 to A.D. 1563 (London, 1848), p. 153Google Scholar; Kingsford, C. L., Two London Chronicles from the Collection of John Stow, in Camden Miscellany, vol. 18 (London, 1910), p. 27Google Scholar.

³⁴ See, e.g., Fisher, R. M., “The Reformation of Church and Chapel at the Inns of Court, 1530–1580,” Guildhall Studies 3 (April 1979): 237Google Scholar; Haigh, Christopher, English Reformations: Religion, Politics and Society under the Tudors (Oxford, 1993), p. 205Google Scholar.

³⁵ On 22 May 1544, e.g., one chronicler noted, “At nyght was made great bonefyers thorrow all London, and grete chere in every parych at every bone-fyer, and grete melody with dyvers instrewmentes; and the mayer with the shreffes rydynge thorrow every warde of London to see how it was done, for the good tydynges that came owte of Scotlond” (Nichols, , ed., Chronicle of the Grey Friars, p. 47Google Scholar, emphasis added).

³⁶ See Cressy, David, Bonfires and Bells: National Memory and the Protestant Calendar in Elizabethan and Stuart England (London, 1989)Google Scholar. See esp. pp. 67–92 for an indication of the extent to which the politics and therefore expression of public celebration were determined at the parish level. The possibility for variables from parish to parish was considerable.

³⁷ Nichols, , ed., The Diary of Henry Machyn, p. 178Google Scholar.

³⁸ That was not unlike the situation in 1660 when, describing the return of Charles II, Clarendon noted, “In a word, there was either real joy in the hearts of all men, or at least their countenance appeared such as if they were glad at the heart”(Heuhns, G., ed., Clarendon: Selections from The History of the Rebellion and Civil Wars [London, 1955], p. 366)Google Scholar.

³⁹ Public Record Office (PRO), London, SP 12/1/1. For a published version, see Hughes, and Larkin, , eds., Tudor Royal Proclamations, vol. 2, Proclamation 448, pp. 99–100Google Scholar.

⁴⁰ PRO, SP 12/1/3.

⁴¹ PRO, SP 12/1/7. A printed version appears in Harington, John, Nugae Antiquae (London, 1779), 2:311–14Google Scholar. For an admirably succinct outline of the doctrine, see Axton, Marie, The Queen's Two Bodies: Drama and the Elizabethan Succession (London, 1977), pp. 11–25Google Scholar.

⁴² British Library, Add. MS 32091, fols. 167–69, esp. fol. 167. The final page is as full a statement as it would seem possible to make of the grounds for Elizabeth's succession and her capacity to transmit such rights to her issue, male or female: “(God send it and blesse it).” For the troubled start to Elizabeth's reign, see Jones, Norman, The Birth of the Elizabethan Age: England in the 1560s (Oxford, 1993)Google Scholar.

⁴³ “The Count of Feria's Dispatch to Philip II of 14 November 1558,” ed. Rodriguez-Salgado, M. J. and Adams, Simon, Camden Miscellany 28 (London, 1990), pp. 302–44, 331Google Scholar.

⁴⁴ Calendar of State Papers Spanish Elizabeth (CSPSp), Feria to the king, 25 November 1558, p. 1:5Google Scholar.

⁴⁵ Calendar of State Papers, Venetian (CSPV), II Schifanoya to the Castellan of Mantua, 30 May 1559, 7:92Google Scholar. Given her knowledge of the recurrent deference of the greater part of the nobility to whatever the Tudor monarch of the moment desired, presumably most notably at the trial of her mother, Elizabeth's lack of confidence in her nobility seems the more probable.

⁴⁶ Anglo, Sydney, Images of Tudor Kingship (London, 1992), p. 99Google Scholar.

⁴⁷ The Noble Tryumphant Coronacyon of Quene Anne Wyfe unto the Mooste Noble Kynge Henry the VIII (London, 1533)Google Scholar.

⁴⁸ Anne Boleyn's execution was also attended by the mayor and aldermen, by royal command, to reinforce the legitimacy of that occasion. One recent, well-received interpretation of Elizabeth's precoronation progress has read it setting out a unique account of the city/monarch relationship, one in which the city merchants constituted the “increasingly self-conscious middle class,” who were able, through their participation in the preparation for the four days of coronation rituals, to shape the representations of the queen as “compliant, malleable, and grateful—in short as their metaphoric wife.” Indeed, it argues that, because “the city's citizens paid for the entry to a man and the aldermen paid for the text, this is an example not of the regime's cultivation of opinion but of the city's”(Frye, , Elizabeth I, pp. 30, 25, 160, n. 35)Google Scholar. Although much of Frye's work is stimulating, this discussion is seriously marred by the extent to which she has misunderstood how the entry, like other parts of the four days of “coronation” rituals, was shaped by, literally, centuries of tradition.

⁴⁹ For example, Nichols, J. G., ed., The Chronicle of Queen Jane (London, 1850), pp. 27–30, esp. p. 30Google Scholar.

⁵⁰ See, e.g., Williams, Neville, “The Coronation of Queen Elizabeth,” Quarterly Review 291 (July 1953): 397–410Google Scholar. He concluded that the court expenditure for the last two days of the ceremonies was £16,7411.19.s. 83/4d.—and that did not include the banquet—or the costs to the City of London, which carried the expenditure for “dressing” the City.

⁵¹ [Wriothesley, Charles], A Chronicle of England during the Reigns of the Tudors, from A.D. 1485 to 1559, ed. Hamilton, W. D., 2 vols. (London, 1877), 2:103Google Scholar.

⁵² Ibid., p. 143.

⁵³ Nichols, , ed., The Diary of Henry Machyn, p. 45Google Scholar.

⁵⁴ Ibid., p. 186. II Schifanoya, presumably better placed to know, subsequently recorded the presentation of “a book generally supposed to be the New Testament in English” (CSPV [1558–1580], p. 7:15)Google Scholar.

⁵⁵ Wriothesley had recorded that Edward VI received the customary purse of gold from the city “thanckfullie,” and another commentator wrote that a purse had also been “most thankfully receyved” by Queen Mary. One chronicler also noted that Mary had “stood long” looking at the pageant at Paul's Churchyard. [Wriothesley, ], Chronicle of England, 1:182Google Scholar; Nichols, , ed., Chronicle of Queen Jane, p. 30Google Scholar, and Chronicle of the Grey Friars, p. 84.

⁵⁶ Underfill's commitment to seeing Queen Mary that day was the more striking since he had been recovering from the aftermath of his interrogation by some of her officials about his suspected Protestant sympathies. “Autobiographical Anecdotes of Edward Underhill,” in Narratives of the Days of the Reformation, ed. Nichols, J. G. (London, 1859), pp. 154, 156Google Scholar.

⁵⁷ Anglo here missed part of its unique qualities, for he thought its distinction was in the way the pageants presented to Elizabeth not merely praise the monarch, “or exhort her to behave well towards her people, but also give advice on a right course of action”(Anglo, , Spectacle, Pageantry and Early Tudor Policy, p. 357)Google Scholar.

⁵⁸ For the probable authorship of Mulcaster, see Strong, Roy C., “Elizabethan Pageantry as Propaganda” (Ph.D. diss., University of London, 1962), pp. 11–15Google Scholar; Bergeron, David M., English Civic Pageantry, 1558–1642 (London, 1971), p. 13Google Scholar.

⁵⁹ SirHayward, John, Annals of the First Four Years of the Reign of Queen Elizabeth, ed. Bruce, J. (London, 1840), p. 15Google Scholar. For Tudor propagandists' recognition of the significations of public display, see also Anglo, Spectacle, Pageantry and Early Tudor Policy; for a modern discussion of such pageantry, see R. Malcolm, Smuts, “Public Ceremony and Royal Charisma: The English Royal Entry in London, 1485–1642,” in The First Modern Society: Essays in English History in Honour of Laurence Stone, ed. Beier, A. L., Cannadine, David, and Rosenheim, James M. (Cambridge, 1989), pp. 65–93Google Scholar.

⁶⁰ See CSPV (1558–1580), 7:12Google Scholar. For fuller discussion of this tradition, its sigiflcance, and confusion caused by Mary's following it, see my “Mary Tudor as ‘sole quene’? Gendering Tudor Monarchy,” Historical Journal 40, no. 4 (December 1997): 895–924CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁶¹ The Passage, sig. [Aii(v)].

⁶² Within days of Elizabeth's coronation, Nicholas Heath, still archbishop of York and lord chancellor of England, described her sex as an insuperable barrier to her headship of the church. She was, he agreed, “our Sovereign Lord and Lady, Our King and Queen” in all matters of temporal government. Nevertheless she was a “Woman by Birth and Nature” and therefore “is not qualified by God's Word to feed the Flock of Christ. … To preach, or to administer the Sacraments a Woman may not be admitted to do, neither may she be ‘supream of Christs Church’”(Heath, Nicholas, “A Speech Made in the Upper House of Parliament, against the Supremacy to Be in Her Majesty,” in A Third Collection of Scarce and Valuable Tracts, Somers Tracts (London, 1751),1:9–16, esp. pp. 10, 15)Google Scholar.

⁶³ The Passage, sigs. [Aii(v)-Aiii], [Ciii(v)]. Sixteenth-century women were manifestly capable of some military prowess. But when foreign policy became waging war, as Elizabeth was to discover, “war was preeminently a masculine preserve” and Elizabeth “had not quite the same confidence in matters of strategy as she had in matters of foreign policy.” A. D. Wernham, making this case, also cited W. T. MacCaffrey's point about the “unpleasant” extent to which the queen then found herself dependent on the decisions and actions of others(Wernham, A. D., The Making of Elizabethan Foreign Policy [Berkeley, 1980], pp. 57–58Google Scholar). Wright, Celeste Turner, “The Amazons in Elizabethan Literature,” Studies in Philology 37, no. 3 (July 1940): 433–56Google Scholar, includes discussions by a number of Tudor gentlemen of the likely martial prowess of women. For further discussion of sixteenth-century understandings of women's military capacities, see my “‘To Promote a Woman to Beare Rule’: Talking of Queens in Mid-Tudor England,” Sixteenth Century Journal 28, no. 1 (Spring 1997): 101–21CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁶⁴ Springborg, Patricia, Royal Persons: Patriarchal Monarchy and the Feminine Principle (London, 1990), pp. 8, 9Google Scholar; Frye, , Elizabeth I, p. 13Google Scholar.

⁶⁵ The Passage, sig. Aiiii and v.

⁶⁶ See, e.g., the argument of The Anglica Historia of Polydore Vergil, A.D. 1485–1537, ed. and trans. Hay, Denys (London, 1950), p. 7Google Scholar. Anglo, , Spectacle, Pageantry and Early Tudor Policy, pp. 19–20Google Scholar, includes a range of contemporary responses abroad, as well as in England, greeting the marriage as the end of civil strife.

⁶⁷ The conventional guidelines prescribed for a royal couple two cloths of estate of different height and position. See, e.g., the reiterated description in “A Litle Devise,” in Rutland Papers, ed. Jerdan, W. (London, 1842), p. 12Google Scholar.

⁶⁸ Godet's Chronicle (London, 1560), fol. 30Google Scholar, had the nobles telling Henry Earl of Richmond that “if he wold wed king Edwards eldest daughter / They promised they wold make him king.”

⁶⁹ Soon after Elizabeth's accession William Latymer had presented her with a memoir of her mother, “the moste vertuous Ladye Anne Bulleyne late Quene of Englande.” Latymer, who had been chaplain to Queen Anne, explained that he had gathered his and others' recollections of “the excellente vertues and princelye qualities wherwth your Maties dearest mother, the moste gracious Ladye Quene Anne was adorned and beautifyed.” These he now proffered to the new queen that she “as in a myrrour or glasse might beholde the moste godly and princely ornamentes of youre moste gracious and naturall Mother.” The recollections included Queen Anne's request to have “raised a deske in her chambre upon thys she commanded an Englyshe Bible to be layed wherunto she alone might have recourse to rede upon when she would.” Latymer, William, A Briefe Treatise or Cronickille of the Moste Vertuous Ladye Anne Bulleyne, Bodl. MS Don e 42 fols. 20–33, esp. fols. 21, 31vGoogle Scholar. This text has recently been published with an introduction by Dowling, Maria, in Camden Miscellany, vol. 30 (London, 1990), pp. 23–65Google Scholar.

⁷⁰ A Speciall Grace Appointed to Have Been Said after a Banket at Yorke, upon the Good Nues and Proclamacion Thear, of the Entraunce in to Reign over Us, of Our Sovereign Lady ELIZABETH, by the Grace of God, Quene of England, Fraunce and Ireland, Defendour of the Faith, and in Earth the Supreme Head of the Church of England, and also of Ireland, in November 1558 (STC), no. 7599, sig. ([Aiii(v)]–Aiiii). If the dating is accurate, this must have been one of the very first occasions on which Elizabeth had headship of the Church of England publicly attributed to her.

⁷¹ “Thus the Queenes highnesse passed through the citie, whiche without any forreyne persone, of it selfe beawtified it selfe.” The Passage, sig. [Eii(v)]; see also The Chronicle of Fabian (London, April/May 1559), p. 571Google Scholar.

⁷² The Passage, sigs. [Ciii(v)]–[Di(v)].

⁷³ See King, John N., Tudor Royal Iconography, pp. 189–95, 228–31Google Scholar, for the competing uses of that epigram by each queen in turn.

⁷⁴ The Passage, sig. [Diii(v)], Diiii.

⁷⁵ For a contemporaneous account of the peculiar needs for a queen regnant to have wise male counsel, see Aylmer, John, who in An Harborowe for Faithfull and Trewe Subiectes (London, 1559Google Scholar) had argued against Knox's The First Blast against the Monstrous Regimen of Women (Geneva, 1558)Google Scholar. His point was that England, being a mixed and therefore limited monarchy, was therefore the more unlikely to to be harmed by a female ruler; for a slightly later account of the same view, see Smith, , De Republica Anglorum, p. 19Google Scholar: “The sexe not accustomed (otherwise) to intermeddle with publicke affaires, being by common intendment understood, that such personages never do lacke the counsell of such grave and discreete men as be able to supplie all other defectes.”

⁷⁶ Grafton, R., Abridgement of the Chronicles of England (London, 1572), p. 194Google Scholar.

⁷⁷ The Passage, sig. Eiii-[Eiii(v)].

⁷⁸ In 1533 Sir Thomas Elyot had translated Isocrates listing the attributes of his ideal monarch and added his own Addicion, To Fill Up Vacant Pages. Among his observations, Elyot included as a “speciall duetie … wherunto kynges were wont to bee sworne, whan thei beganne their reigne … to help widowes, to succour the fatherlesse, and to deliver and defende all that are oppressed” (Four Political Treatises by Sir Thomas Elyot, introduction by Gottesman, Lillian [Gainesville, Fla., 1967], p. 38)Google Scholar.

⁷⁹ The Passage, sig. [Eiii(v)]–Eiiii.

⁸⁰ Ibid., sig. Eiiii and (v).

⁸¹ As already noted, Susan Frye has argued that her presentation was captive of the mercantile interests of London, represented particularly by the lord mayor and aldermen. In contrast, Jean Wilson argued that Elizabeth's cued response to the imminent gift of the Bible in English was a strong indication the queen had foreknowledge of the whole occasion—and presumably, therefore, her approval of it. But that incident could, like much else on that day, have been reshaped for publication. Wilson, , Entertainments for Elizabeth, p. 7Google Scholar.

⁸² CSPSp, Feria to the king (21 November 1558), 1:3Google Scholar.

⁸³ Ibid., 31 Jan 1559, p. 25 (emphasis added); CSPV, 6, pt. 3:1538, 1544. Details of the parliamentary moves are in D'Ewes, Simonds, The Journals of All the Parliaments during the Reign of Queen Elizabeth (London, 1682)Google Scholar. D'Ewes comments that he had taken the text of the queen's reply from a 1590 reissue of it, with gilt lettering. It had apparently become by then one of the signposts of her transformation to the Virgin Queen and read as a firm refusal. In 1559, however, one response was for the Commons to consult with the Lords about another approach one week later (D'Ewes, pp. 46–47).

⁸⁴ For a discussion of another way Elizabeth as ruler was also able to redefine her status as female, with particular reference to her status in marriage negotiations, see the essay by Bell, Ilona, “Elizabeth I: Always Her Own Free Woman,” in Political Rhetoric, Power, and Renaissance Women, ed. Levin, Carole and Sullivan, Patricia A. (Albany, N.Y., 1995), pp. 57–82Google Scholar.

⁸⁵ CSPV, 7:17Google Scholar.

⁸⁶ Smith, , De Republica Anglorum, p. 33Google Scholar.

⁸⁷ Hughes, and Larkin, , eds., Tudor Royal Proclamations, 27 January 1554, 2:26Google Scholar.

⁸⁸ Nichols, , ed., The Diary of Henry Machyn, p. 56Google Scholar.

⁸⁹ [Norton, Thomas], To the Queenes Maiesties Poore Deceived Subiectes of the Northe Contreye, Drawn into Rebellion by the Earles of Northumberland and Westmerland (London, 1569), sig. Oi(v)-OiiGoogle Scholar. See Graves, M. A. R., Thomas Norton: The Parliament Man (Oxford, 1994), for Norton's career as polemicist, esp. pp. 161–71Google Scholar. This peroration at least serves to remind historians of the scale of the task in refocusing allegiance directly to the monarchy, in accordance with the long-term Tudor enterprise.

⁹⁰ Calendar of State Papers, Domestic, Addenda, 1566–1579, Thomas Hargrave to William Cecil, 1 February and 4 February 1570, pp. 218, 221Google Scholar; emphasis added.

⁹¹ Ibid., p. 228.

⁹² For the two proclamations, see Hughes, and Larkin, , eds., Tudor Royal Proclamations, 2:327–29Google Scholar. They are both dated at Hampton Court, 18 February 1570.

⁹³ Watt, Tessa, Cheap Print and Popular Piety, 1550–1640 (Cambridge, 1991)Google Scholar; and ed. Spufford, Margaret, The World of the Rural Dissenters, 1520–1725 (Cambridge, 1995)Google Scholar.

⁹⁴ In its first English edition, Foxe's, JohnActes and Monumentes of These Latter and Perillous Dayes (London, 1563)Google Scholar already had all the ingredients of an imperiled but submissive princess, the “unreverent and dolefull dealings of the Lordes,” and on her first dangerous journey “a great multitude of people there … standing by the waye, who then flockinge about her litter, lamented and bewayled greatly her estate” (p. 1711). The now familiar tale was reworked and embellished in later editions to draw out more clearly that she belonged among those whom the Lord had miraculously saved “from extreme calamities and daunger of lyfe, in the time of Queene Marye her Sister” (1576 edition, p. 1982), though there was no room to doubt that Elizabeth's was the greatest, the most providential saving.

⁹⁵ For the diversity of royal images and increasing popular demand for them, see Strong, Roy, Portraits of Queen Elizabeth I (Oxford, 1963), pp. 27–32Google Scholar; on the promotion of Foxe's work, see Haller, William, Foxe's Book of Martyrs and the Elect Nation (London, 1963), pp. 220–23Google Scholar.

⁹⁶ For one of the earlier discussions of the development of Elizabeth's Accession Day celebrations, see Neale's essay in his collected Essays in Elizabethan History. For a more recent discussion, see Strong, Roy, “November's Sacred Seventeenth Day,” in his The Cult of Elizabeth (London, 1977), pp. 117–28Google Scholar.

⁹⁷ Certayne Sermons, or Homelies, Appoynted by the Kynges Maiestie (London, 1547), sig. k[jv]Google Scholar.

⁹⁸ British Library, Cotton Ms Faustina C II ii, “Advertisments of a Loyall Subiect to His Gratious Soveraigne Drawn from the Observations of the Peoples Speache,” fol. 63 v(undated, but early in the reign).

⁹⁹ Knox, John, “The History of the Reformation in Scotland,” in The Works of John Knox, ed. Laing, D., 6 vols. (Edinburgh, 1846–1848), 2:457–58Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁰ See my “‘His Nowe Majestie’ and the English Monarchy: The Kingship of Charles I before 1640,” Past and Present, no. 113 (November 1986), pp. 70–96CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹⁰¹ Recent and illuminating discussions of her later inertia and its political implications are to be found in the collection edited by Guy, John, The Reign of Elizabeth I: Court and Culture in the Last Decade (Cambridge, 1995)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, including Guy's introduction.