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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 10 January 2014
1 Finn, M., “An Elect Nation? Nation, State, and Class in Modern British History,” Journal of British Studies 28, no. 2 (April 1989): 181–91CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
2 See, e.g., Pottle, Mark C., “Loyalty and Patriotism in Nottingham, 1792–1816” (Ph.D. diss., Oxford University, 1988)Google Scholar; Pincus, Steven C., “Protestantism and Patriotism: Ideology and the Making of English Foreign Policy, 1650–1655” (Ph.D. diss., Harvard University, 1990)Google Scholar; Reed, Joel, “Academically Speaking: Language and Nationalism in Seventeenth- and Eighteenth-Century England” (Ph.D. diss., University of California, Irvine, 1991)Google Scholar; Korey, Jane S., “As We Belong to Be: The Ethnic Movement in Cornwall, England” (Ph.D. diss., Brandeis University, 1992)Google Scholar.
3 See Taylor, Miles, “Patriotism, History and the Left in Twentieth-Century Britain,” Historical Journal 33 (1990): 971–87Google Scholar; Finn, Margot, “A Vent Which Has Conveyed Our Principles: English Radical Patriotism in the Aftermath of 1848,” Journal of Modern History 64 (1992): 637–59Google Scholar.
4 See, e.g., Rich, Paul B., “British Imperial Decline and the Forging of English Patriotic Memory, c. 1918–1968,” History of European Ideas 9 (1988): 659–80Google Scholar, “Elite and Popular Culture: ‘Patriotism and the British Intellectuals’ c. 1886–1945,” History of European Ideas 11 (1989): 449–66Google Scholar; Goulbourne, Harry, Ethnicity and Nationalism in Postimperial Britain (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1991)Google Scholar.
5 For example, see Williams, Colin H. and Kofman, Eleonore, Community Conflict, Partition, and Nationalism (New York: Routledge, 1989)Google Scholar; Birch, Anthony H., Nationalism and National Integration (Winchester, Mass.: Unwin, Hyman, 1989)Google Scholar.
6 For example, see Mayall, David, “The Making of British Gypsy Identities, c. 1500–1980,” Immigrants and Minorities 11 (1992): 21–41Google Scholar; Taylor, Peter J., “The English and Their Englishness: ‘A Curiously Mysterious, Elusive and Little Understood People,’” Scottish Geographical Magazine 107 (1991): 146–61Google Scholar; Mullenbrock, Heinz-Joachim, “The ‘Englishness’ of the English Landscape Garden and the Genetic Role of Literature: A Reassessment,” Journal of Garden History 8 (1988): 97–103Google Scholar.
7 Indeed, the greatest single contribution to recent literature on British patriotism was the mass of articles, many of excellent quality, brought together in 1989 by Raphael Samuel, who proclaimed in his preface that the whole enterprise had been provoked by scholarly outrage and consternation at this war. See Samuel, Raphael, ed., Patriotism: The Making and Unmaking of British National Identity, vol. 1, History and Politics, vol. 2, Minorities and Outsiders, vol. 3, National Fictions (New York: Routledge, Chapman & Hall, 1989)Google Scholar.
8 Examples of recent contributions include Bonnell, Thomas, “Bookselling and Canon-Making: The Trade Rivalry over the English Poets, 1776–1783,” Studies in Eighteenth-Century Culture 19 (1989): 53–69Google Scholar; Arac, Jonathan and Ritvo, Harriet, eds., Macro-politics of Nineteenth-Century Literature: Nationalism, Exoticism, Imperialism (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1991)Google Scholar; Harvie, Christopher, “Second Thoughts of a Scotsman on the Make: Nationalism and Myth in John Buchan,” Scottish Historical Review 70 (1991): 31–54Google Scholar.
9 For recent examples, see Brennan, Gillian, “Patriotism, Language and Power: English-Translations of the Bible, 1520–1580,” History Workshop Journal 27 (1989): 18–36Google Scholar; Wolffe, John, “Secular Saints: Church and Civic Commemoration in the United Kingdom, 1847–1910,” Hispania Sacra 42 (1990): 435–43Google Scholar.
10 But see Bailey, Charles E., “The British Protestant Theologians in the First World War: Germanophobia Unleashed,” Harvard Theological Review 77 (1984): 195–221Google Scholar; Brennan, Gillian E., “Papists and Patriotism in Elizabethan England,” Recusant History 19 (1988): 1–15Google Scholar.
11 For an illustration of these problems, see Ross, Trevor, “Just When Did ‘British Bards Begin t'Immortalize’?” Studies in Eighteenth-Century Culture 19 (1989): 383–98Google Scholar.
12 See, e.g., Cookson, J. E., “The English Volunteer Movement of the French Wars, 1793–1815: Some Contexts,” Historical Journal 32 (1989): 867–91Google Scholar; Coetzee, Frans, For Party or Country: Nationalism and the Dilemmas of Popular Conservatism in Edwardian England (New York: Oxford University Press, 1990)Google Scholar; Rosen, F., Bentham, Byron, and Greece: Constitutionalism, Nationalism, and Early Liberal Political Thought (New York: Oxford University Press, 1992)Google Scholar.
13 For examples, see Jordan, Gerald and Rogers, Nicholas, “Admirals as Heroes: Patriotism and Liberty in Hanoverian England,” Journal of British Studies 28 (1989): 201–24Google Scholar; Adams, Michael C., The Great Adventure: Male Desire and the Coming of World War I (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1990)Google Scholar.
14 For example, see Reader, W. J., At Duty's Call: A Study in Obsolete Patriotism (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1988)Google Scholar; MacDonald, Robert H., “Reproducing the Middle-Class Boy: From Purity to Patriotism in Boys' Magazines, 1892–1914,” Journal of Contemporary History 24 (1989): 519–39Google Scholar.
15 See Colley, Linda, “Britishness and Otherness: An Argument,” Journal of British Studies 31 (1992): 309–29CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
16 Some of the writers upholding this view include Hechter, Michael, Internal Colonialism: The Celtic Fringe in British National Development, 1536–1966 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1975)Google Scholar, who articulates and argues the general theory; Jenkins, Philip, The Making of a Ruling Class: The Glamorgan Gentry, 1640–1790 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983)Google Scholar, who illustrates it by showing the anglicization of Wales in the early modern period; and Kearney, Hugh, The British Isles: A History of Four Nations (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989)Google Scholar, who shows how it is possible to treat the individuality of Britain's component parts with great sensitivity even while maintaining that “the Britannic melting pot” was the natural long-term outcome of the “making” of an “English empire” in the British Isles. The most sophisticated discussion of the making of British identity—an account which points out, incidentally, that in the era described by Colley the identities of both Wales and Scotland were “fractured” whereas that of England at least appeared “self-confident”—is in Robbins, Keith, Nineteenth-Century Britain: Integration and Diversity (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1988), pp. 1–28Google Scholar.
17 Such a theory was suggested in Newman, Gerald, The Rise of English Nationalism: A Cultural History, 1740–1830 (New York and London: St. Martin's Press, 1987), p. 160Google Scholar. It should be added here that respected researchers on nationalism such as K. R. Minogue, A. D. Smith, and E. Kamenka recognize three major types of nationalist movement: “Renewal” movements (e.g., German), “Secession” movements (e.g., Ukrainian), and “Territorial” movements (e.g., Nigerian). In the last (and also the loosest) of these, one or another cultural subgroup takes the lead in creating institutions to accommodate everyone within the territorial boundaries, which themselves form a major basis of group identification. Unfortunately, Colley makes no attempt beyond insisting that Britain was “invented” (an unhelpful idea that might apply equally to any nation on earth) to fit British nationalism into any typology recognized in political science.
18 Other writers have been more careful to point out the directionality of this cultural diffusion, Jenkins, for example, portraying Welsh foxhunting as part of “the spread of metropolitan standards.” See his Making of a Ruling Class, pp. 265–66. Itzkowitz himself, whom Colley cites, provides less support for the Colley thesis than the alternative one that British culture was in some complicated way an expansion or blend of English with the others. For example, commenting generally on the mid-Victorian period he remarks: “Foxhunting was primarily an English sport, though there were packs in Scotland and Wales. Hunting writers, however, often used the term ‘British’ to describe the national character moulded by hunting.” See Itzkowitz, David C., Peculiar Privilege: A Social History of English Foxhunting, 1753–1855 (Hassocks, Sussex: Harvester Press, 1977), p. 204Google Scholar, n. 22.
