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Palmerston and Radicalism, 1847–1865

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  10 January 2014

Extract

Lord Palmerston's constituency of support within the nineteenth-century Liberal party has received relatively little attention from historians. In many ways, however, his strong plebeian following provided the major popular current within Liberalism prior to the emergence of the cult of Gladstone in the mid-1860s. Even after Palmerston's death in 1865, his legacy continued to exercise a powerful influence, and William Ewart Gladstone, Viscount Hartington, Lord Rosebery, and others vied with one another for possession of his mantle and the role as his successor.

Historians have shown themselves baffled by this phenomenon of Palmerston's popular appeal. Conservative historians have sought to annex Palmerston for the Tory interest. Themes like “the nation,” the sanctity of British citizenship, and defense of British interests abroad they see as presaging the appeal of Benjamin Disraeli's “imperialism.” Most have combined in portraying Palmerston as a profoundly “illiberal” figure, more Tory than the Tories, whose views sat uneasily alongside such canons of Liberalism as free-trade noninterventionism and Gladstone's graduated program of parliamentary and civil-service reforms. His contribution to the midcentury Liberal consensus was, however, a major one, and must be seen as carrying equal weight with that of such figures as Richard Cobden, John Bright, and J. S. Mill.

Recent reappraisals of Liberalism have challenged the notion of a uniform, popular Liberalism in the 1850s and 1860s. In their research Patrick Joyce and James Vernon have emphasized the degree to which Liberalism at a popular level was a fusion of older and newer political forms, incorporating long-standing radical memories of the mass platform, traditional styles of leadership, and established methods of political communication.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © North American Conference of British Studies 1994

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References

1 The Liberal Imperialists in particular sought to annex Palmerston's mantle, and Lord Rosebery was directly compared with him by his supporters. See Matthew, H. C. G., The Liberal Imperialists: The Ideas and Politics of a Post-Gladstonian Elite (Oxford, 1975), pp. 133, 139Google Scholar.

2 See, e.g., the assessment of the historiography relating to Palmerston in Cunningham, H., “British Public Opinion and the Eastern Question, 1877–1878” (D. Phil, thesis, Sussex University, 1969), pp. 2728Google Scholar.

3 See Joyce, P., Visions of the People: Industrial England and the Question of Class (Cambridge, 1991), chap. 1CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Vernon, J., “Politics and the People: A Study in English Political Culture and Communication, 1808–1868” (Ph.D. thesis, Manchester University, 1991), esp. pp. 303–51Google Scholar. This view has been forcefully restated in Biagini, E. F., Liberty, Retrenchment and Reform: Popular Liberalism in the Age of Gladstone, 1860–1880 (Cambridge, 1992), pp. 1–28, 369425Google Scholar.

4 For the standard statement of this view, see Vincent, J., The Formation of the British Liberal Party, 1857–1868 (London, 1966), pp. 180–83Google Scholar. It has received more recent reiteration in Stone, G. L., “Derby, Disraeli and the Reform Bill of 1859” (Ph.D. thesis, University of Illinois at Chicago, 1975), pp. 7385Google Scholar. For an attempt to rehabilitate Palmerston's reputation as a reformer, see Bell, H. C., “Palmerston and Parliamentary Representation,” Journal of Modern History 4 (1932): 186213CrossRefGoogle Scholar. More recently it has been argued that a number of politicians who had previously opposed parliamentary reform, among them Palmerston and Lord John Russell, dropped their objections to it when they saw the degree to which wider franchises favored the conservative cause on the Continent after 1848. On this point, see Quinault, R., “1848 and Parliamentary Reform,” Historical Journal 31 (1988): 831–51CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

5 See Steele, E. D., Palmerston and Liberalism, 1855–1865 (Cambridge, 1991), pp. 215241Google Scholar; and Paul Smith's review of Steele in the English Historical Review 108 (1993): 144–45Google Scholar.

6 See the Northern Star (August 7, 1847), p. 7Google Scholar. There is a full synthesis of contemporary press reaction to Harney's Tiverton speech in Snell, F. J., Palmerston's Borough: A Budget of Electioneering Anecdotes, Squibs and Speeches (Tiverton, 1894), pp. 7788Google Scholar. The conventional view that most Chartists displayed an unrelenting hostility toward Palmerston is outlined by Harney's biographer Schoyen, A. R. in his The Chartist Challenge: A Biography of George Julian Harney (London, 1958), pp. 150–52Google Scholar. The most recent work in the area of post-Chartist radicalism does not even acknowledge the existence of popular radical support for Palmerston in the 1850s. See Finn, M. C., After Chartism: Class and Nation in English Radical Politics, 1848–1874 (Cambridge, 1993), pp. 106–41Google Scholar.

7 Examples of such assessments of Palmerston's support occur in Gatrell, V. A. C., “The Commercial Middle-Class in Manchester, c. 1820–1857” (Ph.D. thesis, Cambridge University, 1971), pp. 417–71Google Scholar; and Howe, A., The Cotton Masters, 1830–1860 (Oxford, 1984), pp. 238–44Google Scholar.

8 Cobden's comparison of Palmerston with O'Connor occurs in a letter to William Hargreaves quoted in Morley, J., The Life of Richard Cobden (London, 1879; reprint, 1881), p. 880Google Scholar. Bright is also sometimes credited with having coined this title. See Vincent, p. 182. For Frost's reference to Palmerston's supporters, see also Frost, T., Forty Years Recollections, Literary and Political (London, 1880), p. 272Google Scholar.

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11 See, e.g., Punch (March 7, 1857).

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15 See a speech by O'Connor praising Palmerston on these grounds at the South London Chartist Hall, in the Northern Star (January 11, 1851), p. 1Google Scholar.

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18 Instances of Palmerston's pecuniary assistance to former Chartists are mentioned in Ridley, J., Lord Palmerston (London 1970), pp. 524–25Google Scholar; and Holyoake, G. J., Sixty Years of an Agitator's Life (London, 1892; reprint, 1906), 2:8081Google Scholar. Specific details of his contributions to the Bronterre O'Brien support fund are given in correspondence in the Bee-hive (October 20, 1865), p. 1Google Scholar; and The Times (October 23, 1865), p. 7. The fund for visiting French artisans contributed to by Palmerston was a deputation in 1855, not the later 1864 delegation which led to the foundation of the International Working Men's Association. See Leno, J. B., The Aftermath (London, 1892), p. 67Google Scholar.

19 Snell (n. 6 above), pp. 92–93. Snell presents the electoral rivalry between Palmerston and Rowcliffe at Tiverton in knockabout style throughout; see pp. 77–79, 88–93, 94–104.

20 Howell, G., “People I Have Met: The Fall of the Hyde Park Railings,” Reynolds's Newspaper (June 10, 1906)Google Scholar.

21 See Greville, C. C. F., Memoirs: A Journal of the Reign of Victoria (London, 1896), 6:423–24Google Scholar.

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24 Reynolds's Weekly Newspaper (July 20, 1856).

25 These manifestations of popular patriotism during the earlier Napoleonic War period are examined in Colley, L., “The Apotheosis of George III: Loyalty, Royalty and the British Nation, 1760–1820,” Past and Present, no. 102 (1984), pp. 94129Google Scholar, and in her recent book Britons: Forging the Nation, 1707–1837 (New Haven, Conn., and London, 1992), pp. 283308Google Scholar. For the continuation of such elements during the Crimean War, particularly the national day of fasting for the war effort, see John Bull (April 29, 1854), pp. 262–63Google Scholar. There are a number of ballads relating to British soldiers in the Crimea in the broadside collection in Manchester Central Reference Library; see in particular “Verses on the Victory at Alma” (F 1854/1), in the local history collection.

26 See Taylor, A. D., “Modes of Political Expression and Working-Class Radicalism, 1848–1874: The London and Manchester Examples” (Ph.D. thesis, Manchester University, 1992), esp. chaps. 1–4Google Scholar.

27 See Duncombe, ed. (n. 16 above), p. 106.

28 People's Paper (March 11, 1854), p. 1.

29 The Times (January 31, 1856), p. 12Google Scholar. For a fuller account of this meeting, also see the People's Paper (February 2, 1856), p. 4Google Scholar.

30 See Briggs, A., Victorian People: A Reassessment of Persons and Themes (London, 1967), p. 64Google Scholar.

31 W. J. Linton's enthusiasm for Palmerston is discussed in Smith, F. B., Radical Artisan: William James Linton, 1812–1897 (Manchester, 1974), p. 118Google Scholar. For Duncombe and Holyoake's devotion to the prime minister, see Duncombe, ed., pp. 196–98; and Holyoake (n. 18 above) (London, 1898; reprint, 1906), 1:227–28.

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35 Ibid., p. 4. The actions of the former peace campaigner Sir John Bowring at Canton and Palmerston's support for them resulted in a curious conflation of pro-Palmerston sentiment, memories of the Anti-Corn Law League at its height, and popular patriotism. For a recent account of Bowring's earlier career as a supporter of Cobden, see Conway, S., “John Bowring and the Nineteenth Century Peace Movement,” Historical Research 64 (1991): 344–58CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

36 People's Paper (March 14, 1857), p. 4Google Scholar.

37 Morning Star (March 14, 1857), pp. 23Google Scholar. There is also a report and editorial comment on this meeting in John Bull (March 14, 1857), p. 168, 169Google Scholar.

38 See Taylor, M., “The Old Radicalism and the New: David Urquhart and the Politics of Opposition, 1832–1867,” in Currents of Radicalism: Popular Radicalism, Organised Labour and Party Politics in Britain, 1850–1914, ed. Biagini, E. F. and Reid, A. J. (Cambridge, 1991), pp. 2343CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and for a definitive account of his position, see his thesis Radicalism and Patriotism, 1848–1859” (Ph.D. thesis, Cambridge University, 1989), esp. chaps. 2, 5, and 6 and the conclusionGoogle Scholar.

39 See Anderson, O., A Liberal State at War: English Politics and Economics during the Crimean War (London, 1967), esp. pp. 129–62Google Scholar.

40 See speeches by Urquhart in Free Press (February 4, 1857), p. 206Google Scholar, and ibid. (February 11, 1857), p. 209.

41 Sheffield Free Press (December 24, 1853), p. 5Google Scholar.

42 Sheffield Free Press (December 31, 1853), p. 5Google Scholar. Statements to this effect were also made by the Newcastle Urquhartite leader George Crawshay in correspondence in the Leader (December 24, 1853), p. 1235Google Scholar.

43 There is still no adequate account of the reactions of British radicals to the Indian Mutiny, but, for some pointers, see Bryne, J., “British Opinion and the Indian Revolt,” in 1857: A Symposium, ed. Joshi, P. C. (Delhi, 1957), pp. 291312Google Scholar.

44 See Ernest Jones's speech at St. George's Hall in the People's Paper (August 15, 1857), p. 4Google Scholar.

45 East London Observer (January 23, 1858), p. 2Google Scholar.

46 “The general election of 1857 is unique in our history, the only election conducted as a simple plebiscite in favour of an individual.” Quoted in Taylor, A. J. P., “Palmerston,” in his Essays in English History (London, 1950; reprint, 1976), p. 110Google Scholar.

47 People's Paper (April 4, 1857), p. 1Google Scholar.

48 Ibid.

49 Holyoake's full program is outlined in Humphrey, A. W., A History of Labour Representation (London, 1912; reprint, New York, 1984), pp. 27Google Scholar.

50 Leader (April 4, 1857), p. 319Google Scholar.

51 For full details of the results of the 1857 election contest in London and the synthesis of pro-Palmerston sentiment and Chartism it produced, see A. D. Taylor (n. 26 above), chap. 5.

52 See on this point Hawkins (n. 10 above), pp. 87–117.

53 See on this theme Porter, R., The Refugee Question in Mid-Victorian Politics (Cambridge, 1978), pp. 171–99Google Scholar; and Royle, E., Victorian Infidels: The Origins of the British Secularist Movement (Manchester, 1974), pp. 252–56Google Scholar.

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55 People's Paper (February 20, 1858), p. 4Google Scholar.

56 For O'Brien's hostility toward Bonaparte, see a cutting of his poetical piece, “An Ode to Louis Napoleon Bonaparte” (OB 15/2), in the Matthews Correspondence in the National Museum of Labour History, Manchester. There are also strong radical criticisms of Louis Napoleon in the limited circulation Potteries Free Press (February 19, 1853), p. 2Google Scholar.

57 Reynolds's Newspaper (May 15, 1859), p. 6Google Scholar.

58 See the ballad France and the Republicans” (BR F 821 04 BA 1), vol. 5, p. 307, MCRL ballad collectionGoogle Scholar.

59 See the ballad entitled The Removal of Napoleon Bonaparte's Ashes” (BR F 821 04 BA 1), vol. 5, p. 284, MCRL ballad collectionGoogle Scholar.

60 See the ballad Emperor Louis Napoleon” (Q 398, 859), p. 414, MCRL ballad collectionGoogle Scholar.

61 See reports of meetings in the Saturday Review (April 25, 1863), and the Morning Star (July 23, 1863).

62 Statements on Louis Bonaparte's behalf were made at the height of the war in meetings reported in the National Reformer (August 7, 1870), p. 93, and (September 18, 1870), p. 189.

63 Steele (n. 5 above), esp. pp. 191–241.

64 This meeting was attended by the radical M.P. for Finsbury, Thomas Wakley; Daniel Harris, the secretary of the Finsbury and Islington Kossuth Committee; the long-standing reformer William Shaen; and J. C. Elt, the future secretary of the Ballot Society. See reports in The Times (November 19, 1851), p. 8Google Scholar, and (November 26, 1851), p. 4. Some sources suggest that the strong language used by this deputation with reference to Austria and Russia angered supporters of the government so much that the episode contributed to the fall of Palmerston's ministry a few weeks later. See Greville (n. 21 above), pp. 423–25.

65 See the report of a deputation to Lord John Russell in which Russell terminated proceedings early in the Workman's Advocate (January 20, 1865). Gladstone also often treated working-class reformers who visited him with disdain; see The Times (March 18, 1864).

66 Bee-hive (May 23, 1863).

67 Holyoake (n. 18 above), 2:78–79. George Howell makes much the same point in his article “People I Have Met” (n. 20 above).

68 See, e.g., a speech by Palmerston reported in the Leader (November 4, 1854), p. 1033Google Scholar.

69 For an account of Palmerston's visit to Glasgow, see The Times (April 1, 1863), p. 9Google Scholar, and, for his reception at Sheffield, see (August 11, 1862), pp. 6, 8. For local accounts of his Sheffield visit, see the Sheffield Independent (August 12, 1862), pp. 56Google Scholar, and the Sheffield Telegraph (August 11, 1862), pp. 23Google Scholar.

70 For Gladstone's recourse to such ploys, see Matthew, H. C. G., Gladstone, 1809–1874 (Oxford, 1986), pp. 128–35Google Scholar.

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72 The Times (August 11, 1862), p. 6Google Scholar.

73 Morley (n. 8 above), pp. 880–81. Similar radical bafflement at the success of Palmerston's visit to Sheffield is expressed in a compendium of newspaper extracts presented in the Sheffield Independent (August 12, 1862), pp. 56Google Scholar.

74 See the Bee-hive (August 6, 1864), p. 4Google Scholar. Accounts in the Bradford Review (August 13, 1864) and Reynolds's Newspaper (August 14, 1864) portray the demonstration against Palmerston as a major radical triumph, but the Bradford Observer was less sure and concentrated on the positive aspects of the reception (Bradford Observer [August 4, 11, 18, 1864]).