Hostname: page-component-7479d7b7d-wxhwt Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-07-13T23:05:38.692Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

Subjects and Objects: Material Expressions of Love and Loyalty in Seventeenth-Century England

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  21 December 2012

Abstract

Image of the first page of this content. For PDF version, please use the ‘Save PDF’ preceeding this image.'
Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © North American Conference of British Studies 2009

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

1 Venus's child Eros could not thrive until the birth of his brother, Anteros, who loved him in return. See de Tervarent, Guy, “Eros and Anteros or Reciprocal Love in Ancient and Renaissance Art,” Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 28 (1965): 205–8CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

2 See also Weil, Rachel, “Thinking about Allegiance,” History Workshop Journal 61, no. 1 (Spring 2006): 183–91CrossRefGoogle Scholar, who argues that allegiance lay in outward actions and circumstances rather than “in the interior of a person,” 184.

3 See discussion in McShane-Jones, Angela J., “‘Rime and Reason’: The Political World of the English Broadside Ballad, 1640–1689” (PhD diss., University of Warwick, 2005), 312–15Google Scholar.

4 Ewin, R. E., “Loyalty and Virtues,” Philosophical Quarterly 42, no. 169 (October 1992): 403–19CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

5 See McClure, Kirstie M., “Cato's Retreat: Fabula, Historia and the Question of Constitutionalism in Mr Locke's Anonymous Essay on Government,” in Reading, Society and Politics in Early Modern England, ed. Sharpe, Kevin and Zwicker, Steven N. (Cambridge, 2003), 317–50CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Kahn, Victoria, “Margaret Cavendish and the Romance of Contract,” Renaissance Quarterly 50, no. 2 (Summer 1997): 527CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and Wayward Contracts: The Crisis of Political Obligation in England 1640–1674 (Princeton, NJ, 2004), chap. 2.

6 See also Quentin Skinner, “Reassessing the Revolution,” History Workshop Journal 61, no. 1 (Spring 2006): 156–70.

7 Leora Auslander, “Beyond Words,” American Historical Review 110, no. 4 (October 2005): 1016–17; Victoria Kahn “‘The Duty to Love’: Passion and Obligation in Early Modern Political Theory,” Representations 68, no. 1 (October 1999): 84–107.

8 Sharpe, Kevin, “‘An Image Doting Rabble’: The Failure of Republican Culture in Seventeenth-Century England,” in Refiguring Revolutions: Aesthetics and Politics from the English Revolution to the Romantic Period, ed. Kevin Sharpe and Steven N. Zwicker (Berkeley, 1998), 25–56, 302–11Google Scholar; Corns, Thomas N., ed., The Royal Image: Representations of Charles I (Cambridge, 1999)Google Scholar; Schwoerer, Lois, “Images of Queen Mary II, 1689–95,” Renaissance Quarterly 42, no. 4 (Winter 1989): 717–48CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

9 Auslander, “Beyond Words,” 1017–24.

10 See Griffiths, Anthony, ed., Landmarks in Print Collecting: Connoisseurs and Donors at the British Museum since 1753 (London, 1996)Google Scholar; Clayton, Timothy, The English Print, 1688–1802 (New Haven, CT, 1997)Google Scholar; O’Connell, Sheila, The Popular Print in England (London, 1999)Google Scholar; John Peacock, “The Visual Image of Charles I,” in Corns, Royal Image, 176–239.

11 See Jones, Mark, The Art of the Medal (London, 1979)Google Scholar.

12 Seaby, H. A. and Rayner, P. A., The English Silver Coinage from 1649, 4th ed. (London, 1974), 13Google Scholar; Nelson, P., The Obsidional Money of the Great Rebellion, 1642–1649 (London, 1976)Google Scholar; D. F. Allen, “The Coinage of Cromwell and Its Imitations,” British Numismatic Journal 24 (1941–44): 191–94; Craig Muldrew, “‘Hard Food for Midas’: Cash and Its Social Value in Early Modern England,” Past and Present, no. 170 (February 2001): 78–120.

13 Seaby and Rayner, English Silver Coinage, 14, 16; Seaby, H. A., Seaby's Concise Catalogue of English Coins (London, 1965), 50, 57, 61; Sharpe, “Image Doting,” 32Google Scholar.

14 See, e.g., lead glass goblet, dated 1684–1700, Victoria and Albert Museum (VAM): C.139-1925, http://collections.vam.ac.uk/objectid/O2498.

15 For pewter dishes in property exchange, see, e.g., Grant of Land, 14 February 1651/2, DD/E/85/3, Nottinghamshire Archives: (1) delivers seisin of premises to (2) by one pewter dish; Attested Copy Grant, April 1763, 1987/4/1 25, Shropshire Archives: Thomas Cranage puts son George in full possession of [all the premises] by delivering to him one pewter dish; Grant of Land, December 1739, Bagshaw Collection C/2542 27, Sheffield Archives; documents relating to land dispute between Mr. Cressett and Mr. Kinnersley, 26 April 1652, Cressett Estate Papers, 5460/7/2/1, Shropshire Records Office: “a pewter dish fell to the lord for a heriot”; O’Hara, Diana, Courtship and Constraint: Rethinking the Making of Marriage in Tudor England (Manchester, 2000)Google Scholar.

16 Thirsk, Joan, Economic Policy and Projects: The Development of a Consumer Society in Early Modern England (Oxford, 1978), chap. 1Google Scholar.

17 See Amussen, Susan D., An Ordered Society: Gender and Class in Early Modern England (Oxford, 1988)Google Scholar; Fletcher, Anthony, Gender, Sex and Subordination in England, 1500–1800 (New Haven, CT, 1995)Google Scholar; Weil, Rachel, Political Passions: Gender, the Family and Political Argument in England, 1680–1714 (Manchester, 1999)Google Scholar.

18 One ballad, J. P., , The Loyal Subjects hearty Wishes to King Charles the Second (London, 1660)Google Scholar, brimming with Old Testament references, referred to the patriarchal king: “The King, our nursing father, / he will us cherish’ as a ‘nursing father.’” While this was a common biblical trope used by divines in sermons and other writings and expounded into a defense of absolute rule by political writers such as Sir Robert Filmer, it was more exceptional for black-letter ballads, which consistently depicted monarchs as lovers and spouses.

19 Auslander, “Beyond Words,” 1018–19.

20 Thefts show costs ranging from 1s. in the sixteenth century to 1–2s. in the eighteenth.

21 E. E. Hopwell, “Summary of a Discussion on Warming Pans at the 1991 Meeting,” Base Thoughts: The Journal of the Antique Metalware Society, no. 4 (Spring 1992): 11–28; Roderick Butler, “Further Notes on Warming Pans,” Antique Metal Ware Society Journal 1 (June 1993); Christopher Bangs, “Note: Inscriptions on English Warming Pan Lids,” Antique Metal Ware Society Journal 3 (June 1995).

22 Angela McShane and Joanne Bailey, “The Bed as Icon of the Early Modern Household” (paper delivered at the Economic History Conference, March 2007).

23 Silver was about 5s. per ounce, but these lockets weighed next to nothing; Nelson, Obsidional Money, 9; VAM: M.3-1958.

24 See Ashton, Leigh, “Martha Edlin: A Stuart Embroideress,” Connoisseur 81 (1928)Google Scholar; Hannah Kauffman, “Unpicking the Feminine: A Seventeenth-Century Embroidered Casket” (MA diss., Victoria and Albert Museum/Royal College of Art, 2006).

25 For further examples, see the V&A Web site, under “Search the Collections,” http://collections.vam.ac.uk/objectid/O77746.

26 Numerous loyal objects were owned or made by young females; see, e.g., Joan Bacon's 1667 trinket box, VAM: M.826:1&2-16, http://collections.vam.ac.uk/objectid/O78640.

27 See Britton, Frank, London Delftware (London, 1987)Google Scholar; Catalogue … of hardpaste porcelain and delftware … manufactured … in Bristol (Bristol, 1875), 6. Grigsby, Leslie B., The Longridge Collection of English Slipware and Delftware (London, 2000)Google Scholar.

28 Mark Overton, Jane Whittle, Darron Dean, and Andrew Hann, Production and Consumption in English Households, 1600–1750 (London, 2004).

29 A full range can be seen in the collections of the V&A and the Museum of London.

30 Sachse, William L., ed., The Diurnal of Thomas Rugg, 1659–61, Camden, 3rd ser., 91 (London, 1961), 73Google Scholar.

31 Expensive items such as miniature enamels and painted and engraved portraits do survive, although their exact dating is uncertain. See, e.g., http://collections.vam.ac.uk/objectid/O77787.

32 Watt, Tessa, Cheap Print and Popular Piety, 1550–1640 (Cambridge, 1991), chap. 5Google Scholar.

33 Angela McShane-Jones, “Revealing Mary II,” History Today 54, no. 3 (March 2004): 40–46.

34 Aristotle, The Nichomachean Ethics, bk. 8, trans. David Ross, revised by J. L. Ackrill and J. O. Urmson (Oxford, 1980).

35 King Charles His speech, and last Farewell to the World (London, 1649).

36 Ladies Lamentation for the Losse of her Land-Lord (London, 1651); T. R[obins?], Jack The Plough-Lads Lamentation (London, 1654); L. P[rice], The Matchless Shepheard, Overmatcht by his Mistress (London, 1656).

37 For a complete list, see Angela J. McShane, Political Broadside Ballads of Seventeenth-Century England: A Critical Bibliography (London, forthcoming).

38 See Judith M. Richards, “Love and a Female Monarch: The Case of Elizabeth Tudor,” Journal of British Studies 38, no. 2 (April 1999): 133–60.

39 Love lies a Bleeding (London, ca. 1659–60).

40 See fig. 3; Untitled Ballad, Crawford Collection, National Library of Scotland, no. 990 (1660); A. Starkey, Good News for England (London, 1660).

41 >The Case is altered (London, 1660).

42 Englands honour, and Londons glory (London, 1660); A Worthy Kings Description (London, 1660). See also J. P., Loyal Subjects hearty Wishes.

43 The praise of the merry Month of May (London, 1660).

44 Gallant News of late I bring (London, 1660).

45 Englands rejoycing at that happy day (London, 1660); see also The Royall Subject's Joy (London, 1660).

46 Englands Captivity Returned, With a Farewel to common-wealths (London, 1660).

47 The Diary of Ralph Josselin, 1616–1683, ed. MacFarlane, Alan (London, 1976), 457–58Google Scholar.

48 Englands rejoycing at that happy day; Englands Great Prognosticator (London, 1660); The Glory of these Nations (London, 1660).

49 ordan, T. J], The Royall Entertainment, Presented by the Loyalty of the City … (London, 1660)Google Scholar.

50 Englands honour; Gallant News.

51 fig. 4; see also Englands honour.

52 Englands Great Prognosticator.

53 “Of Matrimony,” inThe Book Of Common Prayer (London, 1663), unpaginated.

54 ade, J. W], Englands Heroick Champion (London, 1660)Google Scholar.

55 The Covenant (London, 1660).

56 A Worthy King (London, 1660); see also Jordan, Royall Entertainment; Wade, J., The King and Kingdoms joyful Day of Triumph (London, 1660)Google Scholar; The Royal Wanderer (London, 1660).

57 McShane-Jones, Angela J., “‘England's Darling’ or ‘Senseless Loon’: Hero and Villain, the Ballading Battle for the Image of Monmouth,” in Heroes and Villains: The Creation and Propagation of an Image, ed. George, C. H. L. and Sutherland, Julie (Durham, 2004), 139–57Google Scholar; McShane-Jones, “Rime and Reason,” 349–58, 222–31, 381–87, 389–96.

58 The Royal Frolick (London, 1689/90). Several ballads following this story were printed.

59 See Great Britain's Earnest Desire for the Princess Mary's Happy arrival (London, 1689); The Princess Welcome to England (London, 1689); The Kingdom's Joy for the Proclaiming King William and his Royal Consort Queen Mary in the Throne of England (London, 1689); The Subjects Satisfaction (London, 1689); England's Triumph (London, 1689); England's Extasie (London, 1689). Her virtues were also praised, and to some extent the effect of her childlessness relieved, in ballads such as The Bedfordshire Widow (London, [1690s]), which compared Mary to “Dorcas the Good” as she saves the life of a widow and her three orphans, and The Distressed Mother (London, 1690s), in which a little girl is left at the court for Mary to bring up.

60 William had overruling power, but the 1690 Regency Act gave Mary authority. She ruled for thirty-two months.

61 Schwoerer, “Images of Queen Mary II,” 717–48, sees the Regency Act as the key moment in this change, which is reflected in a range of media other than ballads. See The Royal Dialogue (London, 1690); King William's Courage (London, 1690); The Royal Farewell (London, 1690); The Protestant's Joy (London, 1690); and The Courtly Salutation (London, 1690).

62 See, e.g., Inventory from Coker Court, 1723, DD/WHh/1106, Somerset Record Office: listed in the study “one gold coronation medall, King William and Queen Mary”; in the lobby “Picture of King James 2nd, Framed.”

63 Garner, F. H. and Archer, Michael, English Delftware, rev. ed. (London, 1972), 14Google Scholar, plate 32b.

64 Kahn, Wayward Contracts, 59–60.

65 See Capp, Bernard, When Gossips Meet: Women, Family, and Neighbourhood in Early Modern England (Oxford, 2003), 290–319, 347CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

66 Stone, Lawrence, Road to Divorce: England, 1530–1987 (Oxford, 1990)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Bailey, Joanne, Unquiet Lives: Marriage and Marriage Breakdown in England, 1660–1800 (Cambridge, 2003)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.