College students judged the relative ages of pairs of vocalizations sampled either from a Chinese infant at 0; 6, 1; 0 and 1; 6 or from an American infant at the same ages. The judgments were 88% accurate, with the easiest judgments contrasting the 0; 6 and 1; 6 samples (96% accurate). With one exception, age contrasts for the Chinese infant were as easy to judge as those for the American infant. However, a second sample of college students was unable to judge the linguistic community of the vocalizer when age was held constant, whether the data were drawn from infant samples of 0; 6, 1; 0 or 1; 6 or from adults babbling to babies. These data led to speculations on the kinds of cues speakers of different languages use to discriminate infant vocalizations, and whether these cues are age-specific or language-specific. The data presently suggest the former, but the present study has methodological limitations, and generalizations are limited to one specific language contrast, English and Chinese.

Inferences about linguistic competence in children are typically based on spontaneous speech. This poses a problem since we know that other factors are also involved in speech production. Children who may use complex object and adverbial NPs do not use complex subject NPs. Is this a competence deficit, a performance problem, or simply a reflection of pragmatic factors? Evidence presented here suggests that children probably do not need complex subjects. An extensive use of pronouns in subject but not object position indicates that pragmatics may account for the distribution of clauses in their speech. A similar pattern in adult speech indicates there is no warrant to conclude children's lack of subject clauses reflects anything more than the nature of spontaneous speech.

The concern of this case study is to show how the parental terms for ‘mummy’ and ‘daddy’ in Latvian are acquired, paying particular attention to the changing relationship between the input and output forms during the acquisition process. We may note here three questions which we shall attempt to answer. (1) Are parental terms the earliest words used spontaneously by the young child? (2) Does their ‘easier’ word structure allow the child to acquire the adult forms for these words earlier than is the case for the rest of the vocabulary? (3) Do the function and meaning of these parental terms correspond to those of the adults', and if not, what is the difference? And how stable are the meanings of these words during the first years of life?

Fourteen two-year-olds (M=2; o) were presented with minimal word pairs in a new and highly efficient experimental perception paradigm. The data provide a preliminary view of the relative difficulty of various minimal phonological contrasts for children. The study specifically focuses on perception of some phonological contrasts which usually are actualized and some which usually are not actualized in two-year-old child productions. The data suggest that perceptual difficulties probably play a substantial role in some childhood speech errors, but little, if any, role in others.

Previous scholars have claimed that the child's babbling (meaningless speech-like vocalizations) includes a random assortment of the speech sounds found in the languages of the world. Babbled sounds have been claimed to bear no relationship to the sounds of the child's later meaningful speech. The present research disputes the traditional position on babbling by showing that the phonetic content of babbled utterances exhibits many of the same preferences for certain kinds of phonetic elements and sequences that have been found in the production of meaningful speech by children in later stages of language development.

The study was aimed at determining the average ages at which children imitate (I), produce (P) and comprehend (C) passive constructions. The results were compared with those obtained from partial studies of the acquisition of the passive voice conducted by researchers such as Fraser, Bellugi & Brown (1963). The finding that imitation precedes comprehension which in turn precedes production (I > C > P), as reported by Fraser et al. (1963) for 12 three-year-olds, is confirmed in this study for children from 3; 0 to 8; 0. The ability to use the passive voice in various tasks was found to be generally greater than that suggested in previous studies.

This study investigates the development of past tense expressions in the speech of children from 1; 6 to 2; 6. It is shown that this development depends crucially on the child's cognitive construction of the time dimension, as described by Piaget (1954, 1971). In this process two different cognitive routes are followed, depending on the type of event the child has to encode. Past events resulting in the end state of some object are gradually grasped and encoded by means of a practical process–effect coordination. Past states and activities, on the contrary, i.e. past events that do not result in an end state, are referred to through a more primitive distinction between a pretend vs. a real world. This difference is formally reflected in the differential past-tense marking appearing on verbs which describe the two different types of event.

Two transitional phases in the child's early language development are described; the first occurs between prelinguistic vocalization and one-word speech and the second between one-word and patterned speech. Cognitive, linguistic and affective inputs to the acquisition of reference and syntax are discussed in the light of the transitional phenomena that were found. We claim that each major linguistic stage is preceded by a transitional phase which serves as a bridging device for the next major acquisition; that sound and meaning develop partly independently in language development; and that the child's earliest patterned speech is not organized in terms of knowledge of grammatical categories, but in terms of more fundamental coordinations of conceptual meanings with phonetic outputs. A theoretical framework is proposed which provides a more systematic treatment of transitional phenomena than has previously been provided. The framework allows for interpretations of transitional phenomena and of their relations to the milestone periods of early language development.

Acquisition of the words this and thatwas tested by a comprehension and a production task with children of ages 4 and 7. In the comprehension task, children had to choose one of two toys requested by the experimenter. Child and experimenter were seated either side by side or facing one another. It was expected that children would first learn the spatial contrast between the two words and then learn to apply it from the speaker's point of view, according to developmental stages similar to those found in other studies of spatial non-egocentrism. The prediction was confirmed, but comparison with the results of de Villiers & de Villiers (1974) suggests an alternative theoretical analysis, in which non-egocentrism is not necessary for correct use of this and that. A second prediction, that performance would be better on the unmarked word that, was not confirmed for the side-by-side condition. In the production task, only 2 of the 60 children violated the restriction that this can refer only to near objects.

Recent attempts to classify the meanings of two-word utterances expressed by young children have assumed that children always intend ONE of the meanings adults might express. This paper challenges that assumption for two reasons. Firstly, it is by no means self-evidently true. Indeed, since children and adults conceptualize the world differently, they may also differ in what they choose to say about the world. Secondly, it has supported research strategies which are at best unjustified and at worst ambiguous. In fact, research based on the assumption that children always intend a meaning adults might express has provided interesting insights into the interpretations adults place upon children's utterances but said next to nothing about the meaning of these utterances. This paper concludes by suggesting an alternative approach to the latter problem.

Samples of spontaneous speech from seven two-year-olds were scanned for utterances containing the verbs go and come. Their distribution was extensive, and included many non-motional uses. No clear case of the wrong use of either verb was found and the children seemed to have a basis for discrimination. As verbs of motion, they were used in the context of describing the contour of movement rather than as means of relating end-points of a journey. This relation between systems of movement and location was taken to be crucial in explaining the child's long-standing difficulty in discriminating the verbs in experimental tasks.

In this longitudinal investigation of the emerging grammar of seven children, differences in linguistic acquisition were observed. The syntactic analyses applied to the corpora included examination of emerging complexity, observance of word order constraints and subject-predicate specification among others. These analyses revealed two distinct styles of syntactic acquisition. These linguistic styles appeared to be sex- and speed-related with specific ties to particular utterance types and grammatical-relational specification. The observed styles of syntactic acquisition were differentiated by these differences so that the differences themselves constituted the style characteristics.

Two tasks were used to test predictions of the Semantic Feature Hypothesis (SFH) about children's comprehension of the meaning of spatial adjectives. Our data support SFH predictions about the order of acquisition for dimensional features: more general features are acquired first. Predictions about polarity, however, were not supported: our data show that children do not acquire [+ pol] features prior to their [− pol] counterparts. Type of task made no difference in children's comprehension of [+ pol] terms but did affect comprehension of [− pol] terms. To account for this pattern of results, an acquisition hypothesis is offered which, contrary to the SFH, proposes that polar features are acquired prior to dimensionality and that semantic features may be added quite independently to [+ pol] and [− pol] terms.

To explore adjective language development and to examine its relationship to seriation, several tasks were given to 40 children aged 4;0 to 8;0. Comprehension and production of various adjective forms were measured: vocabulary, coordination, comparison. The ability to order objects by size was used to assess intuitive-level seriation. In addition to yielding information about children's meanings and use of adjective forms, results indicated that vocabulary and comprehension were more important than language production for distinguishing senators from non-senators. The relevance of findings for Sinclair de Zwart's observations and for the Clarks' hypotheses about adjective development is discussed.

Children aged 2;6–4;0 were asked questions containing comparative and superlative forms of adjectives from pairs designated as unmarked/marked or simply positive/negative. Children's answers required a choice of one out of five objects. Differences in frequency of correct responses were generally greater between unmarked/marked pairs than between simple positive/negative pairs, but the response of ‘greatest extent’ to marked adjective questions was seldom a significantly common error. Linguistic arguments for the unmarked/marked distinction in comparative adjectives are reviewed, and it is concluded that there is no linguistic or behavioural evidence for a marking explanation of children's difficulty with ‘marked’ comparative adjectives.

This study seeks to explore the defining characteristics of first and third grade children (mean ages 7;0 and 9;1 respectively) in conceptualizing seventeen American kin terms. The data indicate that even when children were able to identify a relationship, they did not all base their identification on the same attributes. Familiarity and experience affected the identification of some terms but did not appear to influence the ability to handle relational aspects. Among Grade 1 children, girls were more proficient than boys. This difference disappeared by Grade 3 where both boys and girls were equally competent and significantly more proficient than the younger children. Finally, in both grades, nuclear family terms were more familiar than extended family terms.

Interpersonal functions of everyday caretaker speech usage are examined when addressed to toddlers, threes, and fours. Twelve teachers, 4 at each age level, were each observed for 24 3-minute intervals during free play, and their speech classified into 45 responsive and spontaneous functional categories based on our previously developed classification scheme for spontaneous child speech (Schachter et al. 1974). The results support hypotheses derived from Piagetian theory concerning early developments in ego-differentiation. Speech patterns with increments in speech to toddlers include explicating desires, providing substitutes for prohibitions, reporting on the child, and word teaching, called alter-ego speech. Patterns with increments for threes and/or fours include enhancing the child's ego, assisting him to fulfil desires himself, and encouraging persistence, called ego-supportive speech, as well as modulations (explanations, justifications, etc.) and admonitions with appeals to norms, called ego-socializing speech. Implications for language acquisition are discussed.

Four children (aged 3;9 to 5;5) were recorded talking to different listeners (adult, peer, baby, and baby doll) and role-playing a ‘baby just learning how to talk’. As a measure of the children's responsiveness to situational cues, each sample was analysed for formal and functional characteristics. The children's speech was different on many of the measures when talking to a baby or doll as compared with the speech to a peer or adult. Speech to a baby doll was similar to that addressed to a real baby, indicating that feedback is not necessary for speech modifications to occur. In the role-playing situation, children changed and simplified their speech when talking as a baby.

The speech of children aged 11, in socially contrasted groups, was analysed across a range of communicative tasks. On most ‘traditional’ measures, consistent group differences did not appear. There were significant differences on measures directly derived from the ‘planning principles’ said by Bernstein to underlie restricted and elaborated codes. Even on these, however, there was considerable task variation. There was no evidence of rigidity in the speech of the lower-working-class children, and no evidence of a persistent orientation to one code rather than the other.