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3. This is the definition suggested by Przeworski, Adam, Democracy and the Market (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991).Google Scholar

4. However, we should also note that the articles on citizen attitudes and electoral behavior in the rest of this collection exclude the semidemocracies and focus on the democratic polities that are included in each of the three major public opinion surveys of East Asia.Google Scholar

5. For excellent recent surveys of Asian electoral systems, see Croissant, Aurel, Bruns, Gabriele, and John, Marei, eds., Electoral Politics in Southeast and East Asia (Singapore: Friedrich Ebert Stiftung, 2002); Hicken, Allen and Kasuya, Yuko, “A Guide to the Constitutional Structures and Electoral Systems of East, South and Southeast Asia,” Electoral Studies 22 (2003): 121–151; and Nohlen, Dieter, Grotz, Florian, and Hartmann, Christof, eds., Elections in Asia and the Pacific, 2 vols. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001).Google Scholar

6. Also see Reynolds, Andrew, Reilly, Ben, and Ellis, Andrew, Electoral System Design (Stockholm: International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance, 2005).Google Scholar

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15. At the time of writing there were eight single-member constituencies in Cambodia, up from six in 1993.Google Scholar

16. See Reynolds, , Reilly, , and Ellis, , Electoral System Design, p. 27.Google Scholar

17. See the article by Chu, Yun-han and Huang, Min-hua in this special issue.Google Scholar

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22. Chung-si, Ahn and Hoon, Jaung, “South Korea.” In Marsh, Ian, Blondel, Jean, and Inoguchi, Takashi, eds., Democracy, Governance and Economic Performance (Tokyo: United Nations University Press, 1999), p. 152.Google Scholar

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24. Fearon, James D., “Ethnic and Cultural Diversity by Country,” Journal of Economic Growth 8 (2003): 195–222. As with all such exercises, Fearon's index includes some questionable classifications: the majority population in the Philippines, for instance, is categorized as “lowland Christian Malays,” which effectively elides many salient subnational ethnolinguistic cleavages. I therefore recalculated the Philippines measure using data from Asian-Pacific Cultural Center, A Handbook of Asian-Pacific Countries and Regions (Taipei: Asian-Pacific Cultural Center, 1995).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

25. The effective number of parties is the inverse of the sum of the squared proportions of the vote or the seats of all parties. For n parties, and for p _i representing the proportion of seats won by party i , See Laakso, Markku and Taagepera, Rein, “Effective Number of Parties,” Comparative Political Studies 12 (1979): 3–27.Google Scholar

26. Lipset, Seymour Martin and Rokkan, Stein, “Cleavage Structures, Party Systems, and Voter Alignments: An Introduction.” In Lipset, and Rokkan, , eds., Party Systems and Voter Alignments: Cross-National Perspectives (New York: Free Press, 1967).Google Scholar

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30. Constitution, Art. 99 and Electoral Law, Art. 35.Google Scholar

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37. See Reilly, Benjamin, Democracy and Diversity: Political Engineering in the Asia-Pacific (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006).Google Scholar