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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 07 April 2011
Every reader of Abelar's Historia Calamilatum, the ‘story of his misfortunes’, knows how he mocked histnaster, Anselm of Laon. What has not been made clear is that he mocked in a comparable way a master of even greater standing, St Anselm, archbishop of Canterbury. The reason why this latter attack has not been emphasised is that it appears in one version only of Abelar's Theologia, and its interpretation as mockery depends on detailed scrutiny. Abelard delighted in jokes, particularly when they were dangerous. ‘He cannot restrain his laughter,’ St Bernard warned, ‘listen to his guffaws.’ Jokes depend so much for their effect upon tone and context that it is difficult for an historian to keep an ear out for them when he only has formal texts as evidence; furthermore, a joke loses its cutting edge once it has been laboriously explained. Nevertheless, Abelar's mockery of St Anselm does have to be explained step by step if it is to be appreciated at all. The circumstances are as follows.
1 Historia Calamitalum, ed. Monfrin, J., 3rd edn, Paris 1967, lines 164–79.Google Scholar On this episode sec Châtillon, J., ‘Abelard et les écoles’, in Jolivct, J. (ed.), Abelard en son temps, Paris 1981, 146–60.Google Scholar
2 Anselm of Canterbury appears as ‘St Anselm’ throughout to distinguish him from others named Anselm. Similarly, Bernard of Clairvaux appears as ‘St Bernard’.
3 Theologia Christiana, ed. Buytaert, E. M., Petri Abaelardi Opera Theologiea, CCCM xii. bk iv lines 1, 206–33.Google Scholar
4 ‘non potest tenere risum. Audite cachinnos’: letter exc, Sancii Bernardi Opera, ed. Leclerca, J., Talbot, C. H., Rochais, H., Rome 1957—1977, viii. 35Google Scholar line 1.
5 ‘illum magnificimi ecclesie doctorem Anselmum Cantuariensem archiepiscopum’: letter xiv, Peler Abelard, Letters IX-XIV, ed. Smits, E. R., Groningen 1983, 280Google Scholar lines 28-g. Smits discusses the date of this letter at ibid. 197. The bishop Gilbert, when chancellor of Notre-Dame, had supported Abelard, Bautier, R. H., ‘Paris au temps d'Abclard’, in Jolivct, Abelard, 63–4.Google Scholar
6 ‘maximam ex antiquitate auctoritatem tune teneba?: HC, lines 162–3. In citations from HC I have benefited from the translations by Muckle, J.T., The Story of Abelardo Adcersities. Toronlo 1964Google Scholar, and Radice, B., The Utters ofAbelard and Heloise, Harmondsworth 1974.Google Scholar
7 Dated by Mews in Theologia ‘Summi Boni’, ed. Buytaert, E. M. and Mews, C. J. in Petri Abaelardi Opera Theologica, CCCM xiii. 21.Google Scholar
8 Note by Buytaert in TChr, 29.
9 Thomas, R., ‘Anselm's “Fides Quaerens InteHectum”’, Analecta Anselmiana v (1976), 299.Google Scholar By contrast, in Abelard's, Dialectica, ed. de Rijk, L. M., 2nd edn, Assen 1970Google Scholar, four masters are referred to (xix-xxi) including Roscclin (see n. 80 below).
10 ‘Quod maxime in novissimis temporibus, antichristo regno appropinquante, futurum exspectamus, quando iuxta dominicam et apostolicam scntentiam…mala omnia amplius pullulare’: TChr, iv lines 1,070–3, 1,074.
11 ‘tempora peliculosa’: ibid., line 1,076.
12 ‘in novissimis temporibus venient illusorcs’: Jude 18; ibid. line 1,088.
13 Discussion by Mews in Theologia ‘Scholarium’, ed. Buytaert, E. M. and Mews, C.J., Petri Abatlardi Opera Theologica, CCCM xiii. 218–19Google Scholar; notes by Buytaert, , TChr, 301–3.Google Scholar
14 TChr, iv lines 1,134–6; HC, lines 751–81; Mews, TSumB, 55. Southern, R. W., ‘The schools of Paris and the school of Chartres’, in Benson, R. and Constable, G. (eds), Renaissance and Renewal in the Twelfth Century, Oxford 1982, 117–18.Google Scholar
15 ‘adhuc aliquis in mcam pcrseverct rcprehensioncm, et, cum nondum ilia pcriculosa tempora instcnt’: TChr, iv lines 1,092–3.
16 ‘Hugh Primas 18’, Speculum lxi (1986), 823.
17 ‘quasi reus et convictus…ad carcerem trahor’: HC, lines 906–7,908–9. On the abbey of St-Médard sec the articles by D. Defente listed by Bonde, S. and Maines, C., ‘The archaeology of monasticism: a survey of recent work in France’, Speculum lxiii (1988), 816–17.Google Scholar
18 Vita Gosvini, ed. Gibbons, R., Douai 1620Google Scholar, extracts repr. by Bouquet, M. in Recueil des historiens de la France xiv, Paris 1806, 445B.Google Scholar Abelard did a sermon (no. 24) on the unicorn for Hcloisc and her nuns, PL clxxviii. 529B ff.
19 Vita Gosiini, 445E.
20 PL clxxviii. 529D, 531A. Physiologus describes the unicorn as small but exceedingly fierce, Freeman, M. B., The Unicorn Tapestries, New York 1956, 19.Google Scholar The unicorn's size accords with the description in Vita Gosvini, 443B, of Abclard being of ‘exilis corpulentie et stature non sublimis’. Sikes, J. G., Peter Abailard, Cambridge 1932, 18Google Scholar, failed to distinguish between the unicorn and the rhinoceros, as did Waddell, Helen, The Wandering Scholars, 7th edn, London 1934, 107Google Scholar, whereas Abelard explicitly identifies the rhinoceros with the unicorn, PL clxxviii. 530A.
21 HC, line 915, ‘insanus’.
22 ‘Letter to Abelard’, in Opera Petri Abaelardi, ed. Cousin, V., Paris 1849, i. 707Google Scholar lines 14–16, 22–3, 29–30. The text in PL clxxviii. 371B-6B is incomplete. On Fulk see Dronke, P., Abelard and Heloise in Medieval Testimonies, Glasgow 1976, 26–7, 40.Google Scholar
23 ‘Nonnnullos fidelium quasi irridentes murmurare saepe audivimus, cum de his ad hoc similitudo inducitur quae non sunt ciusdem essentiae’: TChr, iv lines 1,183–5.
24 ‘fuit et quidam’: ibid., line 1,206.
25 ‘quemdam non parvi nominis inter huius temporis magistros’: ibid., lines 1,147–8; ‘quidam…inter divinos celeberrimus magistros’: lines 1,160–1.
26 ‘Fuit et quidam novissimis temporibus nostris, Anselmus videlicet Cantuariensis metropolitanus’: ibid., lines 1,206–7.
27 See above n. 10.
28 Luscombe concludes that Abelard ‘generally had sharp words of personal criticism and scorn for other masters but, significantly, he stops short of this with Anselm’: ‘St Anselm’, 218. But he takes no account of the context of scorning his fellow masters in which Abelard places St Anselm in TChr. Consequently Luscombe misses the significance of ‘quidam’, and he translates ‘novissimis temporibus’ as ‘recent times’ (ibid. 211) without the superlative.
29 See above n. 21.
30 Otto of Freising, Gesta Frederici, ed. Schmale, F. J., Berlin 1965, 224Google Scholar line 31, 226 lines 1–3.
31 Metalogicon i. 5, ed. Webb, C.C.J., Oxford 1929, 17–18.Google Scholar Southern, ‘The schools’, 116, cites a letter showing the prestige of Anselm of Laon.
32 Mews, TSumli, 68–9; TSch, 274–5.
33 ‘qui, servata substantiae unitate, validorem visus est similitudinem ad haec quae diximus induxisse. Cuius, ni fallor, similitudinis fundamentum a beato sumpsit Augustino scribente ad Laurentium papam’: TChr, iv lines 1,206–11.
34 ‘tres igitur sum fons, rivus, lacus, et unus Nilus, unus fluvius, una natura, una acqua’: De incamatione Verbi, ed. Schmitt, F. S., in Sancti Anselmi Opera Omnia, Edinburgh 1946-1961, ii. 31 lines 19–20.Google Scholar In citations from DeIV I have benefited from the translation by Hopkins, J. and Richardson, H. W., Anselm of Canterbury: Trinity, incarnation, and redemption, rev. edn, New York 1970.Google Scholar
35 De fide et symbolo viii. 17, ed. Zycha, J., Vienna 1900, 19Google Scholar; Mews, TSumB, 45 n. 26; Evans, G. R., ‘St Anselm's images of trinity’, JTS xxvii (1976), 51.CrossRefGoogle ScholarLuscombe, , ‘St Anselm’, 224Google Scholar n. 40.
36 DeIV, 33 lines 5–7.
37 ‘itaque praedictus archiepiscopus…posuit etiam rivum in fistula quasi Filium in carne humana, ac si rivum infistulatum dicamus verbum incarnatum’: TChr, iv lines 1,214, 1,218–20.
38 ‘St Anselm's analogies’, Vivarium xiv (1976), 84, 89–90.
39 Illustrated in colour by Evans, J., The Flowering of the Middle Ages, London 1966, plate 45Google Scholar; bibliography in English Romanesque Art 1066–1200, ed. Zarnccki, G., Holt, J., Holland, T., London 1984, 119Google Scholar no. lxii. There is a well-known eulogy of the waterworks at St Bernard's abbey of Clairvaux, Coleman, J., ‘The “Owl and the Nightingale” and papal theories of marriage’, this Journal xxxviii (1987), 554.Google Scholar See abo the works on water management cited by Bonde, and Maines, , ‘Archaeology’, 804.Google Scholar
40 Where the first structures were sited at the Paraclete is a problem, Benton, J. F., ‘Fraud, fiction and borrowing in the correspondence of Abelard and Heloise’, in Louis, R. and Jolivet, J. (eds), Pierre Abelard — Pierre le Vénérable, Paris 1975, 481Google Scholar n. 32.
41 Leclereq, J., ‘Caelestis fistula’, in Verbum et Signum: Friedrich Ohly Festschrift, Munich 1975. 59, 61, 64–5.Google Scholar I owe this reference to David Luscombe.
42 Oxford Latin Dictionary, ed. Glare, P. G. W., Oxford 1982, 708.Google Scholar
43 Glossarium, ed. Favre, L., Niort 1883-1887, 514.Google ScholarRevised Medieval Latin Word-list, ed. Latham, R. E., London 1965, 248.Google Scholar
44 Sec n. 23 above.
45 DeIV, 33 lines 6–7. This is the only instance of ‘infistulatus’ or ‘fistula’ in St Ansclm's works, Evans, G. R. (ed.), A Concordance of the Works of St Anselm, New York 1984, ii. 721,Google Scholar 566. The word ‘infistulatus’ does not occur in St Anselm's De processione Spiritus Sancti, and so this cannot have been the text to which Abelard refers in TChr, as suggested by Luscombe, , ‘St Ansclm’, 211.Google Scholar
46 See n. 37 above.
47 ‘Miror ego…tam eruditum, tam celebrem magistrum talibus neniis tam turpite involutum fuisse’: Thomas of Morigny, Disputatili Catholicorum Patrum, ed. Häring, N. M.Studi Meditvali, 3rd ser. xxii (1981), 328Google Scholar; Mews, TSch, 279.
48 ‘de vasis suis immunditia foetidissimas’: letter to Abelard, Reinere, J. (ed.), Di Nominalismus in der Frühscholastik, Munster 1910, 63Google Scholar line 14; Dronke, , Abelard, 27Google Scholar; Mew TSumB, 43–4.
49 ‘Quae de me ad discipulos suos scripserit, dicere non curo’: letter clxxxtx, SBO, 1 line 23.
50 ‘A letter by Abelard’, Klibansky, R. (ed.), Medieval and Renaissance Studies v (1961 7 lines 25 and 27.Google Scholar
51 Sancii Bernardi Vita Prima i. 8, PL dxxxv. 250A.
52 Luscombe, , ‘St Anselm’, 225Google Scholar, states that ‘fistula’ and ‘infistulatus’ ‘do not necessaril have a foul meaning’. But there is room for ambiguity, and Abelard was known to bambiguous (see n. 142 below). In order to distance himself from piping, Luscombe, ibid. 212, translates ‘fistula’ as ‘a gap or passage’.
53 ‘Sed haec quoque similitudo non magis satisfacere potest, quod non est simul eader substantia fontis et rivi atque stagni, sed per temporis successionem eadem aqua prim fons erat, deinde rivus, denique stagnum facta est’: TChr, iv lines 1,220–4.
54 ‘Immo fortassis haec similitudo illi maxime suffragatur haeresi quae ita per tempora proprietates personarum commiscet, ut eamdem personam dicat quando vult esse Patrem, quando vult Filium vel Spiritum Sanctum’: ibid., lines 1,229–33. In order to sustain the argument that ‘this criticism does not read like a sharp or vindictive attack’, Luscombe, art. cit. 225, translates ‘maxime’ as ‘particularly’, ‘suffragatur’ as ‘lends itself’, and ‘illi haeresi’ as ‘a heretical view’ (ibid. 212).
55 ‘per temporale et locale aliquid potest intelligi quod aeternum est’: Opera, ed. Schmitt, ii. 204 lines 23–4; Evans, G. R., Anselm and a New Generation, Oxford 1980, 108Google Scholar; Luscombe, , ‘St Anselm’, 224Google Scholar n. 41.
56 Gesta Fred., 226 line 22.
57 Irony in Medieval Romance, Cambridge 1979, 35. Opposing interpretations of the same work are exemplified in Dronke, P., ‘Guillaume IX and courtoisie’, in The Medieval Poet and his World, Rome 1984, 237–47.Google Scholar Abelard was the contemporary and compatriot of Guillaume IX, as his father was a Poitevin according to an epitaph in Richard of Poitiers, Chronicle, MGH Scriptores xxvi. 81.
58 See n. 5 above.
59 TSch, preface, line 1.
60 ‘Patrem itaque fonti, Filium rivo, Spiritimi Sanctum comparant stagno. Quod a incarnationem verbi demonstrandum sic attendunt rivum in fistula, quasi Filium in carr humana, ac si rivum infistulatum dicamus verbum incarnatum’ : TSch, ii lines 1,798–1,80
61 ‘attendile, fratres et verbosi amici’: ibid., line 1,339; ‘quidam nostrorum attendentes line 1,792.
62 Ibid. lines 995–1,039.
63 Ibid. line 1,802.
64 Mews, TSch, 220.
65 TChr, iv lines 1,220–1; TSch, ii lines 1,807–8.
66 TChr, iv line 1,230; TSch, ii line 1,812.
67 ‘contumelias et minas evomuerit, viso opusculo quodam nostro de fide sanete trinitatis, maxime adversus heresim prefatam qua ipse infamis est, conscripto’: letter xiv, ed. Smits, 279 lines 8-to. Mews, TSumB, 39. Smits has no warrant for capitalising ‘Dc Fide Sancte Trinitatis’ as if it were the title of a book.
68 Mews, TSumB, 17–19.
69 On Roscelin see Luscombe, , ‘St Anselm’, 220Google Scholar n. 8, and Mews, TSumB, 41–7, 54–6.
70 ‘debite correccioni subiaccat vel ille de tanti eriminis inposicione vel ego de tanta scribendi presumpcione’: letter xiv, ed. Smits, 279 lines 19–21. L. Kolmar notes the parallel between this request and Abelard's letter to the archbishop of Sens in 1140, ‘Abaelard und Bernhard von Clairvaux in Sens’, Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung fur Rechtsgeschichte xcviii: Kanonistiche Abteilung lxvii (1981), 131 n. 41.
71 John the Monk to St Anselm, letter exxviii, Opera, ed. Schmitt, iii. 27: lines 11–13; St Anselm to Fulk, bishop of Beauvais, letter cxxxvi, ibid. 279 lines 7–8.
72 St Anselm to John the Monk, letter cxxix, ibid. 271 lines 6–7.
73 Letter cxxxvi, ibid. 280–1.
74 See n. 95 below.
75 ‘duo illi antiqui insidiatores’: HC, lines 709–10.
76 ‘egregiis vins’: Gesta Fred., 226 line 20.
77 ‘Fraud’, PAPV, 485; Silvestre, H., ‘Pourquoi Roscelin n'est-il pas mentionné dans HC?’, Récherches de Théologie Ancienne et Médiévale xlviii (1981), 218–23.Google Scholar
78 Mews, TSumB, 43.
79 , HC, lines 32–239; Châtillon, ‘Abélard’, 138–45; Southern, ‘The schools’, 122–3; Mews, TSumB, 42–3, 46; idem, TSch, 219, 236. Sec also nn. 1, 30, 31 above.
80 ‘magistri nostri Ros[cellini]’: Dialectica, 554 line 37. Roscelin reminded Abelard that ‘a puero usque ad iuvenem sub magistri nomine et actu exhibui’: letter, ed. Reiners, 63 lines 3–4.
81 See n. 67 above.
82 ‘Non contristabit justum quicquid ei acciderit’: HC, lines 1,602–3.
83 Walter Map, De nugis curialium, i. 24, ed. James, M.R., Brooke, C. N. L. and Mynors, R. A. B., Oxford 1983, 78Google Scholar; Coleman, , ‘The “Owl and the Nightingale’”, 563.Google Scholar
84 Three Medieval Rhetorical Arts, ed. Murphy, J. J., Berkeley 1971, 19.Google Scholar
85 Cicero, , Ad Herennium, iv. 32Google Scholar, Loeb Classical Library 403, 334; Murphy, J.J., Rhetoric in the Middle Ages, Berkeley 1974, 370.Google Scholar
86 ‘supervacaneum’: letter xiv, ed. Smits, 280 line 39.
87 ‘ad dampnationem libelli satis hoc esse debere quod nee romani pontificis nee Ecclesie auctoritate eum commendatum legere publice presumpseram’: HC, lines 848–51.
88 Flahiff, G. B., “Ecclesiastical censorship of books in the twelfth century’ Mediaeval Studies iv (1942), 4Google Scholar; Luscombe, , ‘St Anselm’, 221Google Scholar n. 13.
89 Mews, TSumB, 56 n. 44.
90 HW, line 849. The significance of ‘satis’ is noticed by Flahiff, art. cit., and Silvestre, see below n. 92.
91 ‘minus quam ncccsse esset Htteratus’: HC, lines 855–6.
92 ‘A reconsideration of the authenticity of the correspondence of Abelard and Heloise’, in Thomas, R. (ed.), Petrus Abaelardus, Trier 1980, 43.Google Scholar The current state of the forgery problem is discussed by Brooke, C. N. L., The Medieval Idea of Marriage, Oxford 1989Google Scholar, ch. iv, and in the contributions by Constable, G., Benton, J. F. and Fraioli, D. to Fälschungen im Mittelalter, MGH Schriften xxxiii, v. 95–200.Google Scholar
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94 Letter cxciii, SBO, 45 line 10; Gesta Fred., 226 line 22; Vita Gosvini, 445B; Mews, TSumB, 56–7.
95 ‘si quid contra errorem respondetur, ostenditur, ut eius prudentia examinetur. Quapropter sicut nulli dignius possum, ita nulli libentius praesentem epistolam quam vestrae destino sapientiae, quatenus si quid in ea corrigendum est, vestra censura castigetur, et quod regulam veritatis, vestra auctoritate roborctur’ : DeIV, 3 line 10–4 line 4.
96 ‘tanta auctoritate’: The Life of St Anselm by Eadmer, ed. Southern, R. W., Oxford, 1962 73.Google Scholar
97 ‘sine ullo discussionis examine’: HC, lines 868–9; cf. ‘since ulla inquisitione’: ibid. lines 845–6. Miethke, J., ‘Theologenprozesse in der ersten Phase ihrer institutionellen Ausbildung’, Viator vi (1975), 93–5.Google Scholar
98 HC, lines 809–11.
99 ‘nullus quippe Christianus debet disputare quomodo quod catholica ecclesia corde credit et ore confitetur’: DeIV, 6 lines 10–11.
100 ‘inter suspiria, singultus et lacrimas’: HC, lines 905–6.
101 ‘Jhesu bone, ubi eras?’: ibid. lines 916–17.
102 DeIV, 6 line 5–8 Hne 6.
103 Ibid. 7 lines 3–7.
104 ‘qui humanas et philosophicas rationes requirebant’: HC, lines 694–5.
105 ‘nee credi posse aliquid nisi primitus intellectum’: ibid., lines 697–8. HC, lines 690–700, are translated by Luscombe, D. E., ‘Peter Abelard’, in Dronlce, P. (ed.), A History of Twelfth-century Western Philosophy, Cambridge 1988, 293.Google Scholar Without explanation Luscombe omits ‘nec credi posse aliquid nisi primitus intellectum’ from his translation.
106 DeIV, 7 lines 11–12. The text ‘Nisi credideritis, non intelligetis’ derives from Isa. vii. 9 via St Augustine's De Trinitate, ed. W. J. Mountain, Corpus Christianorum, Series Latina 1, refs indexed at 626–7. Abelard may have been encouraged to challenge St Anselm's use of the text by Augustine's gloss at De Trin, xv. 2, p. 461, ‘fides quaerit, intellectus invenit’.
107 DelV, 6 lines 7–8.
108 ‘ridiculosum esse aliquem aliis predicare quod nee ipse nec illi quos doceret intellectu capere possent’: HC, lines 698–700. Luscombe, , ‘Peter Abelard’, 293Google Scholar, reduces the force of ‘grasp with the intellect’ by translating ‘intellectu capere’ as ‘accept into their understanding’.
109 DeIV, 8 lines 4–6.
110 ‘ceci essent duces cecorum’ (Matt. xv. 14): HC, line 701.
111 See above n. 60, and HC, line 693.
112 TSch, ii lines 893, 907–10. Gössmann, E., ‘Zur Auseinandersetzung zwischen Abaelard und Bernhard von Clairvaux um die Gotteserkenntnis im Glauben’, in Thomas, Petrus Abaelardus, 239.Google Scholar
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114 ‘disputatorem non esse, sed cavillatorem; et plus vices agere joculatoris quam doctoris’: Vita Gosvini, 442E.
115 See above nn. 18—20.
116 HC, line 950. Grodecki, L., ‘Abélard et Suger’, PAPV, 282Google Scholar n. 13; Jeaneau, E., ‘Pierre Abélard à St-Denis’, in Jolivet, Abélard, 164.Google ScholarSilvestre, , ‘L'idylle’, 179–80.Google Scholar
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119 ‘nos scolarcs invicem jocaremur’: HC, lines 187–8.
120 ‘gravissimos viros’: Gesta Fred., 224 line 31; ‘sed et pro commovendis ad jocos animis hominum’: 226 lines 5–6.
121 Letter i, ed. Monfrin in HC, 115 lines 197–8, 194–6, 202–3. Abelard's secular songs, as distinct from his hymns, have not been identified. In general see Huglo, M., ‘Abélard, poète et musicien’, CVM xxii (1979), 352–3.Google Scholar
122 ‘Inter saeculares nugae, nugae sunt; in ore sacerdotis, blasphemiae’: ‘De consideratione’ ii. 13, SBO iii. 429 line 20; ‘Foede ad cachinnos moveris, foedius moves’: 430 line 5. Cf. ‘Audite cachinnos’: n. 4 above.
123 Dimier, A., ‘Outrances et roucries de St Bernard’, PAPV, 655–70.Google Scholar
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125 ‘ab incunte actate sua in arte dialectica lusit, et nunc in Scripturis sanctis insanit’: letter cxc, SBO, 17 lines 17–18. Leclercq, art. cit. 679.
126 ‘non caute’: Gesta Fred., 226 line 12.
127 TSumB, ii lines 220, 222–4. Lanfranc, in his controversy with Berengar, had similarly referred to Goliath being killed with his own sword, Gibson, M., Lanfranc of Bec, Oxford 1978, 86.Google Scholar Cf de Lubac, H., Exégèse médiévale ii/1, Paris 1961, 113 n. 2.Google Scholar
128 Vita Gosvini, 443A-B.
129 Letter clxxxix, SBO, 14 Line 1. Leclercq, , ‘Le thème’, 681–3.Google Scholar
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131 ‘Golias and Goliardic poetry’, Medium Aevum lii (1983), 3–6.
132 Letter cxv, ed. Constable, G., The Letters of Peter the Venerable, Cambridge, Mass. 1967, i. 306–7.Google Scholar
133 Letter to Abelard, ed. Cousin, 707 line 1.
134 ‘Metamorphosis Golye’, lines 213–16. The bride is best interpreted as both Philologia and Heloise, Clark, J. R., ‘Love and learning in the “Metamorphosis Golye episcopi”’, MJ xxi (1986), 171.Google Scholar ‘Palatinus’ is a pun contrasting Abelard's provincial origins at Le Pallet with his courtly manner. Combined with ‘peregrinus’, it is a variation δn the nickname ‘peripatcticus palatinus’ used by John of Salisbury in Metalogicon and Policraticus. Sec also Benton, J. F., ‘Philology's search for Abelard’, Speculum 1 (1975), 211.Google Scholar
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136 ‘Apologia’, ed. Thomson, R.M., Mediaeval Studies lxii (1980), 111–38Google Scholar; Luscombe, D.E., The School of Peter Abelard, Cambridge 1969, 29–49CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Evans, G. R., The Mind of St Bernard of Clairvaux, Oxford 1983, 167–70.Google Scholar
137 ‘vomuerit’: Abelard, n. 50 above; ‘evomeres’: Berengar, , ‘Apologia’, 112Google Scholar line 16.
138 ‘dilectissimis sociis’: ‘A letter by Abelard’m ed. Klibansky, line 2.
139 ‘Si aliquis est homo, ipse est risibilis’: Dialectica, 319 line 11; and see the variations on this theme at 319–20, 349–52.
140 ‘Petrus diligit suam puellam’: ibid. 319 line 6.
142 Letter cxciii, SBO, 44 line 18.
143 Peter Abélard's ‘Ethies’, ed. Luscombe, D. E., Oxford 1971, 28Google Scholar lines 9–17, 53ff. Boss, G., ‘Le combat d'Abélard’, CVM xxxi (1988). 22–3.Google Scholar
144 Letter cxciii, SBO, 44 line 17.
145 Vila Gasvini, 445A.
146 ‘Planctus’, ed. Dronke, P., Poetitc Individuality in the Middle Ages, 2nd edn, London 1986, 122Google Scholar (my translation); comment by Dronke at 135. For the ‘joca-seria’ dichotomy, see Curtius, E. R., European Literature and the Latin Middle Ages, trans. Trask, W. R., London 1953, 421.Google Scholar
