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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 25 March 2011
In the history of medieval regal and imperial anointing the consecration of Edgar as king of the Angles and Saxons in 973 deserves very special attention. For the ceremony, performed seventeen years after Edgar's succession to the throne of Mercia and fourteen years after he had become king of Wessex, was apparently without precedent either in biblical or medieval times. How are we to make sense of a consecration which by its very nature should inaugurate the reign and constitute the king, and which now took place more than a decade and a half after Edgar had been firmly in power? If we consider the consecration against the background of contemporary continental customs then the magnitude of the problem emerges in all its clarity, for by the late tenth century inaugural anointing had assumed its place at the opening of the reigns of most of the kings of western Europe. Regal consecration had been customary among the Franks for well over a century and for nearly as long in Burgundy; there is evidence that anointing took place from an early date in the small Christian kingdoms of Spain, and finally, after the consecration of Otto 1 in 936, inaugural anointing also became established in the German kingdom. In each case the Old Testament provided the pattern for the anointings: it was the pouring on of the holy oil which worked the regeneration of the prince in virum alium (1 Kings x.6), giving him a new heart (1 Kings x.9) and thereby constituting him as ruler over God's people (1 Kings x.1). Henceforth the spirit of God was with the king (1 Kings x.8) and as the christus Domini he enjoyed divine sanction and protection (1 Kings xxiv.7).
* I should like to thank Professor Walter Ullmann for his interest and invaluable help during the preparation of this paper. I am also grateful to Dr Simon Keynes for discussing Anglo-Saxon charter evidence with me.
1 See Ullmann, W., The Carolingian Renaissance and the Idea of Kingship, London 1969Google Scholar, 72ff.
2 See Schramm, P. E., ‘Wahl, Kronung und Staatspolitik in den burgundischen Konigreichen’, in his Kaiser, Konige und Päpste (hereafter cited as Schramm), 4 Vols. Stuttgart 1968, ii. 249–83Google Scholar, esp. 257ff.
3 On anointing among the Visigoths see Müller, E., ‘Die Anfange der Königssalbung’, Historisches Jahrbuch, lviii (1938Google Scholar), 317ff at 333ff. For the Christian Spanish kingdoms after the Arab conquest, see Schramm, ‘Zur Geschichte der Krone von Aragon’, in Schramm, iv. i. 353; also, ‘Salbung und Kronung bei den Ostfranken (bis 919)’, Schramm, ii. 208.
4 For the period before Otto 1 see Schramm, ii. 28gff and Ullmann, Carolingian Renaissance, 124ff. On Otto 1 see ‘Die deutschen Herrscher aus dem sächsischen Haus als Konige (bis 962)’, in Schramm, iii. 33ff.
5 See below n. 80.
6 The Old Testament model and its significance for medieval regal anointing is dealt with in detail by Ullmann, Carolingian Renaissance, 71f.
7 On the development of the West Frankish coronation see Schramm, ‘Die Kronung bei den Westfranken’, in Schramm, ii. 142ff. The East Frankish coronation is dealt with in ‘Die deutschen Herrscher aus dem sachsischen Haus als Könige (bis 962)’, in Schramm, iii. 33–81, esp. 59ff.
8 See Die Ordines für die Weiheund Krönung des Kaisers undder Kaiserin, ed. Elze, R. (M.G.H. Fontes iuris Germanici antiqui, ix), Hanover 1960Google Scholar, Introduction xff, with survey of relevant literature.
9 See Schramm, P. E., A History of the English Coronation (trans. L. G. Wickham Legg), Oxford 1937, 19Google Scholar; Stenton, F. M., Anglo-Saxon England, 3rd edn, Oxford 1971, 368Google Scholar. On the composition of the Edgar Ordo see Schramm, ii. 180ff; Bouman, C. A., Sacring and Crowning, Groningen-Djakarta 1957, 17f and 157Google Scholar. Schramm's dating of the Edgar Ordo between c. 960 and 973 (below n. 11) is contested by Turner, D. H. (ed.), The Claudius Pontificals (Henry Bradshaw Society, xcvii, 1971Google Scholar) 1 PP. xxxi-xxxiii (who believes this order to have been used at least as early as the coronation of Athelstan), and Nelson, J., ‘Inauguration rituals’, in Early Medieval Kingship, eds, Sawyer, P. H. and Wood, I. N., Leeds 1977, 50–71Google Scholar, esp. 66.
10 Schramm, English Coronation, i$ff. considers that ‘from the tenth century onwards (anointing) can always be taken for granted'. Nelson, ‘Inauguration rituals’, at 66, n. 99, gives evidence for regular consecrations after 900.
11 Text, see J. Wickham Legg, English Coronation Records, Westminster 1901, 3–9; Schramm, ii. 176f then established the ‘Leofric' and ‘Egbert' formularies as being separate recensions of the same order, which he called the ‘Dunstan' order and dated in the 960s. Stenton (Anglo-Saxon England, 368) follows Schramm in assuming these to have been earlier drafts of the ‘Edgar' order. Ward, P. L., ‘The coronation in medieval England’, Speculum, xiv (1939), 160–78CrossRefGoogle Scholar, while disagreeing with some of Schramm's conclusions in regard to ‘Leofric' (Flemish origin, c. 960, pp. 1621) and ‘Egbert' (dated c 975, p. 165), accepted the dating of the Edgar Ordo, p. 167. See now also against Schramm, Nelson, J., ‘The earliest surviving royal ordo: some liturgical and historical elements’, in Authority and Power: Studies on Medieval Law and Government presented to Walter Ullmann, Tierney, B. and Linehan, P. (eds), Cambridge 1980, 29–48Google Scholar: unfortunately, I only became aware of Dr Nelson's work after the completion of this paper.
12 Nelson, ‘Inauguration rituals’, 66, follows Turner, Claudius Pontificals, p. xxxiii.
13 ‘Judith’ Ordo for the marriage and coronation of Judith, consort of Aethelwulf, in 856, see M.G.H. Capitularia, ii. 425–7.
14 If we take the coronation of Charles the Bald as king of Aquitaine in 848 as the real beginning of the West Frankish tradition, then we may witness within thirty years the compilation of no fewer than four transmitted ordines: ‘Judith’ Ordo (above n. 13); ‘Irmintrud’ Ordo for 866, M.G.H. Capitularia, ii. 453–5; Ordo for the coronation of Charles the Bald as king of Lotharingia in 869, ibid., 456–8; Ordo for the coronation of Louis 11 in 877, ibid., 461–2.
15 See Schramm, English Coronation, 19; Stenton, Anglo-Saxon England, 368.
16 The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, ed. D. Whitelock, 2nd edn, London 1965, 76f.
17 The Historians of the Church of York and its Archbishops, i, ed. Raine, J. (Rolls Series), London 1879, 436–8Google Scholar.
18 Osbern, Vita Sancti Dunstani, ed. W. Stubbs, Memorials of St. Dunstan (hereafter cited as Stubbs, Memorials), London 1874, iii if Eadmer, Vita Sancti Dunstani, ibid., 210 and 214; Nicholas of Worcester, letter to Eadmer de matri Sancti Edwardi Martyris, ibid., 423; William of Malmesbury, Gesta Regum, ed. Stubbs, W., London 1887–1889), 179–80Google Scholar.
19 See Stubbs, Memorials, xcix-ci.
20 On the models used for the Edgar Ordo, see edition in Schramm, ii. 233–41 and 183f for a summary. The employment of the Ordo of Mainz (c. 960) for the redaction of the Edgar Ordo, which Schramm thought to have established (Schramm, loc. cit. with 187), no longer seems acceptable, see Turner, Claudius Pontificals, xxxi f, and Bouman, Sacring, 21, 114–18 and 131, from whose work it becomes clear that those formulas in the Edgar Ordo believed by Schramm to be of East Frankish origin (i.e. ‘Deus Dei Filius’ text Schramm, ii. 236, Wickham Legg, English Coronation Records (hereafter cited as Wickham Legg), 17; ‘Accipe virgam’, Schramm, ii. 237, Wickham Legg, 19; ‘Sta et retine’, Schramm, ii. 239, Wickham Legg, 20) are in point of fact part of the West Frankish tradition as witnessed in the Ordo of Stavelot (edited by C. Erdmann as the ‘Ordo of the Seven Forms’ in Forschungen zurpolitischen Ideenwelt desfriiheren Mittelalters, Berlin 1951,87–9; see also Bouman, Sacring, 21). This being so, an explanation is provided for the otherwise inexplicable absence from the Edgar Ordo of the East Frankish formula for the tradition of the crown (text ed. Elze, R. and Vogel, E., Le Pontifical romano-germanique du dixieme stick: le texte (Studi e tesli, ccxxvi-ccxxvii 1963), 246–9Google Scholar, 257 (hereafter cited as Elze and Vogel, Pontifical romano-germanique)), where the words: ‘Accipe coronam regni, quae licet ab indignis episcoporum tamen manibus capiti tuo imponitur, eamque sanctitatis gloriam et honorem et opus fortitudinis expresse signare intellegas, et per hanc te participem ministerii nostri non ignores, ita ut, sicut nos interioribuspastores rectoresque animarum intelligemur, tu quoque in exterioribus verus Dei cultor strenuusque contra omnes adversitates ecclesiae Christi defensor…’ appear, and which would have perfectly reflected the concept of kingship expressed in the consecration of 973.
21 On the role of Hincmar, see Devisse, J., Hincmar, archcveque de Reims 845–882, 3 vols., Geneva 1975 i. 401Google Scholar (Judith); ibid., 455ff (Charles the Bald); ii. 974ff (Louis 11); also Ullmann, Carolingian Renaissance, 86–100.
22 See Vita S. Dunstani, auctorc Adelardo, Stubbs, Memorials, lectio viii, 61 : ‘Eadgarum regem pacificum et filium eius sanctum Edwardum martyrem, cum rege Aethelredo, in throno patrum suorum sacra unctione perfusos collocavit.’
23 Below n. 28. For the following biographical information see Stenton, Anglo-Saxon England, 365ff.
24 See Vita S. Dunstani, auctore Adelardo, Stubbs, Memorials, lectio vi, 59.
25 H. Pirenne, Histoire de Belgique, 7 vols., 2nd edn, Brussels 1902–32, i. 78f
26 Pirenne, op. cit., 91.
27 See Vita S. Dunstani, auclore Adelardo, Stubbs, Memorials, lectio vi, 59.
28 See Vita S. Dunstani, auctore B, Stubbs, Memorials, 36: ‘Postea factus est magnus sapientium conventus in loco qui vocatur Brandanford, et eo in loco omnium ex electione ordinatus est Dunstanus ad episcopum, eotenus maxime quo regali praesentiae propter provida prudentiarum suarum consilia iugiter adfuisset.’
29 Vita S. Dunstani, auctore B., Stubbs, Memorials, 37f.
30 See op. cit., 36f ‘… rex fuisset a beato Dunstano vel caeteris sapientibus decenter instructus...destructas Dei ecclesias renovare vel ditare, et ad laudem Summi Numinis famulantes catervas adgregare, omnemque regionem illius sub pacis munimine regaliter custodire'. Also Stenton, Anglo-Saxon England, 367 and 449.
31 See Richardson, H. G. and Sayles, G. O., The Governance of Medieval England, Edinburgh 1963, 403Google Scholarff; Fisher, D. J. V., The Anglo-Saxon Age, 1973, 280Google Scholar, goes no further than to mention the possibility that Edgar might have been anointed before 973. Nelson, ‘Inauguration rituals’, 67, suggests a date – ‘end of 960 or early 961’ – for an earlier anointing; her main argument is that since Edgar's predecessors had all been anointed into office (see above n. 10) Edgar's own legitimacy would have been considerably weakened by the lack of similar divine sanction. There is, however, no concrete evidence in support of this thesis, as Bouman has already pointed out, Sacring, 157, n. 2: ‘There is no indication whatsoever of a first sacring.’
32 Eadmer, Stubbs, Memorials, 214: ‘Qui Edwardus cum in regem consecrari deberet, nonnulli de principibus terrae contraire ne rex fieret nisi sunt … turn quia matron eius, licet legaliter nuptam, in regnum tamen non magis quam patron eius, dum eum genuit, sacratam fuisse sciebant.’ For Nicholas of Worcester's reply, ibid., 422fF.
33 See Fisher, Anglo-Saxon Age, 298.
34 Nicholas of Worcester, Stubbs, Memorials, 423. See also Eadmer, ibid., 214.
35 This is Janet Nelson's opinion, ‘Inauguration rituals’, 67 with n. 101.
36 See Schramm, English Coronation, 154.
37 The theory that Edgar's consecration in 973 had imperial overtones appears to have been first expounded by E. W. Robertson, Historical Essays, Edinburgh 1872, vi. 203–16 (Robertson did, however, believe the consecration to have been delayed and not repeated). W. Stubbs, History of the English Constitution, Oxford 1891, i. 191 and n. 4, accepts Robertson's theory. Similarly, Fisher, Anglo-Saxon Age, 280.
38 Stenton, Anglo-Saxon England, 366–8.
39 See E. A. Freeman's Appendix, ‘The Bretwaldadom and imperial titles’, in his History of the Norman Conquest, 6 vols., 3rd edn, Oxford 1877, i. 534ff; for Edgar, see 556f. Erdmann, Forschungen zurpolitischen Ideenwelt, 4if, points out certain nuances in Edgar's titles which had not been used by earlier rulers in the Anglo-Saxon realms, but nevertheless stresses that there is no evidence to suggest that the Ottoman concept of empire in any material sense influenced insular kingship.
40 Cartularium Saxonicum, ed. de Birch, W., London 1873–1893Google Scholar, iii. nos. 1055 (a.960), 1066 (a.961), 1067(0.961), 1077 (a.961), compare no. 1051 (a.959), ‘totius Albionis gubernator et rector'.
41 Birch, Cartularium, iii. no. 1054 (a.960).
42 Birch, Cartularium, iii. nos. 1083 (a.962), 1094 (a.962), 1099 (a.963), 1101 (a.963), 1115 (a.963), 1116 (0.963), 1120 (0.963), 1127 (a.964), 1214 (a.968), 1316 (a.975).
43 Of the titles mentioned by Nelson, ‘Inauguration rituals’, 70, with.n. 125, as reflecting the increasing imperial character of Edgar's rulership in the years around 973, Birch, Cartularium, iii. no. 1201 ‘… basileus anglorum et rex atque imperator … regum et nationum infra fines Brittaniae commorantium’ is perhaps more striking for the agglomeration of titles already used than for any conceptual innovation. No. 1266 (a.970) is spurious, see P. H. Sawyer, Anglo-Saxon Charters, London 1968, 248 no. 779. Nos. 1268 (a.970) and 1316 (a.975) ‘totius Brittanniae basileus’ use a form applied from the earliest years of the reign (below n. 49); no. 1270 (a.971) ‘totius Brittannicae insulae regimina domini largiente gratia gubernans’ is a paraphrase of an intitulatio employed in 965 ‘monarchiam totius Brittanniae insulae’, no. 1165; no. 1307 (a.973–4) ‘totius Albionis basileus’ was used in 959 (see no. 1051) and includes, furthermore, an express reference to the consecration of 973 as the first.
44 See Erdmann's remarks, above n. 39.
45 See Ullmann, W., The Growth of Papal Government in the Middle Ages, 4th edn, London 1970Google Scholar, 151ff, where the Roman-papal character of the continental empire is clearly brought to the fore.
46 Elze and Vogel, Pontifical romano-germanique, 2.
47 Janet Nelson has recently made this a central point, ‘Inauguration rituals’, 64ff. Quite rightly the reasons for the delayed consecration proffered by the writers of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries are to be viewed with scepticism – i.e. that the consecration could only be performed when Edgar had reached maturity. Nelson's comment on these sources: ‘Well, if that took Edgar until he was nearly thirty he must have been – for those days – a late developer!’ is hardly more than a jeu d'esprit and is not a historical consideration.
48 Whitelock, Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, Recensions C(A,B) a.973, (C, a.974), 76: ‘in this year Edgar … was consecrated … And then had passed from the birth of the glorious king… ten hundred years reckoned in numbers, except that there yet remained … seven and twenty of the number of years, so nearly had passed away a thousand years of the Lord of Victories, when this took place. And Edmund's son, bold in battle had spent 29 years in the world when this came about and was consecrated king…in the fourteenth year after he had succeeded to the kingdom, and was but one year off thirty.’ Compare D(E) (a.972), ibid., 76f. As Eric John (Orbis Britanniae, Leicester 1966, 287) pertinently remarks, the writer of the recension D(E) obviously knows Edgar's age independently of the year since he has the age correct and the year wrong.
48 Stenton, Anglo-Saxon England, 368. Boumann, Sacring, 157, n. 2, was certainly more impressed by Stenton's theory than by attempts to explain the consecration of 973 on imperial grounds, but unfortunately took the matter no further. Fisher, Anglo-Saxon Age, 280, also mentions Stenton's point. John, Orbis Britanniae, 57, considers the parallel with Christ's baptism and episcopal ordination to be beyond any doubt, see especially ‘King Edgar's coronation’, 276–89. See P. Hinschius, Das Kirchenrecht der Katholikm undProtestanten in Deutschland, 6 vols., Berlin 1869–97, i. 17f o n thirty as the canonical age for the ordination of a bishop.
50 See John, Orbis Britanniae, 288.
51 See Richardson and Sayles, Governance, 404.
52 Stenton, Anglo-Saxon England, 449, also 365: ‘There is no doubt that in the re-establishment of English monasticism, which is the principal achievement of this period, the enthusiasm of Edgar was decisive'. Also, Deanesly, M., The Pre-Conquest Church in England, London 1961, 322Google Scholarff.
53 Die Gesetze der Angelsachsen, ed. Liebermann, F., 2 vols. Halle 1903–1916Google Scholar, i. Deanesly, Pre-Conquest Church, 309ff.
54 Liebermann, Gesetze, 207ff.
65 On the Fra'nkish councils as the ‘legislative instruments of renaissance’, see Ullmann, Carolingian Renaissance, 23ff, 26ff.
66 The exact dating of this council is uncertain; Stenton, Anglo-Saxon England, 452, places it ‘between 963 and 975'.
57 Regularis concordia, ed. T. Symons, London 1953, 7, 10: ‘Saecularium vero prioratum, ne ad magni ruinam detrimenti uti olim acciderat miserabiliter devenerit, magna animadversatione atque anathemate suscipi coenobiis sacris sapienter prohibentes, regis tantummodo ac reginae dominum ad sacri loci munimen et ad ecclesiaticae possessionis augmentum voto semper efflagitare optabili prudentissime iusserunt.’ On the election see 6, 9.
58 On Edgar's protective interest in ecclesiastical affairs see, for example, the charter for the new foundation of Newminster Abbey, Winchester, Birch, Cartularium, iii. no. 1190, pp. 455ff, esp. sect, xvi, p. 462: ‘Qualiter rex abbatem et monachos ab hominum persecutione defendat.’ On monastic discipline see no. 1276, pp. 572fF. Also below n. 62.
59 This is, of course, the major thesis of Ullmann's Carolingian Renaissance, the whole of which is relevant in this context. A broad introduction to these ideas is presented in chap. 1, esp. at 10.
60 Schramm, ii. 235; Wickham Legg, 16.
61 In The Leofric Missal, ed. Warren, F. E., Oxford 1883, 217Google Scholar.
62 Symons, Regularis Concordia, 2, 3, the quotation continues: ‘… sollicitus a rabidis perfidorum rictibus, uti hiantibus luporum faucibus, oves quas Domini largiente gratia studiosos collegerat muniendo eripuit …’
63 Schramm, ii. 239; Wickham Legg, 20.
64 Symons, Regularis Concordia, 2, 3. Compare the similar ideas expressed in respect of Louis the Pious in the Regula Canonicorum drawn up at the Council of Aachen in 816, Mansi, G. D., Sacrorum Conciliarum nova … collectio, Florence 1759–1798Google Scholar, xiv. 149, and see Symons, T., ‘Sources of the- Regularis Concordia’, in Downside Review, lix (1941), 168Google Scholar.
65 Schramm, ii. 236; Wickham Legg, 16. There are many other pertinent examples of this idea in the coronation order of 973; the same prayer contains the words: ‘…sed ad pristinefidei pacisque concordiam eorum (populorum) animos, te opitulante, reformed. The king is invested with the ring with these words: ‘Accipe anulum, signaculum videlicet sanctatfidei …' (Schramm, ii. 237; Wickham Legg, 18). And the investiture with the sword is accompanied by the following phrase: ‘Accipe hunc gladium … regnumque tibi commissum tutari atqueprotegere castra Dei …' (Schramm, ii. 237; Wickham Legg, 18).
66 Mansi, Condliorum Collectio, vii. 177. For a fuller examination of the meaning of this, see Ullmann, W., ‘Die rechtliche Bedeutung der spatromischen Kaisertitulartur’, in Festschrift fur Willibald Plbchl: Ex aequo et bono, Innsbruck 1977, 37Google Scholar with n. 45.
67 Eusebius, Vita Constantini, iv. 24.1 am following Ullmann's interpretation of Eusebius’ words as expounded in ‘The constitutional significance of Constantine's settlement’, in this JOURNAL, xxvii (1976), esp. 11ff. See also E. Eichmann, ‘Königs- und Bischofsweihe’ in Sitzungsberichtt der bayerischen Akademie der Wissenschaften: philosoph.-, philolog.- und hisl. Klasse, Abh. 6, 9 (1928). On the relation of the title to the German king, see Schramm, ‘Ablauf der Konigsweihe nach dem Mainzer Ordo 960’, in Schramm, iii. 83f.
68 Eichmann, ‘Königs- und Bischofsweihe’, 26ff.
89 See L. Eisenhofer, Handbuch der katholischen Liturgik, 2 vols., Freiburg-i.-Br. 1932–3, ii. 360.
70 Ibid., i. 559.
71 Of the regal consecrations immediately preceding or following Edgar's, only that of Otto 11, as king of Germany in 961, and Louis v, as joint-king of France in 979, took place on Whitsunday.
72 Bouman, Sacring, 117.
73 The West Frankish Ordo, text edited by Schramm, ii. 217–22, includes only one consecratory prayer’ Omnipotens sempiterne Deus’, 218. In the Ordo of Mainz the unction is introduced by the prayer ‘Omnipotens, sempiterne Deus’ and accompanied by two very short formulas, see Elze and Vogel, Pontifical romano-gcrmanique, 250–4. It should also be remembered that the anointing of the German king took place on other parts of the body besides the forehead and that inferior oil was used, with the intention of stressing the differences between the regal and episcopal offices.
74 I am referring to the prayers ‘Omnipotens, sempiterne Deus’, ‘Deus, electorum fortitudo’ and ‘Deus Dei filius’, Schramm, ii. 235; Wickham Legg, 16f.
75 Schramm, ii. 236; Wickham Legg, 16f: ‘Virtutibus, Christe hunc, quibus praefatos fideles tuos decorasti, multiplied honoris benedictione condecora et in regimine regni sublimiter colloca et oleo gratiae Spiritus sancti perunge. Hie unguatur oleo, et haec cantetur antiphone: Unxerunt Salomonem Oratio: Christe, perunge hunc regem in regimen.’
76 See Bouman, Sacring, 116.
77 See, for example, the order for the episcopal ordination in the Leofric Missal (Warren, Leofric Missal, 2171), where the prayer ‘Deus honorum omnium’ bears the rubric (put in by a later hand) ‘Hie ponendum oleum super caput’ before the words ‘Hoc domine copiosae in eius caput influat'. In the Gregorian Sacramentary, ed. H. Lietzman, Das Sacrcmentarium Gregorianum nach dem Aachcner Urexemplar (Liturgeschichtliche Quellen 3), Miinster 1921, 5f, and in the Pontificale Romano-Germanicum (Elze and Vogel, 218), the same procedure is to be followed, with the consecratory prayer being interrupted for the performance of the anointing. On this see Andrieu, M., ‘Le Sacre episcopal d'apres Hincmar de Reims’, in Revue d'Histoire Ecclisiastique, xlviii (1953), 22–73Google Scholar a t 39ff, esp. 44ff, also Eichmann, ‘Königs-und Bishofsweihe’, 27.
78 See above n. 77
79 Bouman, Sacring, 113, also Spengler, A., ‘Die Gebete der Krönungsordines Hinkm ars’, in Zeilschriftf. Kirchengeschichte, lxiii (1951), 245–67Google Scholar, at 225.
80 From the prayer’ Christe, perunge’, Schramm, ii. 236; Wickham Legg, 17. The idea of penetration into the heart reflects very clearly the Old Testament model, cf. 1 Kings x.9, after Saul's anointing ‘…immutavit ei Deus cor aliud …'
81 Warren, Leofric Missal, 218. Compare the text in The Pontifical of Egbert, ed. R. Greenwell (Surtees Society Publications, xxvii, 1853), 2.
82 See Ullmann, W., Principles of Government and Politics in the Middle Ages, 4th edn, London 1978, 145Google Scholarf, 202f.
83 Schramm, ii. 239: ‘Vivat rex! Vivat rex! Vivat rex in eternum!'.
84 Schramm, ii. 239; Wickham Legg, 20: ‘S t a et retine amodo statum quem hucusque paterna suggestione tenuisti, hereditario tibi iure delegatum per auctoritatem Dei omnipotentis et per praesentem traditionem nostram, omnium scilicet epsicoporum ceterorumque Dei servorum.’ For a detailed study of the meaning of this prayer see W. Ullmann, ‘Der Souveranitatsgedanke in den mittelalterlichen Kronungsordines’, in Festschrift fur P. E. Schramm, Wiesbaden 1964, 84.
86 Schramm, ii. 235; Wickham Legg, 15. See Schramm, English Coronation, 181ff.
86 Schramm, ii. 107.
87 The promissio goes back to the ordo for the first Capetian, Odo, in 888 (text ed. Schramm, ii. 214f), where this significant terminology is missing. In a sense one might say that the Carolingian Renaissance (understood as a social rebirth) has found a perfect reflection in the Dunstan Ordo.
88 Schramm, ii. 237; Wickham Legg, 19.
89 Above n. 65.
90 viii Aethelred i, 2 sect. 1, Liebermann, Gesetze, i. 263. See also in the laws of Edward the Confessor and their confirmation by William the Conqueror, ibid., i. 642: ‘Rex autem qui vicarius summi Regis est …’ A. von Harnack,'Christus praesens Vicarius Christi. Eine kirchengeschichtliche Skizze’, in Silzungsberichte der Akademie der Wissenschqftcn zu Berlin, philos.-hist. Klasse xxiv (1927), 415–46Google Scholar, makes no mention of this usage of the title. M. Maccarrone, Vicarius Christi, Rome 1952, 82, makes reference to Aethelred's employment of the title, pointing out, incidentally, that the Ottonian emperors did not use it.
