^{page 282 note 1} Called Athene Pronaia from the position of her temple in front of that of Apollo —διά τό πρό τοῦ ναοῦ ἱδρῦσθαι. It was one of the group of four temples seen by Pausanias on his entrance into Delphi; see x. 8.

^{page 282 note 2} Even as late as Plutarch's time there was a temple of Gaia near the temenos of Apollo (Pyth. or. 17); and the Chthonian Dionysus shared with Apollo the worship in his inmost sanctuary.

^{page 283 note 1} See Herod. VIII. 144, and various speeches made by Athenian and Spartan envoys with regard to the proposed alliance of Athens with the Persians.

^{page 283 note 2} The force of this comparison is modified by the fact that Thucydides was an Athenian writer at a time when Athens was cultivating the worship of her own special goddess, and of the Delian rival of the Pythian Apollo.

^{page 284 note 1} Plutarch ridicules the legend of Apollo's exile and purification after the slaughter of the Python (De def. or. 15), but the story probably has some connection with a very wide-spread custom among different races at an early stage of their development. Even now many savage tribes, both in Africa and America, go through some form of propitiation when they have killed a dangerous animal, with the object of averting injury from the enraged ghost of the beast. Similarly after slaying enemies in battle some savages go through a form of purification, keeping themselves apart for a certain period from the rest of the tribe till the ghosts of the slain are propitiated. These curious facts I owe to Mr. J. G. Frazer.

^{page 284 note 2} Probably only a mode of expressing that the origin of the oracle was lost in the mists of antiquity.

^{page 285 note 1} This must have been the newly built Forum of Trajan, the only one in Rome which was roofed with bronze tiles; cf. Paus. v. 12.

^{page 285 note 2} To Pausanias' list of bronze or bronze-cased buildings we may add the great bee-hive tomb at Mycenae, and the similar one at Orchomenus, which are seen from the existing traces to have been once lined on the inside with bronze plates.

^{page 285 note 3} Apollo's voyage to Delphi, floating over the sea in his tripod, is one of the most gracefully rendered paintings on Greek vases of the best red-figure period—notably one in the Vatican, Museo Gregoriano, in which the tripod is represented with wings.

^{page 286 note 1} An impossible derivation. Other stories give different origins for this name, e.g. from the serpent's name being Python, and again from πυθώ in the sense of ‘a question,’ as if the Python were symbolic of prophetic power derived from the earth.

^{page 286 note 2} Trophonius and Agamedes are said to have built a temple to Poseidon at Mantinaea; see Apollod. III., x. 1.

^{page 287 note 1} Another version reads Πεντελικοȗ, but certainly such a pre-historic building would not have been of marble; nor indeed is it likely to have been constructed of only five blocks.

^{page 287 note 2} About £18,000: the whole sum being about £72,000.

^{page 288 note 1} The munificence of the Alcmaeonidae is referred to by Pindar (Pyth. VII.),

^{page 288 note 2} See also Philostr. Vit. Apoll. VII. 11.

^{page 289 note 1} The well-known series of statues in the Vatican of Apollo Musagetes and the Muses, though rather feeble works of Imperial date, look as if they were partly copies of some much earlier pediment sculpture. They clearly were designed to range in graduated heights. Pausanias does not mention how these groups were distributed in the two pediments, but there can be little doubt that one referred to Apollo and his cult, while the other dealt with the worship of Dionysus.

^{page 289 note 2} The name (Paus. X. 6) was derived from Thyia, who became by Apollo the mother of Delphus (cf. Herod. VII. 178), and was the first to celebrate orgies in honour of Dionysos.

^{page 289 note 3} Mr. A. S. Murray suggests that the reliefs III. to V., battles of gods and giants, belonged, not to the metopes, but to an internal frieze; see Builder, Oct. 27, 1888.

^{page 290 note 1} It is common for die-engravers to represent the statue inside the cella as if it had been in the front part of the peristyle. In one case, that of the temple of Vesta in Rome, a statue is shown in front even though there was none in the building; see Middleton, , Ancient Rome, p. 183.Google Scholar Various other conventional licences are taken with buildings shown on coins.

^{page 290 note 2} One form of the story numbered seven sages; see Plut. De εἰ, 3.

^{page 291 note 1} Said by Pausanias (III. 12) to have been the first who made cast iron, and used iron for statues. He is also said to have been the maker of the celebrated emerald ring of King Polycrates (Herod. III. 41), and of the golden vine which overshadowed the couch of Darius, Himer. Ecl. XXXI. 8. It appears probable that there were two artists of this name; see Murray, , Greek Sculp. I. p. 77.Google Scholar

^{page 291 note 2} Fig. 13 below gives an example of such an inscribed columnar pedestal.

^{page 292 note 1} This would be τὸ μέγα θύρωμα mentioned in one of the inscriptions on the polygonal wall. M. Foucart takes this phrase to imply that there was a smaller side-door, but the door leading from the pro-naos into the cella, being for the use of the public, would naturally be larger than that into the private sanctuary, and thus the word μέγα would be used to distinguish the former.

^{page 292 note 2} Pausanias next mentions the hearth (ἑστία) at which Neoptolemus, the son of Achilles, was slain by the priest of Apollo, but this appears to have been in the sanctuary, as is mentioned below.

^{page 292 note 3} This also may have been in the adytum, as Pausanias says it was near the ἑστία.

^{page 292 note 4} Pausanias' description of the Temple is broken up into chapters 5, 16, and 19.

^{page 293 note 1} Another remarkable piece of iron-work is mentioned by Pansanias (X. 18) among the votive offerings in the temenos at Delphi. This was a group of Herakies killing the hydra made of iron and given by Tisagoras, an otherwise unknown sculptor, who also made and dedicated to Dionysos at Pergamus iron heads of a lion and boar.

^{page 293 note 2} As, for example, the celebrated inscription of the ‘res gestae’ of Augustus, which is cut on both the cella and pro-naos walls of the temple at Ancyra.

^{page 293 note 3} Called on some of his coins ‘Restitutor Achaiae,’ from his munificence to many Greek cities. A fine rev. on a 1st B. has Hadrian raising a kneeling female figure, who represents Greece treated in an allegorical way. The revival of the glories of Delphi extended to Pylaea, about a mile distant, the meeting-place of the Amphiktionic Council.

Plutarch remarks (Pyth. or. 29) that Pylaea at the time of his writing was more magnificent with its temples, public buildings, and fountains than it had ever been in the past thousand years. Remains there still exist of fine buildings of the second century A.D., among them drums of columns 6′ 3″ in diameter, which must have belonged to some important building.

The view from Pylaea, which is even finer and more commanding than that from Delphi, extends over the fertile plain from Amphissa to the harbour at Cirrha, as is described by Aeschines, , con. Ctes. 118–124.Google Scholar Herodes Atticus, the munificent benefactor of Athens, expended part of his immense wealth at Delphi, where he covered the stadium with Pentelic marble; Paus. X. 32.

^{page 294 note 1} In spite of the reproof administered by Apollo to Epimenides of Phaestus for denying that the Omphalos was the earth's centre (Plut. De def. or. I.); Varro (Lin. Lat. VII. 17) appears not only to ridicule that belief, but also asserts that the navel is not the centre of the human body. The passage is a very curious one: it was to me unintelligible, but Professor Jebb has kindly shown me how to translate it without any tampering with the received text: what Varro seems to say is this—”The umbilicus (ὀμφαλός) at Delphi is said to be so called from the human navel, because it is at the centre of the earth, as the navel is of our bodies. Both these assumptions are untrue. The Delphic ὀμφαλός is not at the centre of the earth, nor is the navel in the centre of the human body. …Further, if there be any such ‘centre’ of the earth,—that is a ‘navel,’ of rounded form, (at any rate) the central point at Delphi, and (ex hypothesi) of the earth, is not this (ὀμφαλός), but what in the temple at Delphi is called the χάσμα (the oracular cleft in the rock).” The objection as to the human navel is true if the measurement be taken straight upwards and downwards to the top of the head and the soles of the feet, but, as Vitruvius points out (III. i. 3), if a man's arms and legs be both widely extended, his fingers and toes will just reach the circumference of a circle of which the navel is the centre.

Leonardo da Vinci has illustrated this with a pen drawing in his MS. on the proportions of the human figure, now in the Ambrosian library at Milan: published by Dr. Richter, London, 1880.

Pausanias (II. 13) mentions another Omphalos at Phlius, which, strange to say, was supposed to mark the centre of the Peloponnese. The word ὀμφαλὸς was probably derived from ὀμφή, a voice, because the divine voice was heard there.

^{page 294 note 1} In a similar way the Kaaba at Mecca, now so much revered by all Moslem races, originally belonged to a much older and more primitive worship, which Mohammed was unable wholly to sweep away.

^{page 295 note 1} A very similar object also occurs among other, so-called Hittite, sculptures; see plate in Menant's article, Intailles de l' Asie Mineure, Revue Archéologique, ser. III. vol. vi.

^{page 295 note 2} In later times the legend was modified (in order to connect it with Apollo) by substituting swans or crows, birds sacred to him, for Zeus' eagles; see Plut. De def, or. I., and Strabo, IX. p 419.

^{page 295 note 3} The writer of the article on this relief calls the female figure Artemis, but it is clearly of the Nike type.

^{page 296 note 1} In form these eagles are very like the one shown on reverses of some fine didrachms of Agrigentum, with a crab on the obverse.

^{page 296 note 2} A bronze coin of Geta, struck at Megara, has rev. Apollo Citharoedus standing by the Omphalos, on which are two birds, possibly restorations of the original gold eagles; see Gardner, Num. Com. Paus. Pl. A, NO. IX.

^{page 297 note 1} This vase is also illustrated by Collignon, Rayet et, Hist. Céram. Grecque, p. 297Google Scholar, but in a very inaccurate way: the Omphalos is shown without any of its ornaments, and other details are omitted. Many of the illustrations in this pretty book are not wholly to be trusted for accuracy.

^{page 298 note 1} Sometimes this scene is localised by the tripod only, without the Omphalos, as in the fine marble relief in the Museum at Naples. Mus. Borbon. IV. Pl. 9.

^{page 298 note 2} Dr. Waldstein has pointed out that the statue which was at first thought to have stood on this copy of the Omphalos could not fit the traces of the feet; Jour. Hell. St. Vol. I. p. 180. There was in Athens a temple to the Pythian Apollo; Peisistratus decreed death to any one who defiled it, at a time when he was trying in vain to conciliate the Delphic oracle: Paus. I. 19.

^{page 299 note 1} Ἀμφικτίονєς from ἀμφὶ and κτίζω, meaning the same as πєρικτίονєς not from the mythical Amphictyon, whose name was probably invented to explain that of the Council; see Paus. X. viii., where both derivations are given. Thus ‘Amphiktionic’ would be the correct spelling.

^{page 300 note 1} Thus Sophocles (Oed. Tyr. 897–9) uses the word Omphalos as meaning Delphi.

^{page 301 note 1} See a paper by the present writer in Archaeologia, Vol. XLIX., p. 424 seq.

^{page 302 note 1} A late black-figure vase in the Museum at Naples has a very similar cone between two groups of combatants with a serpent on its side, and, on the top, a curious phallic-looking object; see Fig. 12.

^{page 302 note 2} The wild frenzy of the Pythian priestess seems more akin to the character of the maenad votaries of Dionysus than to the calm attendants of Apollo—the Muses.

^{page 302 note 3} See Boetticher, , Das Grab des Dionysos. Berlin, 1858Google Scholar; and Müller, , De tripode Delphico, 1820.Google Scholar

^{page 302 note 4} Cf. Plut. Quaes. Graec. 9.

^{page 302 note 5} For more information about the various festivals at Delphi see Bouché-Leclercq, , Hist. de la Divination dans l'Antiquité Vol. III. p. 1seq., Paris, 1880Google Scholar. This work contains much that is valuable about the Delphic and other oracles.

^{page 303 note 1} Plutarch (De єἰ, 2) mentions these facts about the altar as enigmas equally incomprehensible with the rule that forbade any woman to approach the oracle, and the fact of there being statues in the Temple of two Fates only.

^{page 303 note 2} The central hearth-stone in early Greek houses was called μєσόμφαλος ἑστία; see Aesch. Agam. 1023. The excavations at Tiryns supplied an example of this.

^{page 303 note 3} Plutarch (Aristid. 20) gives the story of Euchidas the Plataean, who ran in one day from Plataea to Delphi and back to fetch a pure flame from the Prytaneum fire to rekindle the altars of Plataea, which had been polluted by the Persians. After delivering the fire Euchidas dropped down and died. Cf. a very interesting article on the Prytaneum of the Greeks by Frazer, J. G., Jour. of Philology, Vol. XIV. p. 145seq.Google Scholar

^{page 304 note 1} Possibly till the time of Onomarchus some of the treasures given by Lydian kings may have remained in the sanctuary, but it is more probable that they were all moved thence to the special treasure-houses (Herod. I. 51) after the destruction of the fourth temple in 548 B.C.

^{page 304 note 2} Cicero, De divin. I., speaks of the oracle having lost its ancient divine afflatus; and the sceptical Lucretius (I., 738–9) treats it very contemptuously; cf. Juv. VI. 554. The story of the original discovery of the prophetic vapours by accidentally intoxicated goats and shepherds is given by Diodorus (XVI. 26) and Paus. X. 5; Plutarch derides the tale, De def. or., 42 and 46.

^{page 305 note 1} Especially on vases of the best red-figured period with paintings representing the advent of Apollo to Delphi, or the theft of the tripod by Heracles, Paus. X. 13. As a coin-type it was much used by cities, which, like Croton, had been colonised in obedience to the oracle.

Again the tripod appears to have been used to mark vases given as prizes at the Pythian games: e.g. a fine amphora of black-figure type, c. 500 B.C., in the British Museum (B. 248), has on one side a horse-race, and on the other two large Delphic tripods, one surmounted by two swans, the other by two crows, both birds sacred to Apollo.

^{page 305 note 2} In early times the tripod appears to have been used in various ways to discover the divine will, either by the shaking of pebbles in the bowl till one or more jumped out (Suidas, s.v. Πυθώ), or by the automatous sounding of the bronze λέβης, hence called αὐτοβόητος. Cf. Virgil (Aen. III. 90), who describes how the cortina at Delos sounded in answer to Aeneas' prayer. Another method by which the early deities of Delphi communicated with men was by dreams (Plut. De def. or. 50); this probably was the oldest method of all: cf. Herod. VIII. 134.

^{page 305 note 3} Possibly the leaves chewed by the Pythia may have had something to do with her frenzy.

^{page 306 note 1} Thus Herodotus, V. 90, records that on the expulsion of the Peisistratidae the collection of Delphic oracles was found in the temple on the Acropolis; probably the shrine of Athene Polias.

A similar collection existed at Argos (Eurip. fragm. 629, Nauck), and in most important Greek cities.

^{page 306 note 2} The five ὅσιοι who in Plutarch's time acted as priests of Apollo appear to have been a late institution. They are not mentioned in the existing inscriptions on the polygonal wall, which date later than the Macedonian period.

^{page 306 note 3} For information about the oracle see Hüllmann, , Würdigung des delphischen Orakels, 1837Google Scholar; Götte, , Das delphische Orakel, 1839Google Scholar; Curtius, , Anecdota Delphica, 1843Google Scholar; Mommsen, , Delphika, 1878Google Scholar; and Bouché-Leclercq, , Hist, de la Divination dans l' Antiquité, Vol. III. 1882.Google Scholar

^{page 306 note 4} On the rev. of a didrachm of Croton (c. 350 B.C.) Apollo is represented shooting his arrow at the Python through the legs of the tripod, which is decorated with elaborate hanging taeniae: Head, , Guide to B.M. coins, Pl. 25, NO. 19.Google Scholar

For further details see Müller, , De tripode Delphico, 1820Google Scholar; and Wieseler, , Ueber den delphischen Dreifuss, 1871Google Scholar, who gives more than 50 representations of tripods.

^{page 306 note 5} In the oldest of the marble-cut laws at Gortyna, dating from the 7th century B.C., fines for offences are reckoned in bronze τρίποδєς and λέβητєς see Halbherr, , Mus. Ital. di antich. class., Vol. for 1886Google Scholar. Professor Gardner tells me that these two words are names for coins, not actual tripods and bowls. Tripods were commonly given as prizes at games and musical contests. One of the votive offerings at Delphi, even in Pausanias' time, was the tripod won by Diomede at the funeral games of Patroclus.

^{page 307 note 1} In spite of the miraculous stories, invented by the Delphians and repeated by Herodotus and Pausanias, there is every reason to believe that both Mardonius and Brennus did succeed in spoiling the temple. The tale given by Pausanias (X. 19–23) about the repulse of the Gauls in 279 B.C. is simply a second version of the legend which Herodotus (VIII. 36–39) quotes as to the miraculous defeat of the army of Xerxes in 480 B.C.

The robberies by the Gauls are mentioned by Livy (XXXVIII. 48), by Cicero (Pro Font. 10), by Strabo (IV. i.), and even by Pausanias himself (X. 7).

^{page 307 note 2} Plutarch (De Pyth. or. 2 to 4) gives an interesting description of the fine sea-green patina on the bronze statues, produced by rubbing them with oil, ‘oleo et sole,’ as Pliny says. In earlier times the bronze statues seem to have been mostly gilt. Hence the story of Brennus pointing them out to his Gauls from the distance, and exciting their cupidity by saying that they were all gold. Bitumen was also used as a sort of lacquer for bronze: see Pliny, , H. N. XXXIV. 15.Google Scholar

^{page 308 note 1} The 10,000 talents, which the Phocian leaders were said to have taken from the Delphian shrines, is not at all an impossible amount considering the vast accumulation of votive treasures.

^{page 308 note 2} Thus we find the oracle consulted and offerings made to it by the Romans under Tarquin II. (Liv. I., 56); in the war with Veii (Liv. V. 15); in the second Punic war (Liv. XXII. 57, and XXIII. 11); by the Sardinians (Paus. X. 17); by the Etruscans of Caere (Herod. I. 167); and by the Carthaginians (Diod. XIX. 2).

^{page 308 note 3} Herodotus (I. 92) mentions a great gold shield given by Croesus, which was preserved in the temple of Athene Pronaia at Delphi. He also states that Croesus gave to the Milesian Apollo at Branchidae precious gifts equal in weight to those presented by him to the Pythian Apollo; and in the same chapter Herodotus mentions other costly offerings given by Croesus to the Ismenian Apollo at Thebes, to the Artemision at Ephesus, and to the oracle of Amphiaraus.

In later times some of these Lydian gifts at Delphi were inscribed with false statements, making them out to be offerings of Spartans and other Greeks (see Herod. I., 14 and 50 to 52), after they had been removed from the Temple to separate treasuries. Cf. Plutarch, Pyth. or. 12 to 14.

^{page 309 note 1} The gold and silver mines of Siphnos were overwhelmed by the sea through the wrath of Apollo at the fraud perpetrated by the owners of the mines, who after a time began to send a plated instead of a solid gold egg to Delphi; see Paus. X. 11.

^{page 309 note 2} The gold statue of Alexander, son of Amyntas of Macedon, mentioned by Herodotus VIII. 121, was probably an offering as a tithe of his gold mines.

^{page 309 note 3} The treasures of Delphi are described by Strabo IX. p. 421, and by Plutarch in his life of Sulla, where a silver bowl is mentioned, the gift of various kings, which was of such enormous size that it had to be broken up, being too large to carry away.

^{page 309 note 4} C. I. G. 1689, 1690, are two fragments of inscriptions giving a ‘terrier’ or list of real property owned by the temple.

^{page 309 note 5} Especially for unauthorized cultivation of the land owned by Apollo, and for exactions on pilgrims to his shrine—both frequent causes of dispute and even fierce wars.

Plutarch, in his life of Solon, relates that the Athenian Thesmothetae bound themselves by oath that each would give to Delphi a gold statue, equal in weight to himself, for every breach of Solon's laws. This, of course, was before Athens had begun to cultivate the worship of the rival Apollo in Delos. It was mainly by the help of Solon and the Athenians that the Delphians were able to take such signal vengeance on Cirrha (Krissa) for exactions on pilgrims who landed at the port from Italy and Sicily: Paus. X. 37.

The form of excommunication for ἀσέβєια, with which the non-payment of fines was punished, curiously resembles that used by the Mediaeval Church: ‘Let the city (people or person) be devoted to (the vengeance of) Apollo, Artemis, Leto, and Athene Pronaia: let their land produce no fruit, their wives bear monsters, their cattle be barren. Let them be defeated in war and in tribunals of justice; let them and theirs perish, and let their sacrifice be unacceptable to Apollo, Artemis, Leto, and Athene Pronaia.’ ‘Pronoia’ is the form used by Pausanias.

This form, used in the period posterior to the Macedonian supremacy, shows how the cult of the old Chthonian deities at Delphi had been superseded by that of the celestial deities, whose names alone are mentioned.

^{page 310 note 1} One reason for the complete destruction of the temple is that Delphi was used as a stronghold both by the Venetians and the Turks, who used the materials of the temple to build their forts. Hence the modern name of the village— Kastri.

^{page 310 note 2} This is the caementum marmoreum, the manufacture and use of which is very ably described by Vitruvius, VII. 6. Three coats were usually applied, the first made with coarsely crushed marble, the last with very fine marble dust, the second being of intermediate fineness. Lime was of course used with all three, and usually some sort of size or gluten was mixed with the water used to temper the mixture.

^{page 312 note 1} Shown to be an architrave block by the traces of the guttae on its upper edge.

^{page 312 note 2} The architrave blocks of the old Parthenon, destroyed by the Persians, which exist built into the Akropolis wall, also measure 13′ 3″ in length.

^{page 312 note 3} Dr. Dörpfeld has recently discovered the whole plan of the temple at Corinth, including the foundations of the inner rows of columns in the cella and opisthodomus: see Mittheil. Inst. Athen. for 1887, Part I.

^{page 313 note 1} Mém. sur les Ruines et l'Histoire de Delphes, Paris, 1865, p. 69.

^{page 314 note 1} This very beautiful sculpture of the Pheidian period is now in the Museum at Palermo. The three older temples are on the Acropolis of Selinus.

^{page 315 note 1} Some Doric capitals recently found on the Acropolis at Athens are, according to Mr. Penrose, older than the Persian invasion.

^{page 315 note 2} Fortunately the temple by the Ilissus was carefully illustrated by Stuart and Revett, not long before its destruction by the Turkish governor.

^{page 315 note 3} Thus at Aegina there is 5′ 4″ clear space on the fronts, and only 5′ 2″ on the flanks.

^{page 315 note 4} It may be noted that Vitruvius's remarks on (close) pycknostyle intercolumniation (III. 3) are not applicable to Greek Doric architecture, about which he is evidently wholly ignorant.

^{page 315 note 5} The Romans revived the use of monolithic shafts, especially in cases where granite or ornamental coloured marbles were used, as, e.g. in the Cipollino shafts of the temple of Diva Faustina and the granite columns of the Pantheon in Rome.

^{page 317 note 1} Even supposing that the temple was not finished till some years later, yet the details of the main order would naturally be among the first points settled by the designer; so we can hardly place their date later than this, even allowing several years for the construction of the extensive stylobate on which the temple stands.

^{page 317 note 2} A Doric capital found among the pre-historic remains of the Tirynthian Acropolis closely resembles the earliest Selinus type, which has a cavetto close under the echinus: see fig. 2, Jour. Hell. Stud., Vol. VII. p. 163.

^{page 317 note 3} The few drawings given in M. Foucart's otherwise valuable work on Delphi are too small and inaccurate to be of any use.

^{page 320 note 1} A wall with rectangular blocks alternating with polygonal masonry has recently been discovered on the Acropolis at Athens, near the foundations of the so-called calcotheke; but in this case the alternations occur in the same course.

^{page 320 note 2} Thus we find polygonal work in the cella wall of the smaller temple at Rhamnus, called that of Themis; and yet the details show that the building belongs to the 5th century B.C.

^{page 320 note 3} These two honours were peculiar to Delphi, the others were common to other oracular shrines: see Curtius, , Inscr. Delph., Nos. 41, 42, and 45.Google Scholar

^{page 322 note 1} See Foucart, , Ruines et l'Hist. de Delphes, p. 92, 1865Google Scholar. The lot-drawing from which this decree exempted the Naxians is mentioned by Aeschylus, , Eum. 32.Google Scholar Other instances of this privilege are mentioned by Plutarch, , Peric. 21Google Scholar, and Thucydides, I. 112, as being granted to Athens and Sparta, and inscribed on a bronze wolf.