² Note, however, the view of Smart, J.D., GRBS xviii (1977) 33–42Google Scholar that the whole of Th. ii 9 has been interpolated. See also Hornblower, S., A commentary on Thucydides i (Oxford 1991) 247–8.Google Scholar

³ See the register in Meritt, B.D., Wade-Gery, H.T. & McGregor, M.F., The Athenian tribute lists (Harvard & Princeton 1939–1951)Google Scholar (henceforth referred to as ATL) i 215–441 for details of who paid and when, though this should be read in conjunction with the inscriptions as published in IG i³.

⁴ Aulai (IG i³ 282.iv.36; 290.i.3); Halikarnassos (282.iv.15); Iasos (283.iii.26; 284.4; 285.i.91; 289.i.35; 290.i.12); Kalynda (281.i.10; 290.i.19); Karbasyanda (281.i.29; 282.iv.39; 285.ii.-13–14); Kaunos (285.ii.11); Kedreiai (281.i. 18; 283.iii.7; 290.i.20); Keramos (290.i.25); Krya (282.iv.33; 283.ii.28); Myndos (281.i.47–note Bradeen, D.W. & McGregor, M.F., Studies in fifth century Attic epigraphy, U. Cinn. Class. Stud, iv [1973] 15Google Scholar; 282.iv.37; 283.ii.32; 284.21; 285.i.92–3); Pasanda (281.i.28; 285.ii.12); Syangela (281.iv.48–9; 284.7–8); Termera (290.i.22). The argument about the precise dating of the war time tribute lists (for which see references in IG i³ p. 277) does not significantly effect the argument here.

⁵ Thucydides' listing of the allies by districts: Wiedemann, T., Thucydides I-II 65 (Bristol 1985) 65Google Scholar; Rusten, J.S. (ed.), Thucydides: The Peloponnesian War II (Cambridge 1989) 108Google Scholar; Hornblower (n. 2) 248; extent of the Karian district: ATL i 496.

⁶ The identification of Φοινίκη as a site on the Lykian coast rather than as ‘Phoenicia’ is convincingly argued in two independent articles by Dickinson, A.W., CQ n.s. xxix (1979) 213–14CrossRefGoogle Scholar and Buschmann, K., EA xii (1988) 1–4Google Scholar; see now Hornblower (n. 2) 355–6.

⁷ Dickinson (n. 6) 213–14.

⁸ Vita Nicolai Sionitae 37.5 describes Phoinix (Finike) as the port of Myra, almost certainly a mistake for Limyra.

⁹ On Perikles see now Borchhardt, J., IstMitt xl (1990) 109–10.Google Scholar

¹⁰ For smaller Karian κοινά, see Fraser, P.M. & Bean, G.E., The Rhodian Peraea and islands (Oxford 1954) 50Google Scholar; Hornblower, S., Mausolus (Oxford 1982) 53–5.Google Scholar There was a Karian League (Hornblower [n. 10] 55–62), but this seems to have been largely religious in nature and not to have played any major role in the relations of Athens with individual Karian cities.

¹¹ It has been suggested to me that the political implication of συν[τελ] is not wholly secure; it could mean strictly ‘paying together’ (cf. Bryce, T.R., The Lycians i [Copenhagen 1986] 105).Google Scholar If such a joint payment was an Athenian-promoted measure, this begs the question of why similar groupings are not found in Karia; if it was Lykian-promoted, then it must surely imply some form of localized political structure. For the evidence for Lykian unity, see Keen (n. I), esp. 29–30.

¹² Though so translated by Smith, C.F. (ed.), Thucydides i (Harvard 1951) 385Google Scholar; Marchant, E. (ed.), Thucydides: Book II ³ (Bristol 1984) 214Google Scholar; cf. also Buschmann (n. 6) 1 n. 3. Rhodes, P.J. (ed.), Thucydides: History II (Warminster 1988) 249Google Scholar, points out that the same language is used at Th. iii 19 and iv 50.1, where, he suggests (following Meiggs, R., The Athenian empire [corrected ed., Oxford 1975] 254)Google Scholar, it is probably special imposts that are being collected; this is rejected by Hornblower (n. 2) 355. Lewis, D.M., ‘Sources, chronology, method’, CAH ² v (Cambridge 1992) 5Google Scholar, suggests that the despatch of ὰργυρολ–όγοι νῆες might be annual occurrences that Thucydides mentions only when an important event occurs in connection with them.

¹³ ATL i 334.

¹⁴ Kagan, D., The Archidamian War (Ithaca 1974) 97.Google Scholar

¹⁵ Meiggs, R. & Lewis, D.M., Greek historical inscriptions ² (Oxford 1988) 217.Google Scholar According to Th. ii 13.3, reserves in 431 stood at six thousand talents; see now Lewis, D.M., ‘The Archidamian War’, CAH ² v (Cambridge 1992) 385.Google Scholar

¹⁶ Buschmann (n. 6) 6; Pritchett, W.K., The Greek state at war v (Berkeley 1991) 328–9Google Scholar also assumes that the vessels had come from the Peloponnese.

¹⁷ Ormerod, H.A., Piracy in the ancient world (Liverpool 1928) 111Google Scholar; see now Hornblower (n. 2) 355.

¹⁸ Dickinson (n. 6) 214; Buschmann (n. 6) 6. Lykia was known in antiquity for its cedar (Thphr. HP iii 12.4; Plin. Nat. xii 61; xiii 11; xvi 59), cypress (Thphr. HP iv 5.2) and plane (Plin. Nat. xii 5); see Meiggs, R., Trees and timber in the ancient Mediterranean world (Oxford 1982) 46.Google Scholar

¹⁹ See Pritchett (n. 16) 465–72 for the importance of grain in Athenian strategic thinking. Hornblower, S., The Greek world 479–323 BC ² (London 1990) 40–1Google Scholar, argues for interest in Egyptian corn being behind the Athenian expedition there in the 450s. Garnsey, P., Famine and food supply in the Graeco-Roman world (Cambridge 1988) 124CrossRefGoogle Scholar, acknowledges the role of the grain route in Periklean strategy.

²⁰ Further on this point see Gomme, A.W., Essays in Greek history and literature (Oxford 1937) 190–203Google Scholar; Jordan, B., The Athenian navy in the Classical period, U. Cal. Pubs. in Classics xiii (1975) 106–11Google Scholar, however, argues that Gomme oversimplifies the matter of supply. See also Morrison, J.S. & Coates, J.F., The Athenian trireme (Cambridge 1986) 94–106Google Scholar; and with special reference to Lykia, Keen, A.G., ‘Gateway from the Aegean to the Mediterranean’, Borchhardt, J. & Dobesch, G. (eds.), Akten des II. Internationalen Lykien-Symposions i (Vienna 1993) 71–7.Google Scholar

²¹ Andrewes in Gomme, A.W., Historical commentary on Thucydides (Oxford 1945–1981) v 88Google Scholar suggests that Thucydides is simply defining the limits of Charminos' patrol area, but it seems much more likely that Charminos had picked out the routes by which the Spartan fleet would have to leave Kaunos and covered each with a small squadron.

²² See Keen (n. 20) 76 & n. 46.

²³ For the plight of small states when faced with military forces from the major Greek powers in their territories, see Westlake, H.D., Studies in Thucydides and Greek history (Bristol 1989) 113–44.Google Scholar

²⁴ The suggestion of Thompson, W.E., Hesperia xxvi (1967) 105–6CrossRefGoogle Scholar, that the Melesandros of Thucydides is a different individual from the Milasãñtra of TAM i 44.a.45 is doubtful. A good modern treatment of the Pillar as a whole is lacking, but see Keen (n. 1) 166–74 for some of the historical issues relating to this passage.

²⁵ This is not the place to go into the debate on the Peace of Kallias, for recent work on which see Meister, K., Die Ungeschichtlichkeit des Kalliasfriedens (Stuttgart 1982)Google Scholar, with a bibliography of previous treatments at 124–30; Badian, E., JHS cvii (1987) 1–39CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Powell, A., Athens and Sparta (London 1988) 49–54CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and refs. Badian argues convincingly that the Peace was authentic, first concluded in the 460s and renewed in 449 after the failure of Athens' attacks upon Cyprus and Egypt. I have not seen Stylianou, P.N., Μελέται καί υπομνήματα ii (1989) 339–71.Google Scholar

²⁶ Rightly drawn attention to by Buschmann (n. 6) 6 n. 30.

²⁷ Cf. D. xxxv 1–2 for a Phaseliot accused of piracy.

²⁸ Kirchner, J., Prosopographia Attica ² (Berlin 1956)Google Scholar no. 9417; Kagan (n. 14) 126; Hornblower (n. 2) 404. According to one tradition, he lived with Perikles' mistress Aspasia after the latter's death (Kallias F 21 K-A; Σ PI. Mx. 235b; Harp. s.v. ‘Ἀσπασία’; cf. Davies, J.K., Athenian propertied families [Oxford 1971] 458).Google Scholar

²⁹ ATL i 515; these tributaries are known from IG i³ 71.i. 133; 259.iii.29; 261.iv.5; 267.V.19.

³⁰ Probably the hill of Yürüklü, north-east of the modern town of Söke; Robert, L., Anatolia iv (1959) 19–22Google Scholar; Homblower (n. 2) 404–5.

³¹ Meiggs (n. 12) 436–7 supports this date; Wells, J., Studies in Herodotus (Oxford 1923) 104Google Scholar and Hornblower (n. 10) 28 n. 176 are in favour of c. 440/39, which is perhaps slightly more plausible.

³² Meiggs (n. 12) 331; the belief that 428 was an assessment year, however, depends on the assumption that Thucydides only mentioned tribute-collecting ships in assessment years (Meritt, B.D., Athenian financial documents [Ann Arbor 1932] 19–20)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, on which see now Lewis (n. 12) 5.

³³ This seems to be the implication behind the discussion in ATL i 484 on the tribute assessment of Idrias; see also Eberhardt, W., Historia viii (1959) 291–9.Google Scholar It is not the intention of this paper to argue against the view that individual states were included in the assessment on the basis of any state that had ever paid being listed, once the decision to extend the tribute catchment area had been taken. This seems not unlikely, particularly as the Lykian states listed seem to reflect the political realities of two decades previously (Keen [n. 1] 147).

³⁴ Prof. Sommerstein has brought to my attention the passage in Ar. Eq. 173–4, where the eastern limit of Athenian ambition is said to be Karia.

³⁵ Whilst it might be conceivable that Thucydides had passed over such operations (cf. Andrewes, A., Historia x [1961] 1–14)Google Scholar, it is best not to posit any event totally unsupported by ancient evidence.

³⁶ The attempt to link support for Amorges with the presence of an Athenian general at Ephesos in 414 (IG i³ 370.79, as restored by Meritt, B.D., Hesperia v [1936] 382)Google Scholar, argued by Wade-Gery, H.T. in Athenian studies, HSPh suppl. i (1940) 144–5Google Scholar (see now Hornblower [n. 19] 139) is rightly rejected by Westlake (n. 23) 105–6 & Kagan, D., The fall of the Athenian empire (Ithaca 1987) 30.Google Scholar

³⁷ For Athenian rashness see e.g. Busolt, G., Griechische Geschichte iii.2 (Gotha 1901) 1417Google Scholar; Wade-Gery (n. 36) 145. For Andokides' distortion see Westlake (n. 23) 107–8; Kagan (n. 36) 31.

³⁸ Wade-Gery (n. 36) 144, rejected by Andrewes (n. 35) 4 & n. 10; Westlake (n. 23) 105.

³⁹ Hornblower (n. 19) 139.

⁴⁰ Burn, A.R., The Cambridge History of Iran iii (Cambridge 1985) 343Google Scholar, suggests that Tissaphernes may have bribed the Athenian polis at the same time.

⁴¹ Westlake (n. 23) 105; Cook, J.M., The Persian Empire (London 1983) 130.Google Scholar

⁴² Andrews (n. 35) 5 n. 11; questioned by Lewis, D.M., Sparta and Persia (Leiden 1977) 80 n. 198.Google Scholar

⁴³ Lewis (n. 42) 86; Westlake (n. 23) 105.

⁴⁴ The importance of the area for the traffic of merchantmen is emphasized by Childs, W.A.P., AS xxxi (1981) 67Google Scholar; see also Hermipp. fr. 63.12–13, 22–3. For Spartan interest in Lykia, note the apperance of the name Lysandros on fourth-century inscriptions (TAM i 90.3; 103.2; 104.a.2–3), possibly all referring to the same man; see Bryce (n.11) 162–3.

⁴⁵ The involvement of a land assault can perhaps be deduced from TAM i 44.a.52–5, where Iasos and Amorges are mentioned.

⁴⁶ Westlake (n. 23) 162 suggests he was engaged on diplomatic activity.

⁴⁷ See Westlake (n. 23) 126–7.