¹ GGA clxxxviii (1926) 124 f., cf. also id. Hellas-Jahrbuch (1929) 111: ‘die soziale Revolution vierundzwanzig Stunden jenseit der Häfen Italiens … hat die römische Regierung aufgerüttelt, sie hat das rote Korinth zerstört’.

² Rome et la Grèce de 200 à 146 avant Jésus-Christ 622 n. 2.

³ Polybe ou la Grèce conquise (1858) 202 (in Questions historiques).

⁴ Klassenkampf, Sozialismus und organischer Staat im alten Griechenland 40.

⁵ Geschichte der sozialen Frage und des Sozialismus in der antiken Welt i 403.

⁶ CAH viii 303.

⁷ SEHHW 739; cf. also Cary, , A History of the Greek World 204 f.Google Scholar

⁸ Niese, , Geschichte der griechischen und makedonischen Staaten iii 337 ff.Google Scholar; Mommsen, , RG ii ⁷ 43 ff.Google Scholar; Sanctis, De, Storia dei Romani iv 3, 127 ff.Google Scholar; Tarn, , Hellenistic Civilisation ² 34 f.Google Scholar; Niccolini, , La Confederazione Achea 189 ff.Google Scholar (for a recent treatment of the political aspects of the war, see Briscoe, , Past and Present xxxvi [1967] 16 ff.).Google Scholar

⁹ Opp. citt. in the preceding note. The main sources are: Plb. xxxviii 9–18, cf. xxxix 1–6; iii 32, 2–3; Liv. Epit. 1, li, li (P. Oxy.), lii; Paus, vii 14–16, cf. vii 11–13, ii 1.2, 2.2; Diod. xxxii 26. 3–5; Dio Cass. fr. 72; Just. xxxiv 1–2, 2.6; Oros. v 3; Zon. ix 31; Str. viii 6.23; Flor. 1.32; Aur. Viet. Vir. Ill. lx; Cic. de leg. agr. i 5, de off. i 35, iii 46; de imp. Gn. Pomp. 11; Tac. Ann. iv 43; IG iv 757, 894, cf. Syll. ³ 683, 684.

¹⁰ Παραγγέλλω is in Polybios, almost uniformly, ‘to order’, ‘to command’ and παραγγελία, παράγγελμα is ‘order’, ‘command’, ‘ruling’, cf. e.g. i 25.1, 27.8, 34.1; vi 27.1; x 42.3, 49–2. The decision about debtmeasures may well have been reached in the meeting at Aigion referred to in xxxviii 10.4 ff. This was probably an Assembly, though the possibility that it was a meeting of the ἀρχαί of the League is not to be excluded, cf. Aymard, , Assemblées 126 with n. 3.Google Scholar At any rate, the ruling had, I suggest, the authority of the League behind it. The language of the passage under discussion gives a strong impression that it is based on documentary evidence.

¹¹ The Greek state was not directly concerned with execution of private debts (see below, on clause ii), but it was concerned with execution of monies owed to the state. The execution was either ἐκ δίκης or καθάπερ ἐκ δίκηζ as the case may be; cf. Lipsius, , Att. Recht 688 f.Google Scholar; πράττειν stands here for πρᾶξι,ς, on which see e.g. op. cit. 689, 712, 936.

¹² See Bonner-Smith, , Administr. of Justice 275 ff.Google Scholar; Busolt-Swoboda, , Griech. Staatsk. i 555 f.Google Scholar

¹³ See Jones, , Law and Legal Theory 171 ff.Google Scholar; Lipsius, op. cit. 179 ff., 730; Ziebarth, PW, s.v. ἔρανος. In our text ἔρανος appears in the well attested sense of ‘eranos-loan’, or an instalment of such a loan; means here ‘the instalments are to be held over', ‘payments of eranos-loans are to be deferred’ (cf. Schweighauser, Lex. Polyb. s.v.; Mauresberger, Polybios-Lexikon s.v.). See for such sense of ἐπίμονος, Plb. vi 15.6, cf. also Plb. vi 43; Hermes xvii (1882) 5 (an inscription from Delos); [Plat.] Ax. 372a; Philo i 179.31; Athen. xv 670d. These measures for dealing with the question of debts have not been adequately explained, and especially the reference to ἔρανος was a stumbling-block. Niese, op. cit. 345 with n. 1 has ‘den Ärmeren daurende Unterstüzungen zu zahlen’; on Mommsen's interpretation, RG ii⁷ 45 ‘alle Klubs permanent sein … sollten'; De Sanctis, op. cit. 143 with n. 156, though not completely wrong, has a partial and inexact explanation. (A recent treatment of eranos-loans is to be found in Vondeling, J., Eranos [Amsterdam 1967]Google Scholar; on our text, pp. 50–51.) It has been recently suggested by Asheri, , Doron (1967) 85 Google Scholar [in Hebrew] that the payment of eranos instalments was to continue and that <δ'> differentiates between suspended and non-suspended payment. However, the <δ'> if we accept the reading, could very well differentiate, say, between execution (clauses i and ii) and payment (clause iii). Moreover, the proviso ‘until the war was decided’ surely obviates Asheri's interpretation. (Cf. also Feyel, , REG lvi [1943] 235 ff.CrossRefGoogle Scholar)

¹⁴ To be sure, Diod. xxxii 26.3–4 does speak of but the passage is nothing but a rhetorical travesty of the evidence supplied by Polybios. Since Diodoros and Polybios are evidently speaking of the same thing, the Diodoros passage is to be dismissed altogether. With it, Kahrstedt's statement ‘alle privatrechtlichen Obligationen wurden abgeschaft’ (Hellas-Jahrb. loc. cit.) goes overboard.

¹⁵ There was no war with Rome yet, though after the mission of Orestes it must have been regarded by the Achaian leaders as inevitable. But that does not necessarily mean that the Achaian leaders were giving themselves away. The war with Sparta could be a convenient cover. (See Plb. xxxviii 13.6; cf. 15.6.)

¹⁶ De Sanctis may well be right in saying: ‘E come in previsione della guerra i creditori se affretavano a riscuotere i loro crediti, fece che si accordasse ai debitori una moratoria fino alla soluzione del conflitto imminente', op. cit. 143. Thus, the purpose of the measures could have been not only incentive, but also, as De Sanctis has it, preventive.

¹⁷ On which see below, p. 86.

¹⁸ On the anti-Roman stand of the lower classes in Greece see Fuks, , La Parola del Passato cxi (1966) 444 f.Google Scholar; also below, p. 84f.

¹⁹ That the slaves were actually manumitted transpires from Plb. xxxviii 15.10 and that liberated slaves took part in the decisive battle at the Isthmos from Paus, vii 16.8. Pausanias refers in a vague way to the freeing of slaves in vii 15.7.

²⁰ οἰκογενεῖς (=vernae) are a well-attested class; παρατρόφοι is a ἅπ. λέγ. but the meaning is clear, παρατρέφω being ‘feed beside (or with) one’, ‘bring up with’, i.e. one's children, cf. e.g. Posid. 36J; Harpocr. s.v. μόθων; Men. fr. 866; see ako σύντροφος. Cf. Westermann, , CP xi (1945) 4.Google Scholar

²¹ I fail to understand why the number of twelve thousand is to be regarded as excessively large, as it is to Westermann, , Slave Systems 33 Google Scholar with n. 53, or why he posits 3,500 as the correct number; see Beloch, , Bevölk. 157 f.Google Scholar, cf. also De Sanctis, op. cit. 154.

²² Pace Colin, op. cit. 662 n. 2 and Kahrstedt, , Hellas-Jahrb. 111 Google Scholar to whom this is a leaf taken straight from the book of the Social Revolution.

²³ Plb. xxxviii 15.9–10.

²⁴ xxxviii 15.6 to be taken with 8–9 and 11.

²⁵ IG iv 757.

²⁶ In para. 8–11, painting a lurid picture of the situation in the Achaian cities, Polybios refers again to the financial steps taken by the League (para. 11); see on it below p. 84.

²⁷ In Polybios, the strategos Diaios is made to be personally responsible for the measures. But it transpires from the Troizen, inscription, IG iv 757 Google Scholar, that there was a resolution of the League's authorities, cf. below p. 83.

²⁸ See, e.g., i 67.1, 72.6; iii 100.3.

²⁹ See, e.g., Michel, , Recueil 473.10 Google Scholar; Syll. ³ 577.11.

³⁰ The supposition of Mylonas, , BCH x (1886) 136 ff., 355 fr.CrossRefGoogle Scholar, followed by Baunack, , Studien auf d. Gebiete d. griech. Sprache i 163 ff.Google Scholar, that it refers to the situation in 225 B.C., when Kleomenes was about to attack Troizen, had been effectively disposed of by Fraenkel in IG iv. The date 146 B.C. had been established by him and is generally accepted. (Recent edition of the inscription, with up-to-date bibliography, in Maier, F. G. Griech. Maurenbauinschriften [Heidelberg 1959] no. 32)Google Scholar

³¹ l.14, Cf. ll.32–33.

³² throughout the inscription.

³³ Fraenkel's ‘drecreta (collegiorum) de omnibus suis profundendis pro patria servanda et munienda’ would seem to sum it up neatly.

³⁴ See, e.g., Plb. v 91.4, 94.9; iv 60.4, 9; cf. xxiv 2.3; Syll. ³ 531.33–4. Cf. Aymard, Assemblées 166.

³⁵ Εἰσφέρειν τοὺς εὐπόρους in the passage under discussion does not show that we have here an action taken against the rich, but that the people without property and the people with property too small to be regarded as taxable, were exempted from the property-tax, as they were in Athens. That women too were to pay should not surprise at all; in Athens the eisphora was paid not only by women property-owners, but also out of the property of orphans. Not least important is xxxviii 15.11, which has been often badly mistranslated; αὑτῶν προαίρεσις is here ‘self-assessment'. In Athens the worth of the property was self-assessed for the eisphora, though checked by the epigrapheis. What transpires from the passage is, I suggest, that people were forced to pay contrary to their self-assessment, viz., contrary to what they professed to have. Again, the pointer is to tax, not to confiscations or expropriations.

³⁶ xxxviii 15.11.

³⁷ Kahrstedt, the most extreme exponent of the view that the monies needed were raised by ruthless confiscations and expropriations, speaks of ‘Ausrottung der Bourgeoisie’ (Hellas-Jahrb. 111; GGA 121 f.). That is going even beyond the false impression Polybios tried to give. The only scholar who got the right feel of the situation was De Sanctis, op. cit. 154: ‘la popolazione andò di per sé incontro ai desiderî del governo’ etc.

³⁸ xxxviii 10.8.

³⁹ xxxii 26.3–5.

⁴⁰ xxxviii 12.5.

⁴¹ loc. cit. For the date see Aymard, , Assemblées 121 Google Scholar with n. 1. Aymard, op. cit. 120 ff. argues, against Beloch, , GG iv 2, 234 Google Scholar, that the assembly was a synodos, not a synkletos; the latter possibility is, however, certainly not to be excluded. Larsen, , Repr. Govern. 187 f.Google Scholar argues that it was ‘a synodos and a synkhtos combined'. (For some remarks on the proceedings see also Pédech, , La méthode historique de Polybe 293, 295Google Scholar; ako Welwei, , Historia xv [1966] 298.Google Scholar)

⁴² They would be members of delegations from the cities, if the assembly described was a synodos, or men freely coming to Corinth, if it was a synkletos. Had there been any suspicion of slave-workers in ergasleria having slipped into the Assembly, say, from Corinth itself, Polybios would surely have pounced on it.

⁴³ Polyain. Strat. vi 7.2, cf. Fuks, , Parol. del Pass. cxi (1966) 443 f.Google Scholar The in Diod. xxxi 25.1 are ‘operarli ac reliqua forensis turba’ (edition Firmin-Didot).

⁴⁴ Cf. Fuks, , CQ xviii (1968) 214 with n. 6.Google Scholar

⁴⁵ Similarly, the lower classes in the Syracusan Assembly, which passed ‘Redistribution of Land’ in 356 B.C., are styled since the naval crowd was the most prominent; cf. Fuks, ibid.

⁴⁶ On the debtors see above, on xxxviii 11.10–11, especially on the ῥᾳστώνη given them by the debt moratorium. For the lower classes of Corinth, see Lenschau, PW, s.v. Korinthos 1033.

⁴⁷ See Parol. del Pass. cxi (1966) 444 ff.

⁴⁸ See above p. 81.

⁴⁹ xxxviii 12.5.

⁵⁰ Polybios in a nearly parallel context, when characterising the anti-Roman party, says of them xxxviii 10.7; for κορυζάω see Plat. R. 343a; Luc. D. Mort. 20.4; Hesych, s.v. κορυζάω. For νοσεῑν in a political sense cf. e.g., Soph. Ant. 1015; Eur. Hel. 581; Dem. ii 14; Hdt. v 28.

⁵¹ xxxviii 3.12; see also, below p. 86.

⁵² See below p. 88f.

⁵³ The predominance of the well-to-do in the Achaian League is well put by Fritz, von, The Theory of the Mixed Constitution 5 ff.Google Scholar

⁵⁴ Paus. vii 16.9; cf. Accame, , Il dominio Romano 9 f., 33 ff.Google Scholar; Larsen, , Economic Survey iv 306 ff.Google Scholar; Münzer, PW s.v. Mummius, Nachträge 1199 ff.; Busolt-Swoboda, , Staatsk. 1547 f.Google Scholar with notes. Cf. abo Passerini, , Athenaeum xi (1933) 330.Google Scholar

⁵⁵ Syll. ³ 684.19 ff.

⁵⁶ Such as the revolutionary rule of Nabis, the revolution in Argos in 197–5 B.C., the social conflict and anti-Roman movement and Antiochos III, the social conflict and anti-Roman movement and Perseus, social troubles in Aitolia in 174–3 B.C.; social troubles in Thessaly in 174–3 B.C., social troubles in Perrhaebia in 173 B.C., social struggle in Macedonia in 168/7–143/2 B.C. (including the revolts of Andriskos and of Pseudo-Philip); full reference will be supplied in my book A History of the Social Conflict in late Classical and Hellenistic Greece, now in preparation.

⁵⁷ xxxviii 18.8, 10.12–13, 16.11, 18.11–12.

⁵⁸ xxxviii 18.8–12.

⁵⁹ xxxviii 10.8, 10.7, 10.12, also xxxviii 3, 9.4, 10.5–7, 11.1, 11.7–11, 13.8, 16.7, 17–9–10; iii 5.6. Polybios is most successful with the most recent writer on the subject, Lehmann, , Unt. z. hist. Glaubwürdigkeit d. Polybios (1967) 322 ffGoogle Scholar; Lehmann's account is on this point an offence to good sense.

⁶⁰ For context see above p. 78f; Paus. vii 14, cf. Dio fr. 72; Liv. Epit. li; Just. xxxiv 1–2; Eutr. iv 14; Flor. i 32; Zon. ix 31. Polybios xxxviii 9.5–8 tries to explain it away by saying that the mild line adopted by the embassy of Sextus (above p. 79) shows ‘that they did not wish to dissolve the League but to alarm the Achaians and to deter them from acting in a presumptuous and hostile manner … they thought fit to alarm the Achaians and curb their undue arro gance, but by no means wished to go to war with them …’. However, the embassy of Sextus was, certainly, as firm about the freedom of constituent members to leave the Achaian League as was that of Orestes. Rome would, possibly, prefer breaking up the League without war, but that does not mean that the war was not her doing. The Roman feeling of guilt is to be seen in Cic. de imp. Gn. Pomp. 11; de off. iii 46; see ako Niese iii 345; Hill, , The Roman Middle Class 99 sq.Google Scholar

⁶¹ See above pp. 84–6.

⁶² ὀλίγοις δέ τισι κ.τ.λ., xxxviii 12.6, cf. 12.7 and 13.1–3.

⁶³ Ibid. 3–5 and 7.

⁶⁴ op. cit. 144.

⁶⁵ xxxviii 17–18.

⁶⁶ De Sanctis (op. cit. 153) is, I think, again eminently right in saying ‘la prova [i.e. of the almost general support for the policies of the leaders] sta nella misura limitatissima delle repressioni cui il partito nazionale ebbe a ricorrere per assicurarsi dal tradimento’ (cf. ‘Polibio, pur cosi avverso a Dieo, non sa cittare che la uccisione di Sosicrate e quello del corinzio Fileno coi figli’, n. 179). With regard to the national party's alleged ruthlessness, the main accusation by Polybios is of what they would have done to their opponents had the war been longer (xxxviii 18.10–12), not of what they actually did. Mommsen's ‘Militärdiktatur’, as well as the lurid pictures drawn by Kahrstedt and Pöhlmann are wholly wrong. Niese, op. cit. 348 f., is here refreshingly sober.

⁶⁷ xxxviii 16.1–2.

⁶⁸ xxxviii 18.7.

⁶⁹ See also xxxviii 15.11, above p. 84, on the acts of voluntary sacrifice by women, not of the lower classes, for the national defence fund.

⁷⁰ Paus, vii 14. 1: cf. Just. xxxiv 1.6. ( Larsen, , Repr. Govern. 185 ff.Google Scholar takes the men, following Niccolini, , La Confederazione Achea 191 n. 1Google Scholar, to be the damiurgoi of the League; this seems to be rather doubtful; see also Busolt-Swoboda, , Staatsk. 1546.Google Scholar)

⁷¹ Paus. vii 14.2.

⁷² Paus. vii 14.2 ff.; see above p. 78f; cf. Liv. Epit. li, lii, Dio fr. 72.

⁷³ Above, p. 83f.

⁷⁴ It may be worth noting that Baunack, , Stud. auf d. Gebiete d. griech. u. arisch. Sprachen 163 Google Scholar, though not interested in questions discussed here, and historically misplacing the inscription (see note 30), comments: ‘gross ist die patriotische Opfernwilligkeit ganzer Körperschaften’; cf. also Tarn, , Hell. Civ. ² 35 Google Scholar: ‘at Troezen, and doubtless elsewhere, the members put all their property at the city's disposal … feeling ran like a torrent'.

⁷⁵ op. cit. 35. However, only 52 in the list are Epidaurian citizens, the rest are Ἀχαιοὶ καὶ σύνοικοι. The overall number of Achaian casualties in the war might have been as high as twenty thousand, cf. Larsen, . Economic Survey iv 305.Google Scholar

⁷⁶ Tarn, ibid.